This article is about the association of former Soviet republics. For the association of primarily former British Empire territories, seeCommonwealth of Nations.
TheCommonwealth of Independent States (CIS)[a] is aregional intergovernmental organisation inEurasia. It was formed following thedissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.[4] It covers an area of 20,368,759 km2 (7,864,422 sq mi) and has an estimated population of 246,200,194. The CIS encourages cooperation in economic, political, and military affairs and has certain powers related to the coordination of trade, finance, lawmaking, and security, including the prevention of cross-border crime.
The Agreement on the Creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States, dated 8 December 1991. The information from the depository of the international agreement is published on the Unified Register of Legal Acts and Other Documents of the Commonwealth of Independent States (under the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States) as of 2024.[10]The Protocol to the Agreement on the Creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States, dated 21 December 1991. The information from the depository of the international agreement is published on the Unified Register of Legal Acts and Other Documents of the Commonwealth of Independent States (under the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States) as of 2024.[11]
Following the events of thefailed 1991 coup, many republics of the USSR declared their independence, fearing another coup. A week after theUkrainian independence referendum was held, which kept the chances of the Soviet Union staying together low, the Commonwealth of Independent States was founded in its place on 8 December 1991 by theByelorussian SSR, theRussian SFSR, and theUkrainian SSR, when the leaders of the three republics met at theBelovezhskaya Pushcha Natural Reserve,[12] about 50 km (31 mi) north ofBrest in Belarus, and signed the "Agreement Establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States", known as theBelovezha Accords.[b]
The CIS announced that the new organisation would be open to all republics of the former Soviet Union and to other nations sharing the same goals. The CIS charter stated that all the members were sovereign and independent nations and thereby effectively abolished the Soviet Union. On 21 December 1991, the leaders of eight additional former Soviet Republics (Armenia,Azerbaijan,Kazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan,Moldova,Turkmenistan,Tajikistan, andUzbekistan) signed theAlma-Ata Protocol which can either be interpreted as expanding the CIS to these states or the proper foundation or foundation date of the CIS,[13] thus bringing the number of participating countries to 11.[14]Georgia joined two years later, in December 1993.[15] At this point, 12 of the 15 former Soviet Republics participated in the CIS, the three non-participants being theBaltic states. The CIS and the Soviet Union also legally co-existed briefly with each other until 26 December 1991, when theSoviet of the Republics formally dissolved the Soviet Union. This was followed by Ivan Korotchenya becoming Executive Secretary of the CIS on the same day.[16]
After the end of the dissolution process of the Soviet Union, Russia and the Central Asian republics were weakened economically and faced declines inGDP.Post-Soviet states underwent economic reforms andprivatisation.[journal 1][17] The process of Eurasian integration began immediately after the breakup of the Soviet Union to salvage economic ties with post-Soviet republics.[journal 2]
On 22 January 1993, the Charter (Statutes) of the CIS was signed, setting up the different institutions of the CIS, their functions, and the rules and statutes of the CIS. The Charter also defined that all countries that have ratified the Agreement on the Establishment of the CIS and its relevant (Alma-Ata) Protocol would be considered to be founding states of the CIS, with only those countries ratifying the Charter being considered to be member states of the CIS (art. 7). Other states can participate as associate members or observers if accepted as such by a decision of the Council of Heads of State to the CIS (art. 8).
All the founding states, apart from Ukraine and Turkmenistan, ratified theCharter of the CIS and became member states of it. Nevertheless, Ukraine and Turkmenistan kept participating in the CIS, without being member states of it. Turkmenistan became an associate member of the CIS in August 2005. Georgia left the CIS altogether in 2009 and Ukraine stopped participating in 2018.
TheInterparliamentary Assembly was established on 27 March 1992 inKazakhstan. On 26 May 1995, the CIS leaders signed the Convention on the Interparliamentary Assembly of Member Nations of the Commonwealth of Independent States eventually ratified by nine parliaments; the only CIS member not signing was Georgia. Under the terms of the convention, the InterParliamentary Assembly (IPA) was invested with international legitimacy.
