In 1996, Chun was convicted by the Seoul High Court on multiple charges, including treason and insurrection, for orchestrating the 1979 coup d'état and unlawfully declaring martial law to subdue the National Assembly and suppress theGwangju Uprising. The conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court in April of the following year; however, in December, PresidentKim Young-sam, on the advice of the incoming President-electKim Dae-jung—whom Chun's administration had sentenced to death two decades earlier—pardoned both Chun and Roh, the latter having been sentenced to 17 years.[8][9] Chun and Roh were fined $203 million and $248 million respectively, amounts that were embezzled through corruption during their regimes, which were mostly never paid.[10][11]
In his final years, Chun was criticized for his unapologetic stance and the lack of remorse for his actions as a dictator and his wider regime.[3][12] Chun died on 23 November 2021 at the age of 90 after a relapse ofmyeloma.[4]
Chun was born on 18 January 1931 inYulgok-myeon [ko], a poor farming town inHapcheon County,Korea, Empire of Japan. Chun's family is from theWansan Jeon clan [ko]. Chun was the fourth son out of ten children to Jeon Sang-u (전상우) and Kim Jeong-mun (김정문).[13] Chun's oldest two brothers, Yeol-hwan (열환) and Gyu-gon (규곤), died in an accident when he was an infant. Chun grew up knowing his remaining older brother Gi-hwan (기환) and his younger brotherGyeong-hwan [ko].[citation needed]
Around 1936, Chun's family moved toDaegu, where he began attending Horan Elementary School. Chun's father had run-ins with thekempeitai in the past; in the winter of 1939 he murdered a police captain.[13] Their family immediately fled toJilin,Manchukuo, where they stayed in hiding for two years before returning. When Chun finally started attending elementary school again, he was two years behind his original classmates.
In 1947, Chun began attending Daegu Vocational Middle School, located nearly 25 km from his home.[13] Chun moved on to Daegu Vocational High School.
After graduating from high school in 1951, Chun gained entry into theKorea Military Academy (KMA). While there, he made several key friends among the students who would later play instrumental roles in helping Chun seize control of the country. He graduated in February 1955 with a Bachelor of Science degree and a commission as a second lieutenant in the 11th class of the KMA. He later trained in the United States, specializing inguerilla tactics andpsychological warfare, and married Lee Soon-ja, the daughter of the KMA's commandant at the time of his attendance, in 1958.[14][15]
Chun as captain, 1959
Chun, then a captain, led a demonstration at the KMA to show support for theMay 16 coup in 1961 led byPark Chung Hee. Chun was subsequently made secretary to the commander of theSupreme Council for National Reconstruction,[14][15] placing him directly under Park. Chun was quickly promoted to major in 1962, while continuing to make powerful friends and acquaintances. As a major, Chun was the deputy chief of operations for theSpecial Warfare Command's battle headquarters, and later worked for the Supreme Council for Reconstruction again as the Chief Civil Affairs Officer. In 1963, Chun was given a position in theKorean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) as Personnel Director. By 1969, he was senior advisor to the Army Chief of Staff.[14][15]
Chun formedHanahoe as a secret military clique shortly after his promotion togeneral officer. It was predominantly composed of his fellow graduates from the 11th class of the KMA, as well as other friends and supporters. Membership was predominantly restricted to officers from theGyeongsang Province with just a token membership reserved for aCholla Province officer. Hanahoe's existence within a highly regimented and rigid hierarchical organization of the army was only possible because it was under the patronage of then President Park.[citation needed]
On 26 October 1979, Park was assassinated byKim Jae-kyu, Director of theKCIA, while at a dinner party. Secretly, Kim had invited GeneralJeong Seung-hwa, Army Chief of Staff, and Kim Jeong-seop, Vice-Deputy Director of the KCIA, to dinner in another room that night as well. Although Jeong Seung-hwa was neither present during nor involved in the shooting of Park, his presence at the scene later proved crucial to his downfall. In the chaos that followed, Kim Jae-kyu was not arrested for many hours, as details of the incident were initially unclear.