It is housed in theTauride Palace inSt Petersburg and acts as the consultative parliamentary wing of the CIS, created to discuss problems of parliamentary cooperation, review draft documents of common interest, and pass model laws to the national legislatures in the CIS (as well as recommendations) for their use in the preparation of new laws and amendments to existing legislation. More than 130 documents have been adopted that ensure the convergence of laws in the CIS at the level of national legislation. The Assembly is actively involved in the development of integration processes in the CIS and also sends observers to the national elections.[18] The Assembly held its 32nd Plenary meeting inSaint Petersburg on 14 May 2009.
In February 2006, Georgia withdrew from the Council of Defense Ministers, with the statement that "Georgia has taken a course to join NATO and it cannot be part of two military structures simultaneously",[19] but it remained a full member of the CIS until August 2009, one year after officially withdrawing in the immediate aftermath of theRusso-Georgian War.
In March 2007,Igor Ivanov, the secretary of the Russian Security Council, expressed his doubts concerning the usefulness of the CIS, emphasising that theEurasian Economic Community was becoming a more competent organisation to unify the largest countries of the CIS.[20] Following the withdrawal of Georgia, the presidents of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan skipped the October 2009 meeting of the CIS, each having their own issues and disagreements with the Russian Federation.[21]
In May 2009, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine joined theEastern Partnership (EaP), a project that was initiated by theEuropean Union (EU). The EaP framework governs the EU's relationship with thepost-Soviet states of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine.[22]
There are nine fullmember states of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
The Creation Agreement remained the main constituent document of the CIS until January 1993, when the CIS Charter (Russian:Устав,romanised: Ustav) was adopted.[23] The charter formalised the concept of membership: a member country is defined as a country that ratifies the CIS Charter (sec. 2, art. 7). Additional members can join with the consent of all current members.[24] Parties that ratified the Creation Agreement before the adoption of the Charter are considered to be "Founding states", but not members.
Signatory of the Alma-Ata Protocol. Active participation in CIS ceased in November 2022.[8] As of 2025[update], Moldova reduced its participation only to economic, social protection, and healthcare agreements.[28]
In light of Russia's support for the independence of occupied regions within Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine[29][30][31] as well as its violation of the Istanbul Agreement (seeAdapted Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty), legislative initiatives to denounce the agreement on the creation of CIS were tabled in Moldova's parliament on 25 March 2014, though they were not approved.[32][33][34] A similar bill was proposed in January 2018.[35][36]
On 14 June 2022, Moldovan Minister of Foreign AffairsNicu Popescu said the Moldovan government was considering the prospect of leaving the CIS, although at the end of May PresidentMaia Sandu had said the country would not leave for the time being.[9] An August 2021 poll conducted in Moldova (prior to the start ofRussia's invasion of Ukraine) found that 48.1% of respondents supported Moldova's withdrawal from the CIS.[37]
On 30 November 2022, Popescu stated that Moldova would suspend its participation in CIS meetings,[8] and on 23 February 2023 stated that Moldova had started withdrawing from multiple treaties that the country had signed with the CIS, as his country aimed to join the European Union.[38] On 15 May 2023, the President of theParliament of Moldova,Igor Grosu, stated the country would withdraw from the agreement establishing the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly; he argued that being in the CIS "did not protect the Republic of Moldova fromenergy blackmail in the middle of winter, from threats and official statements hostile to the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova".[39]
As part of the process of severing connections with the CIS, in July 2023 Moldova passed a law denouncing the agreement on Moldova's membership in the Inter-Parliamentary Assembly of the CIS countries.[40] 70 agreements were denounced by October 2023, from the total of around 282 signed by Moldova.[41]
In December 2023, Moldova announced its intention to withdraw from the CIS entirely by the end of 2024.[42][43] It was later stated that Moldova would pull out of everything except for economic, social protection, and healthcare agreements.[28]
A 22–27 May 2024 poll showed that 40.5% of Moldovans were in favour of leaving the CIS and 35.5% were against,[44] with 41.9% in favour and 32% against in a 16–28 April 2025 poll.[45]
A country can become an associate member under the CIS Charter (sec. 2, art. 8) if approved by the Council of Heads of States. Participation of associate members and of the observers in the work of the Commonwealth organs shall be governed by their rules of procedures.[24]
Founding state. Signatory of the Alma-Ata Protocol. Has never been a full member.
Two states, Ukraine and Turkmenistan ratified the CIS Creation Agreement before the adoption of the CIS Charter in January 1993, making them "founding states of the CIS", but did not ratify the Charter itself that would make them full members. These states, while not being formal members of the CIS, were allowed to participate in CIS.[46] They were also allowed to participate in various CIS initiatives, e.g. the Free Trade Area,[47] which were, however, formulated mostly as independent multilateral agreements, and not as internal CIS agreements.
Turkmenistan has not ratified the Charter and therefore is not formally a member of the CIS. Nevertheless, it has consistently participated in the CIS as if it were a member state.
Turkmenistan changed its CIS standing to associate member as of 26 August 2005. The cited reason was to be consistent with its 1995-proclaimed, UN-recognised, international neutrality status, but experts have cited the country no longer needing Russia to provide natural gas access, as well as the country's declining faith in the confederation's ability to maintain internal stability in light of theColour Revolutions.[48][49]
TheVerkhovna Rada never ratified the agreement on membership of the CIS in accordance with theCIS Charter so Ukraine never became a member.[50]
Ukraine did not apply to become an Associate member, nor was it granted by the Council of Heads of States, accordingly Ukraine remained just a Founding state.
Ukraine withdrew its representatives from the CIS in May 2018 and stopped actively participating in the CIS. However, the country remained a party to a number of agreements, such as the free trade area.
Has not formally withdrawn from the Creation Agreement, thus it continues to be recognized as a founder.
Representatives of Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and other states at the 20–22 June 2000 CIS Summit in Moscow
Although Ukraine was one of the states that ratified the Creation Agreement in December 1991, making it a Founding State of the CIS, it chose not to ratify the CIS Charter[53][54] as it disagrees with Russia being the only legalsuccessor state to the Soviet Union. Thus, it has never been a full member of the CIS.[15][55] However, Ukraine had kept participating in the CIS, with the consent of the Council of Heads of States, even though it was not a member. Ukraine has never applied for, or been granted, Associate member status.
Following the start of theRusso-Ukrainian war in February 2014, relations between Ukraine and Russia deteriorated, leading Ukraine to consider ending its participation in the CIS. As Ukraine never ratified the Charter, it could cease its informal participation in the CIS. However, to fully terminate its relationship with the CIS, it would need to legally withdraw from the Creation Agreement, as Georgia did previously. On 14 March 2014, a bill was introduced to Ukraine's parliament to denounce their ratification of the CIS Creation Agreement, but it was never approved.[56][57][58] Following the2014 parliamentary election, a new bill to denounce the CIS agreement was introduced.[59][60] In September 2015, theUkrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed Ukraine would continue participating in the CIS "on a selective basis."[61][62] Since that month, Ukraine has had no representatives in the CIS Executive Committee building.[61]
In April 2018, Ukrainian PresidentPetro Poroshenko indicated that Ukraine would formally leave the CIS.[63] On 19 May 2018, Poroshenko signed a decree formally ending Ukraine's participation in CIS statutory bodies.[64]
As of 1 June 2018, the CIS secretariat had not received a formal notice from Ukraine of its withdrawal from the CIS, a process that would take one year to complete, following notice being given.[46] The CIS secretariat stated that it will continue inviting Ukraine to participate.[65][66][67] Ukraine has stated that it intends to review its participation in all CIS agreements and only continue in those that are in its interests. On 3 May 2023, Ukraine formally withdrew from the 1992 agreement that set up the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly.[68] In 2023 and 2024 Ukraine also withdrew from several agreements, including the 2001Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) agreement on cooperation in the provision of safety of hazardous industrial facilities, the 1996CIS agreement on cooperation in evacuating nationals from third countries in emergencies, the 1992Agreement between the State Parties of the Commonwealth of Independent States on social and legal guarantees of the military personnel, persons discharged from military service, and members of their families, the 1992Agreement on the Establishment of the Council of Commanders of the Border Troops and theAgreement on the Creation of the Interstate System of Documentary Encrypted Communications of the Commonwealth of Independent States.[69][70]
Following the overthrow ofEduard Shevardnadze in Georgia, Georgia officially withdrew from the Council of Defense Ministers in February 2006,[71] stating that "Georgia has taken a course to join NATO and it cannot be part of two military structures simultaneously".[19] However, it remained a full member of the CIS.