After some confusion over the constitutional procedures for presidential succession, Prime MinisterChoi Kyu-ha finally ascended to the position of Acting President. Soon after, Jeong named Chun's Security Command to head up the investigation into the assassination. Chun immediately ordered his subordinates to draw up plans for the creation of an all-powerful "Joint Investigation Headquarters".[17]
On 27 October, Chun called for a meeting in his commander's office. Invited were four key individuals now responsible for all intelligence collection nationwide: KCIA Deputy Chief of Foreign Affairs, KCIA Deputy Chief of Domestic Affairs, Attorney General, and Chief of the National Police.[17] Chun had each person searched at the door on his way in, before having them seated and informing them of the President's death. Chun declared the KCIA held full responsibility for Park's assassination, and its organization was therefore under investigation for the crime. Chun stated that the KCIA would no longer be allowed to exercise its own budget:
For the KCIA "to continue exercising full discretion of their budget is unacceptable. Therefore, they are only allowed to execute their duties upon receiving authorization from the Joint Investigation Headquarters."
— Chun Doo-hwan,Security Command andJoint Investigation Headquarters commander, 27 October 1979
Chun subsequently ordered all intelligence reports to now be sent to his office at 8:00 am and 5:00 pm every day, so he could decide what information to give higher command. In one move, Chun had taken control of the entire nation's intelligence organizations. Chun then put the KCIA Deputy Chief of Foreign Affairs in charge of running the day-to-day business of the KCIA.
Major Park Jun-kwang, working under Chun at the time, later commented:
In front of the most powerful organizations under the Park Chung Hee presidency, it surprised me how easily [Chun] gained control over them and how skillfully he took advantage of the circumstances. In an instant he seemed to have grown into a giant.
— Park Jun-kwang, assigned toSecurity Command andJoint Investigation Headquarters
During the investigation, Chun personally gave money (US$500,000) from Park's slush fund to Park's daughterPark Geun-hye, who was 27 at the time. He was reprimanded for this by Jeong.[18]
On 5 November, a preliminary report was released by Chun, placing full responsibility of Park's assassination on Kim and his associates.[19]
In the following month Chun, along withRoh Tae-woo, Yu Hak-seong, Heo Sam-su, and others from the Hanahoe, continued taking advantage of the fragile political situation to grow Hanahoe's strength, courting key commanders and subverting the nation's intelligence gathering organizations.
General Jeong, his superior, is a moderate figure in the armed forces and gave hints on multiple occasions that he supported thepolitical liberalization process, as opposed to Chun, who favors keeping the Yushin Constitution intact.[20]
On 12 December 1979, amid a cabinet reshuffle, Chun ordered the arrest of Jeong on charges of conspiring with Kim Jae-kyu to assassinate Park. This order was made without authorization from President Choi. On the night of Jeong's capture, 29th Regiment,9th Division, along with the 1st and 3rd Airborne Brigades, invaded downtown Seoul to support the 30th and 33rd Security Group loyal to Chun, which resulted in a series of conflicts that broke out in the capital.Jang Tae-wan, commander of the Capital Garrison Command, and Jeong Byeong Ju, commander of the special forces, were also arrested by the rebel troops. Major Kim Oh-rang, aide-de-camp of Jeong Byeong-ju, was killed during the gunfight. By the next morning, the Ministry of Defense and Army HQ were all occupied, and Chun was in firm control of the military. For all intents and purposes, he was now thede facto leader of the country.[21][22][23]
In early 1980, Chun was promoted to the rank oflieutenant general, and he took up the position of acting director of the KCIA. On 14 April, Chun was officially installed as director of the KCIA.
Coup, martial law and military crackdown in Gwangju
On 17 May 1980, Chun expanded martial law to the entire country, due to stated rumors of North Korean infiltration and presence of South Korean communist sympathizers in the country. The KCIA manipulated these rumors at the command of Chun. GeneralJohn A. Wickham (commander of theUS Armed Forces in Korea) reported that Chun's pessimistic assessment of the domestic situation and his emphasis on the North Korean threat only seemed to be a pretext for a move into theBlue House (the Korean presidential residence).[24]
To enforce martial law, troops were dispatched to various parts of the nation. The expanded martial law closed universities, banned political activities, and further curtailed the press. Political opponents such as the recently freedKim Dae-jung was again arrested. The event of 17 May meant the beginning of another military dictatorship.
Many civilians were growing unhappy with the military presence in their cities, and on 18 May, the citizens ofGwangju organized protests into what became known as theGwangju Democratization Movement. Chun ordered it to be immediately suppressed, sending in shock troops armed with heavy weaponry such as armored tanks and helicopters to retake City Hall and ordered the troops to exercise full force. This led to abloody massacre over the next nine days, ultimately leading to the collapse of the protests and the deaths of at least 200 Gwangju activists.[25] For this, he was called "The Butcher of Gwangju" by many people, especially among the students.[citation needed]
In June 1980, Chun ordered the National Assembly to be dissolved. He subsequently created theSpecial Committee for National Security Measures [ko] (SCNSM), ajunta-like organization, and installed himself as head of command. On 17 July, he resigned his position as KCIA Director, and then held only the position of committee member.