In the aftermath of theRusso-Georgian War in 2008, PresidentSaakashvili announced during a public speech in the capital,Tbilisi, that Georgia would leave the CIS[72] and the Georgian Parliament voted unanimously on 14 August 2008 to withdraw from the regional organisation.[73] On 18 August 2008, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia sent a note to the CIS Executive Committee notifying it of the aforesaid resolutions of the Parliament of Georgia and Georgia's withdrawal from CIS.[74] In accordance with the CIS Charter (sec. 1, art. 9),[75] Georgia's withdrawal came into effect 12 months later, on 18 August 2009.[76][77]
Since its inception, one of the primary goals of the CIS has been to provide a forum for discussing issues related to the social and economic development of the newly independent states. To achieve this goal, member states have agreed to promote and protect human rights. Initially, efforts to achieve this goal consisted merely of statements of goodwill, but on 26 May 1995, the CIS adopted a Commonwealth of Independent States Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.[78]
In 1991, four years before the 1995 human rightstreaty, Article 33 of the Charter of the CIS created a Human Rights Commission with its seat in Minsk, Belarus. This was confirmed by the decision of the Council of Heads of States of the CIS in 1993. In 1995, the CIS adopted a human rights treaty that includes civil and political as well as social and economic human rights. This treaty entered into force in 1998. The CIS treaty is modeled on theEuropean Convention on Human Rights, but lacks the strong implementation mechanisms of the latter. Furthermore, in the CIS treaty, the Human Rights Commission has a very vaguely defined authority. The Statute of the Human Rights Commission, however, also adopted by the CIS Member States as a decision, gives the commission the right to receive inter-state as well as individual communications.[citation needed]
CIS members, especially inCentral Asia, continue to have among the world's poorest human rights records. Many activists point to examples such as the 2005Andijan massacre in Uzbekistan to show that there has been almost no improvement in human rights since the collapse of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. The consolidation of power by PresidentVladimir Putin has resulted in a steady decline in the modest progress of previous years in Russia. In turn, this has led to little to no scrutiny by Russia when it comes to the situation of human rights in other CIS member states. The Commonwealth of Independent States continues to face serious challenges in meeting even basic international standards.[79]
The members of the Council of Ministers of Defense meeting in Moscow in 2017
The CIS Charter establishes theCouncil of Ministers of Defence, which is vested with the task of coordinating military cooperation of the CIS member states that wish to participate.
In May 1992, six post-Soviet states belonging to the CIS signed the Collective Security Treaty (also referred to as the Tashkent Pact or Tashkent Treaty).[80] Three other post-Soviet states signed in 1993 and the treaty took effect in 1994 and lasted 5 years. When the treaty was subsequently renewed, three countries withdrew, leaving Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan as members.
In December 1993, the CIS Armed Forces Headquarters was abolished.[81] Instead, "the CIS Council of Defence Ministers created a CIS Military Cooperation Coordination Headquarters (MCCH) in Moscow, with 50 percent of the funding provided by Russia."[82] GeneralViktor Samsonov was appointed as Chief of Staff. The headquarters has now moved to 101000, Москва (Moscow), Сверчков переулок, 3/2.
An important manifestation of integration processes in the area of military and defence collaboration of the CIS member states is the creation, in 1995, of thejoint CIS Air Defense System. Over the years, the military personnel of the joint CIS Air Defense System grew twofold along the western, European border of the CIS, and by 1.5 times on its southern borders.[83]
In 2002, the six member states agreed to create theCollective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) as a military alliance.[84]
In 2007, CSTO members agreed to create a CSTO peacekeeping force.[citation needed]
One of the CST's original objectives was to resolve conflicts between CIS members, however military conflicts such as Russia's open assistance and support to the two secessionist areas in Georgia, Russia seizing Crimea and support to secessionist areas in Ukraine, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan border issues have demonstrated how ineffective the CST and later the CSTO, is in this role.[85][86]
GOST standards were originally developed by the government of the Soviet Union as part of its national standardisation strategy. After the disintegration of the USSR, the GOST standards acquired a new status of the regional standards. They are now administered by the Euro-Asian Council for Standardization, Metrology, and Certification (EASC), a standards organisation chartered by the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Supranational integration initiatives, trade, and economic cooperation within CIS
On 24 September 1993, anAgreement on the Economic Union was signed by the heads of a number of CIS states. Its aim was the forming of conditions of stable development of economies of Contracting Parties to benefit from increases in living standards of their population.[90] This led to other specific agreements.