On 5 August, with full control of the military he effectively promoted himself tofour star General and on 22 August he was discharged from active duty to the Army reserves.
Beginning in August 1980, citizens were subjected to organized violence under the name ofsocial cleansing, which aimed at the elimination of social ills, such as violence, smuggling, illegal drugs, and deceptions. They were arrested without proper warrants and givenex parte rankings. Some 42,000 victims were enrolled in theSamchung re-education camp for "purificatory education". More than 60,000 people were arrested in six months between August 1980 and January 1981, including many innocent citizens. They faced violence and hard labour in the re-education camp.[26]
In August 1980, Choi, who had long since become little more than a figurehead, announced that he would be resigning the presidency. On27 August, the National Conference for Unification, the nation's electoral college, gathered inJangchung Arena. Chun was the sole candidate. Out of 2525 members, 2524 voted for Chun with one vote counted as invalid, thus with a tally of 99.96% in favor (it was widely speculated at that time that one invalid vote was purposely rigged as to differentiate Chun from North Korea'sKim Il Sung, who regularly claimed 100% support in North Korea's elections). He was officially inaugurated into office on 1 September 1980.
On 17 October, he abolished all political parties—including Park'sDemocratic Republican Party, which had essentially ruled the country as a one-party state since the imposition of theYushin Constitution. In November, he implemented thePolicy for Merger and Abolition of the Press. In January 1981, Chun formed his own party, theDemocratic Justice Party; however, for all intents and purposes, it was Park's Democratic Republican Party under a new name. Soon afterward, a new constitution was enacted. It was far less authoritarian than Park's Yushin Constitution; for instance, it enshrined thesecrecy of correspondence, banned torture and invalidated confessions obtained by force. It still vested fairly broad powers in the president, albeit far less sweeping than those Park had held.
He was then re-elected president by the National Conferencethat February, taking 90 percent of the delegates' vote against three minor candidates. However, Chun's election was a foregone conclusion after the DJP's decisive victory at elections for the National Conference two weeks earlier. The DJP won a supermajority of 69.5 percent of the seats, three times as many as the independents and nine times as many as the oppositionDemocratic Korea Party.
In 1980, in the face of increased tension with the U.S. over his military takeover, Chun issued a memorandum stating that his country would not develop missiles with a range longer than 180 km or capable of carrying greater than a 453 kg warhead. After receiving this promise, theReagan administration decided to fully recognize Chun's military government.[citation needed]
After his election in 1981, Chun completely rejected the presidency of Park, even going so far as to strike all references to Park's1961 military coup from the constitution. Chun announced that he would be restoring justice to the government to remove the fraud and corruption of Park's tenure.[27]
Chun's government did not have the considerable political influence enjoyed by Park's administration. His government could not ignore American influence, and he ended South Korea's nuclear weapons program.[28][29] During this time, Chun was worried about the state of South Korean-U.S. relations, which had greatly deteriorated towards the end of Park Chung Hee's long authoritarian presidency. Chun needed to be recognized by the United States to legitimize his government.[30]
After his inauguration, Chun clamped down on out-of-school tutoring and banned individual teaching or tutoring. In September 1980, Chun repealed "guilt by association" laws. In 1981, Chun enacted "Care and Custody" legislation; Chun believed that criminals who finish their prison time for a repeat offense should not be immediately returned to society. During the winter of 1984, before declaring a moratorium on the Korean economy, Chun visited Japan, where he requested a loan for $6 billion. With the military coup taking power and crushing the democratization movements country-wide, the citizens' political demands were being ignored, and in this way the3S Policy (Sex,Screen,Sports) was passed. Based on right-wing Japanese activistSejima Ryuzo's proposal, Chun tried to appeal to the citizens in order to ensure the success of the1988 Seoul Olympics preparations. Chun rapidly enacted various measures to this end, forming professionalbaseball and soccer leagues, starting the broadcast of color TV throughout the nation as a whole, lessening censorship on sexually suggestive dramas and movies, making school uniforms voluntary, and so forth. In 1981, Chun held a large-scale festival called "Korean Breeze '81 [Kukpung81]", but it was largely ignored by the population.