The terms of the CIS FTA agreements allow member states to enter into the FTA agreements with other countries, as well as to join/create custom unions.[91] Like other Commonwealth of Independent States agreements, this agreement does not regulate relations with third countries and allowsdifferentiated integration (aka à la carte andmulti-speed Europe).
1994 Framework for Bilateral Free Trade Agreements and Freedom of Transit
On 15 April 1994, at a meeting of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Council of Heads of State in Moscow, the presidents of 12 countries, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Ukraine signed anAgreement on the Establishment of a Free Trade Area (Соглашение о создании зоны свободной торговли).[92] The Agreement entered into force on 30 December 1994 for those countries that had completed ratification. As of 2023, the Agreement is fully in force for Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Ukraine, while Russia and Turkmenistan have notified the application of the Agreement on a provisional basis. According to the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States, no one has ceased participation in the Agreement, made reservations or suspended the application.[93]
Bilateral FTAs concluded on the basis of CIS 1994 as a framework agreement.[94] According to the analytical material of the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States, the 1994 version has not yet provided for multilateral free trade, but the conclusion of many bilateral agreements.[95] Under the 1994 version, the free trade regime enters into force when conditions are met, but, for example, the freedom of transit enters into force immediately between participants. According to the text, transit transportation should not be subject to unreasonable delays or restrictions, and the conditions of transit, including tariffs for transportation by any mode of transport and the provision of services, should not be worse than for domestic shippers, recipients, and owners of goods, as well as no worse than the conditions for any third country.[93]
1999 Protocol introducing a multilateral free trade among ten countries
On 2 April 1999, in Moscow, the presidents of 11 countries, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Ukraine signed a Protocol on Amendments and Additions to the Agreement on the Establishment of a Free Trade Area of 15 April 1994[96] (Протокол о внесении изменений и дополнений в Соглашение о создании зоны свободной торговли от 15 апреля 1994 года). Turkmenistan did not participate. The Protocol entered into force on 24 November 1999 for those countries that had completed ratification. As of 2023, the Protocol has entered into force for all countries, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Ukraine, except Russia, which remains a signatory but has not notified entry into force or provisional application. According to the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States, no one has ceased participation in the Protocol or suspended the application, while one reservation was made by Azerbaijan on non-application in relation to Armenia and two specific opinions were expressed by Georgia and Ukraine.[97]
According to the analytical material of the executive committee of the Commonwealth of Independent States, the 1999 Protocol replaced the existing bilateral free trade regime with a multilateral regime, eliminated all fees, as well as taxes and levies with equivalent effect, and quantitative restrictions on the import and export of goods in mutual trade of the FTA participating states, established a procedure for dispute resolution, etc.[98] The 1999 version refers to the principles of the World Trade Organisation, envisages cooperation in economic policy, payments, customs cooperation, taxes, science, provides for a ratchet effect prohibiting the imposition of new tariffs and restrictions, provides for treatment no worse than that of any third country, and provides for the transit of goods on the basis of the principle of freedom of transit without discrimination.[95]
The 2011 CIS FTA Treaty envisages that the 1994 agreement and the 1999 protocol no longer apply among its eight participants (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia, and Moldova), however, among the rest of the countries, they continue to be applied.
International Trade Centre says the 1994 Agreement on the Establishment of a Free Trade Area signed by 12 CIS countries still continues to be used by Azerbaijan and Georgia in trade with other CIS countries except with Russia and Turkmenistan. Reportedly it is also used bilaterally between Uzbekistan and Tajikistan pending Tajikistan's ratification of Uzbekistan's accession to the 2011 CIS Free Trade Area Treaty.[94]
2011 multilateral Free Trade Area Treaty among 9 countries
Stamp of 1991–2011, the Commonwealth of Independent States2011 treaty signatories and parties
In 2009, a new agreement was begun to create an FTA, the CIS Free Trade Agreement (CISFTA).[citation needed] In October 2011, the new free trade agreement was signed by eight of the eleven CIS prime ministers; Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine at a meeting in St. Petersburg. Initially, the treaty was only ratified by Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine,[99][100] However, by the end of 2012, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Moldova had also completed ratification.[101][102] In December 2013, Uzbekistan, signed and then ratified the treaty,[103][104] while the remaining two signatories, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan later both ratified the treaty in January 2014 and December 2015 respectively.[105][106]Azerbaijan is the only full CIS member state not to participate in the free trade area.