In 1983, Chun was the target of a failed assassination attempt by North Korean agents during a visit toRangoon, Burma. The North Korean bombing killed 17 of Chun's entourage, including cabinet ministers. Four Burmese government officials were also killed in the attack.[31]
From the start of his presidency, Chun began groomingNoh Shin-yeong as his eventual successor. In 1980, while working as ambassador to the Geneva Representation Bureau, Noh was recalled and made Minister of Foreign Affairs. In 1982, he was installed as the Director of theSecurity Planning Bureau, and in 1985, he was named Prime Minister.
When that became widely known, those supporting Chun's regime were highly critical of his choice of successor. His supporters, mostly those with heavy military backgrounds, believed that the proper way to groom a successor was by military duties, not political positions. Chun was eventually persuaded to reverse his position and ceased pushing for Noh to succeed him.[citation needed]
The 1981 constitution restricted the president to a single seven-year term. Unlike his predecessors, Chun was unable to amend the document in order to run again in 1987. The constitution explicitly stated that any amendments extending a president's term would not apply to the incumbent, thus foreclosing any attempt to extend Chun's tenure short of adopting a new constitution. However, he consistently resisted pleas to open up the regime.
On 13 April 1987, Chun made the "April 13th Defense of the Constitution speech [ko]". He declared that the DJP candidate for president would be one of his military supporters, and his successor would be chosen in an indirect election similar to the one that elected Chun seven years earlier. That announcement enraged the democratization community and, in concert with several scandals from the Chun government that year, demonstrators began their movement again, starting with a speech at the Anglican Cathedral of Seoul.
Two months later, he declaredRoh Tae-woo as the DJP's candidate for president, which, by all accounts, effectively handed Roh the presidency. The announcement triggered theJune Democracy Movement, a series of large pro-democracy rallies across the country. In hopes of gaining control over a situation that was rapidly getting out of hand, Roh made a speech promising a much more democratic constitution and the first direct presidential elections in 16 years. On 10 July 1987, Chun resigned as head of the DJP, remaining its Honorary Chairman but handing official leadership of the upcoming campaign to Roh.
In the16 December 1987 presidential election, Roh won the election with a plurality, the first free and fair national elections of any sort held in the country in two decades, after opposition candidatesKim Young-sam andKim Dae-jung split the popular vote. Chun finished out his term and handed over the presidency to Roh on 25 February 1988, the firstpeaceful transition of power in the history of South Korea.
In February 1988, during the presidency of Roh, Chun was named chair of the National Statesman Committee and so wielded considerable influence in South Korean politics. In that year, the DJP lost its majority in theNational Assembly elections to opposition parties, paving the way for the so-called "Fifth Republic Hearings". The National Assembly explored the events of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and where responsibility should lay for the resulting massacre. On 11 November 1988, Chun apologized to the nation in a public address, pledging to give his money and belongings back to the country. Chun resigned from both the National Statesman Committee and the DJP.
At this time, Chun decided to live for several years inBaekdamsa, aBuddhist temple in the Gangwon-do province, in order to pay penance for his actions. On 30 December 1990, Chun left Baekdamsa and returned home.
Investigations, trials, and prison sentences of Chun and Roh
Treason Leading aninsurrection Conspiracy to commit insurrection Taking part in an insurrection Illegal troop movement orders Dereliction of duty during martial law Murder of superior officers Attempted murder of superior officers Murder of subordinate troops Leading arebellion Conspiracy to commit rebellion Taking part in a rebellion Murder for the purpose of rebellion Bribery
AfterKim Young-sam's inauguration as President of South Korea in 1993, Kim declared that Chun and Roh had stolen 400 billionwon (nearly $370 million) from the South Korean people, and he would conduct internal investigations to prove this.
On 16 November 1995, the citizens' demands were growing louder about the 12 December 1979 military coup and the Gwangju Uprising, so Kim announced the beginning of a movement to enact retroactive legislation, naming the bill Special Act on 5–18 Democratization Movement. As soon as the Constitutional Court declared Chun's actions unconstitutional, the prosecutors began a reinvestigation. On 3 December 1995, Chun and 16 others were arrested on charges of conspiracy and insurrection. At the same time, an investigation into the corruption of their presidencies was begun.