The free trade agreement eliminates export and import duties on several goods but also contains a number of exemptions that will ultimately be phased out.[citation needed] An agreement was also signed on the basic principles of currency regulation and currency controls in the CIS at the same October 2011 meeting.[citation needed]
2023 Agreement on Free Trade in Services among 7 countries
In Sochi on 8 June 2023, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan signed an Agreement on Free Trade in Services, Establishment, Operations, and Investment.[107]
Statistics show that, as of 2011, the CIS countries as a whole represent a zone of social disadvantage.. It should be borne in mind that the subjective level of poverty, determined on the basis of sociological surveys, often turns out to be significantly higher than the official indicator: for example, the subjective level of poverty in Ukraine is 42%, and the official level is 28%; in Russia, the difference is even greater — 42% and 13%, respectively. %.[108]
At the end of December 2015, unemployment benefits were received by 1% of registered unemployed in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, 5% in Azerbaijan, 8% in Moldova, 45% in Belarus, 81% in Ukraine and 85% in Russia. Its average amount was 262.3 manats ($201) in Azerbaijan, 216,424 white rubles ($12) in Belarus, 1,255.8 lei ($63) in Moldova, 306.9 somoni ($46) in Tajikistan (November 2015), and 1,444 hryvnia ($60) in Ukraine. The minimum unemployment benefit in Russia is set at 850 rubles (in December, $12), and the maximum is 4,900 rubles ($70). In a number of countries in the region, the allowance has not changed for many years with an increase in the cost of living.[109]
The average monthly salary in dollars in 2015 was $142 in Tajikistan, $193 in Ukraine, $206 in Kyrgyzstan, $245 in Moldova, $386 in Armenia, $413 in Belarus, $445 in Georgia (Q4 2015), $452 in Azerbaijan, and $560 in Russia $, Kazakhstan — $ 565. It still remains low, insufficient to ensure a full-fledged human life, and is actually completely "eaten up." In a number of countries, the majority of the population spends more than half of their salary on food (56% of the population in Kazakhstan, 61% in Russia, 72% in Belarus, 76% in Azerbaijan and Ukraine). With a low salary level, delays in its payment are increasing.[109].[110]:
The CIS-Election Monitoring Organisation (Russian:Миссия наблюдателей от СНГ на выборах) is anelection monitoring body that was formed in October 2002, following a Commonwealth of Independent States heads of states meeting which adopted theConvention on the Standards of Democratic Elections, Electoral Rights, and Freedoms in the Member States of the Commonwealth of Independent States. The CIS-EMO has been sending election observers to member countries of the CIS since this time.[citation needed]
CIS election monitoring has been characterised by scholars as low-quality, as the CIS tends to validate elections that are obviously flawed.[111]
Controversies
The election monitoring body has approved many elections which have been heavily criticised by independent observers.[112]
The democratic nature of the final round of the2004 Ukrainian presidential election which followed theOrange Revolution and brought into power the former opposition, was questioned by the CIS while theOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) found no significant problems. This was the first time that the CIS observation teams challenged the validity of an election, saying that it should be considered illegitimate. On 15 March 2005, theUkrainian Independent Information Agency quoted Dmytro Svystkov (a spokesman of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry) that Ukraine had suspended its participation in the CIS election monitoring organisation.[citation needed]
The CIS praised the Uzbekistan parliamentary elections, 2005 as "legitimate, free and transparent" while the OSCE had referred to the Uzbek elections as having fallen "significantly short of OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections".[113][114]
Moldovan authorities refused to invite CIS observers in the2005 Moldovan parliamentary elections, an action Russia criticised. Many dozens of such observers from Belarus and Russia were stopped from reaching Moldova.[115]
CIS observers monitored the Tajikistan parliamentary elections, in 2005 and in the end declared them "legal, free and transparent." The same elections were pronounced by the OSCE to have failed international standards for democratic elections.[citation needed]
Soon after CIS observers hailed theKyrgyz parliamentary elections of 2005 as "well-organized, free, and fair", as large-scale and often violent demonstrations broke out throughout the country protesting what the opposition called a rigged parliamentary election. In contrast, the OSCE reported that the elections fell short of international standards in many areas.[116]
Russia has urged that theRussian language receive official status in all of the CIS member states. So far Russian is an official language in only four states: Russia,Belarus,Kazakhstan, andKyrgyzstan. Russian is also considered an official language in the region ofTransnistria and the autonomous region ofGagauzia inMoldova. After theUkrainian 2010 election, President Yanukovych stated "Ukraine will continue to promote theUkrainian language as its only state language."[120]
In 2017, a festival for national sports and games, known as the Festival of National Sports and Games of the Commonwealth of Independent States (Russian:Фестиваль национальных видов спорта и игр государств — участников Содружества Независимых Государств) was held inUlyanovsk. The main sports weresambo,tug of war,mas-wrestling,gorodki,belt wrestling,lapta,bandy (rink),kettlebell lifting,chess andarchery. A few demonstration sports were also a part of the programme.[121]
In 2021 thefirst CIS games took place in Kazan with 9 nations and 2,000 athletes. Thesecond games took place in 2023 in Belarus.