In March 1996, their public trial began. On 26 August, the Seoul District Court issued a death sentence.[32] On 16 December 1996, the Seoul High Court issued a sentence of life imprisonment and a fine in the amount of ₩220 billion. On 17 April 1997, the judgment was finalized in the Supreme Court. Chun was officially convicted of leading an insurrection, conspiracy to commit insurrection, taking part in an insurrection, illegal troop movement orders, dereliction of duty during martial law, murder of superior officers, attempted murder of superior officers, murder of subordinate troops, leading a rebellion, conspiracy to commit rebellion, taking part in a rebellion, and murder for the purpose of rebellion, as well as assorted crimes relating to bribery.
After his sentence was finalized, Chun began serving his prison sentence. On 22 December 1997, Chun's life imprisonment sentence was commuted by Kim, on the advice of incoming PresidentKim Dae-jung.[33] Chun was still required to pay his fine, but at that point, he had only paid ₩53.3 billion, not quite a fourth of the total fine amount. Chun made a relatively famous quote, saying, "I have only ₩290,000 to my name." The remaining ₩167.2 billion was never collected.[34]
According to the "May 18th Special Legislation", all medals awarded for the military intervention during the Gwangju Uprising were revoked and ordered to be returned to the government. There are still nine medals that have not been returned to the government.[citation needed][when?]
Because of Chun's unpaid fines amounting to ₩167.2 billion, a team of 90 prosecutors, tax collectors, and other investigators raided multiple locations simultaneously in July 2013, including Chun's residence and his family members' homes and offices. Television footage showed them hauling away paintings, porcelain, and expensive artifacts.[35] Among the properties searched were two warehouses owned by publisher Chun Jae-guk, Chun's eldest son, which contained more than 350 pieces of art by famous Korean artists, some estimated to be worth ₩1 billion.[34]
TheNational Assembly passed a bill called the Chun Doo-hwan Act, extending thestatute of limitations on confiscating assets from public officials who have failed to pay fines. Under the old law, prosecutors had only until October 2013, but the new law extended the statute of limitations on Chun's case until 2020 and allows prosecutors to collect from his family members as well if it is proven that any of their properties originated from Chun's illegal funds.[36]
Chun tried to publish three memoirs. On 4 August 2017, a court granted a petition from a group of organizations dedicated to the 18 May movement, to prohibit the publishing, sale, and distribution of the works unless 33 sections containing false statements about the 18 May Movement were removed.[37] The court ruled that Chun and his son, Chun Jae-guk, who runs a publishing company, should take steps to prevent the books being sold—a violation of the order would incur a 5 million won fine, to be paid to the 5.18 Memorial Foundation. In October 2017, Chun reissued his memoirs prompting a second lawsuit to be filed against him. On 15 May 2018, the Gwangju District Court granted a further injunction request; in addition to the 33 sections containing false statements about the 18 May Movement found at the time of the first lawsuit, a further 36 sections were found to make false statements about the Movement.[citation needed]
In March 2019, Chun appeared in a libel trial in Gwangju over his controversial memoirs, in which he allegedly defamed victims of his 1980 crackdown. Chun had refuted a testimony by the late activist priest, Cho Chul-hyun, and called him "Satan wearing a mask" in his memoirs. The priest allegedly witnessed the military firing at citizens from helicopters during the crackdown.[12] On 30 November 2020, Chun was found guilty of defaming Cho and was sentenced to eight months in prison, suspended for two years.[38]
Chun proceeded to appeal the sentence but failed to show up to the first and second appellate trials held on 10 May and 14 June 2021.[39] He made his first appearance in the Gwangju District appellate court on 9 August 2021 accompanied by his wife, but looking gaunt and frail. Chun left the courtroom only 25 minutes into the hearing, due to breathing difficulties. He answered some of the judge's questions with the help of his wife and was seen dozing off. AYonhap news report on 21 August revealed Chun was diagnosed withmultiple myeloma.[39]
Chun died at his home inYeonhui-dong, Seoul, on 23 November 2021 from complications of blood cancer.[40][41][42][43] Chun died less than one month after his successor Roh.