The CIS has also been a relevant forum to support cultural relations between former Soviet republics. In 2006, the Council of the Heads of Governments of the CIS launched the Intergovernmental Foundation for Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Cooperation (IFESCCO).[122] IFESSCO has substantially relied on Russia's financial support since its creation and supported several multilateral cultural events, including the ‘CIS Capital of Culture’ initiative.[123] In 2017, the Armenian city ofGoris was declared the CIS Cultural Capital of the year, in 2022 it wasKarakol in Kyrgyzstan.
After a discussion about the creation of acommon economic space between the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries of Russia,Ukraine,Belarus, andKazakhstan, agreement in principle about the creation of this space was announced after a meeting in the Moscow suburb ofNovo-Ogarevo on 23 February 2003. The Common Economic Space would involve asupranational commission on trade andtariffs that would be based inKyiv, would initially be headed by a representative ofKazakhstan, and would not be subordinate to the governments of the four nations. The ultimate goal would be a regional organisation that would be open for other countries to join as well, and could eventually lead even to a single currency.[citation needed]
On 22 May 2003, theVerkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian Parliament) voted 266 votes in favour and 51 against the joint economic space. However, most believe thatViktor Yushchenko's victory in theUkrainian presidential election of 2004 was a significant blow against the project: Yushchenko had shown renewed interest in Ukrainian membership in the European Union and such membership would be incompatible with the envisioned common economic space.[citation needed] Yushchenko's successorViktor Yanukovych stated on 27 April 2010: "Ukraine's entry into the Customs Union of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan is not possible today, since the economic principles and the laws of theWTO do not allow it, we develop our policy following WTO principles".[135] Ukraine has been a WTO member since 2008.[135]
Kazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan andUzbekistan formed the OCAC in 1991 asCentral Asian Commonwealth (CAC).[citation needed] The organisation continued in 1994 as the Central Asian Economic Union (CAEU), in which Tajikistan and Turkmenistan did not participate. In 1998 it became the Central Asian Economic Cooperation (CAEC), which marked the return of Tajikistan. On 28 February 2002, it was renamed to its current name. Russia joined on 28 May 2004.[137] On 7 October 2005, it was decided between the member states that Uzbekistan will join[citation needed] the Eurasian Economic Community and that the organisations will merge.[138] The organisations joined on 25 January 2006. It is not clear what will happen to the status of current CACO observers that are not observers to EurAsEC (Georgia andTurkey).
A. Elchibey, the 2nd president of Azerbaijan, called the CIS a "big collective farm" that Russia uses to "preserve the old empire":[139]
A serious mistake was made during the construction of such an entity as the CIS. Perhaps it could have stood if it had been conceived as a Commonwealth of Nations of Independent States — I emphasize the word "independent", in which the rights of each State:Armenia,Georgia andAzerbaijana — would be protected.Abkhazians inAbkhazia is using Russian troops to oust theGeorgian population. Is this a Commonwealth of Nations? Russia uses the CIS, trying to preserve the old empire in a new form and inventing various mechanisms for this. The CIS leaders have not made at least one serious attempt to resolve theArmenian-Azerbaijani conflict or any other conflicts within the territory ofpost-Soviet zone. I once called the CIS a big collective farm without rights. Such a collective farm will inevitably fall apart, and this, in fact, has already happened.
Russian diplomat A. Denisov does not believe that the CIS is being used by Russia to realise imperial ambitions, to restore the USSR:[140]
As for the "imperial ambitions", the restoration of the USSR. The CIS is an organization that builds its work on the basis of consensus. Any participating State has the right to veto any decision. In practice, the principle of the so-called "moving geometry" is being implemented, when states decide which projects they should participate in and which not. Moreover, even the non-recognition of the legal personality of the CIS by one of the states does not prevent its participation in areas of cooperation beneficial to it in the Commonwealth format. I have already mentioned Georgia. Against this background, what imperial ambitions of Russia can we even talk about? It's just ridiculous.
Mikhail Krotov, a Russian scientist, government and international civil servant, who headed the Council of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly in 1992-2012, writes that the liquidation of the USSR and the independence of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine through the signing of theBelovezha Accords on 8 December 1991, and then other Soviet republics, according to the Alma Ata Declaration on 21 December 1991, were "They are directly linked to the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States as an interstate association forming a common socio-economic space., a common military-strategic space under a joint command, conducting a coordinated foreign policy and protecting the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, etc. rights of national minorities." Krotov emphasises that in order to meet Ukraine halfway, the CIS founding document significantly reduced the level of integration, limited its scope and excluded supranational functions of the Commonwealth bodies, but "Ukraine did not sign even such a weakened version of the CIS Charter," which, according to the author, "grossly violated the terms of its withdrawal from the USSR.". In this regard, Krotov agrees with Russian President Vladimir Putin's conclusion that "Ukraine did not legally gain independence."[141].
American geopoliticianZbigniew Brzezinski believed that "it was Ukraine's actions... that prevented the CIS from becoming just a new name for a more federal USSR."[142]
The Central Bank of the Russian Federation has minted several commemorative coins dedicated to the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Obverse of the 1-ruble 2001 copper-nickel alloy coin
Reverse of a 1-ruble coin
Obverse of the 3-ruble 2001 silver coin of 900
Reverse of a 3-ruble coin
Obverse of the 3-ruble coin of 2011 made of 925 sterling silver
Reverse of a 3-ruble coin
In 2006, the National Bank of the Republic of Belarus issued commemorative coins "Commonwealth of Independent States. 15 years" in denominations of 1 (copper-nickel) and 20 (silver, 925) white rubles.[143]
^Corresponds to the terrestrial surface. Including theExclusive Economic Zones of each member state, the total area is 28,509,317 km² (11,007,509 sq mi).
^"Соглашение о создании Содружества Независимых Государств" [Agreement on the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States].cis.minsk.by (in Russian). Единый реестр правовых актов и других документов Содружества Независимых Государств [Unified register of legal acts and other documents of the Commonwealth of Independent States].
^September 2008 Statement by Foreign Minister of Ukraine Volodymyr OhryzkoArchived 28 September 2008 at theWayback Machine, "Ukraine does not recognize the legal personality of this organization, we are not members of the CIS Economic Court, we did not ratify the CIS Statute, thus, we cannot be considered a member of this organisation from an international legal point of view. Ukraine is a country-participant, but not a member country."
^Interfax, 22 December 1993, via Zbigniew Brzezinski, Paige Sullivan, 'Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States' CSIS, 1997, p.464 viaGoogle Books
^abhttp://www.vkp.ru/docs/47/645.htmlArchived 2016-11-16 at theWayback Machine Всеобщая конфедерация профсоюзов. О социально-экономическом положении в независимых государствах, позиции и действиях профсоюзов в сложившейся ситуации (апрель 2016 года)
^Бжезинский З. Великая шахматная доска. Господство Америки и его геостратегические императивы (The Great Chessboard) / пер. с англ. О. Уральская. — Серия: Мировой порядок. — Москва: AСТ, 2021. — С. 116. — 256 с. — ISBN 978-5-17-135174-8
^"Russian Federation"(PDF). Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 February 2008. Retrieved7 July 2014.
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