Since Chun never apologized for his role in the Gwangju Uprising[44] and his past crimes, the Blue House only expressed private condolences to his family via a spokesperson, and announced that there was no plan to send wreaths. Following his death, the South Korean ruling and opposition parties refrained from sending official condolences.[45]
The South Korean government also decided not to hold a state funeral for Chun, and his funeral was conducted by his family with the government providing no assistance.[46]
His remains were taken to Seoul'sSeverance Hospital, where it was to be cremated before burial. By law, Chun is not eligible for burial at a national cemetery because of his past criminal record and conviction. According to his widowLee Soon-ja, Chun had requested his family to minimize the funeral process, never make any tomb for him, and spread his ashes in areas overlooking the North Korean territory.[47][48]
On 27 November 2021, during his funeral procession, Lee Soon-ja issued a brief apology over the "pains and scars" caused by Chun's brutal rule. Her apology did not mention Chun's responsibility of the suppression of Gwangju Uprising. As a result, civic groups related to the movement, including those of bereaved families, criticized her apology for being vague and incomplete, and said that they would not accept the apology.[49][50][51]
On 16 March 2023, one of Chun's grandsons,Chun Woo-won posted onInstagram, expressing his disgust and revulsion at his grandfather's acts, and stated that his parents were living off the illegal wealth accumulated by Chun and his family. He called his grandfather a "slaughterer" and described him as a criminal rather than a hero.[52] Chun Woo-won also confessed that he took drugs, for which he was formally charged in April of that same year. South Korean prosecutors expressed that they would be reviewing the drug allegations and other allegations regarding the Chun family's illegal wealth accordingly.[53][54]
Chun Woo-won visited Gwangju cemetery on 31 March 2023. He made apologies for what his grandfather had done and consoled relatives of those who died in Gwangju. He said: "The citizens of Gwangju, who overcame fear in the midst of military dictatorship and stood against it with courage are heroes and truly the light and salt of our country."[55] Chun Woo-won was eventually found guilty of drug consumption and sentenced to 30 months' jail, suspended for four years, as well as 120 hours of community service, 80 hours of a drug treatment program and a confiscation of 2.66 million won. The court reportedly took into consideration Chun Woo-won's voluntary cooperation with the police and regret for the wrongdoing, and therefore erred on the side of leniency by handing him a suspended sentence. Civil groups reportedly petitioned for leniency on account that he took steps to apologize for his grandfather's crimes.[56][57]
Chun was referenced in the 2015 South Korean television seriesReply 1988.
The 2012 South Korean film26 Years has a plot of an assassination plan of Chun.
A fictional South Korean president, modelled after Chun Doo-hwan, is portrayed in a cameo by an unknown actor in the 2021JTBC drama seriesSnowdrop.
A fictional South Korean general, modeled after Chun Doo-hwan, is portrayed as "Chun Doo-gwang" in the 2023 South Korean film12.12: The Day.[63]
Chun appears as a fictional character in the South Korean action thrillerHunt as a retaliatory target for a rogue military intelligence officers for his involvement the1980 student massacre during theRangoon Bombing.
^"Scars still raw 40 years after dictator crushed South Korea uprising".South China Morning Post. 17 May 2020. Retrieved28 March 2022.On May 18, 1980 demonstrators protesting against dictator Chun Doo-hwan's declaration of martial law confronted his troops and 10 days of violence ensued.
^Sang′-Hun, Choe (10 September 2013)."Family of Former South Korean Dictator to Pay His Fines".The New York Times. Retrieved28 March 2022.In 1997, Mr. Chun was sentenced to life in prison and Mr. Roh to 17 years. Although they were later pardoned and freed, Mr. Chun and Mr. Roh failed to pay the $203 million and $248 million that they were fined.
^Jeon, Jae-ho (전재호) (2000).반동적 근대주의자 박정희 [Reactionary Modernist, Park Chung Hee (Bandongjeok geundaejuuija Bak Jeong-hui)] (in Korean). South Korea: 책세상 (Chaeksesang). pp. 112–113.ISBN978-89-7013-148-1.
^Seo, Byeong-gi (서병기) (18 July 2005).'제5공화국' 츈두환,핵무기개발 포기 방영후 네티즌 비난 [After the broadcasting of 'The 5th Republic' that the President, Chun Doo-hwan gave up developing nuclear weapons, Netizens criticized] (in Korean).Korea Herald Business. Retrieved4 November 2009.
^Kim, Jae-hyeon (김재현) (10 October 2006).전직 대통령 북핵실험 진단 `3인3색' ['Three people three colors', Former Presidents' analysis on North Korea's nuclear research].Yonhap hosted byNaver News (in Korean). Retrieved4 November 2009.
^Pewarta Departemen Luar Negeri RI, Indonesia (1981).Pewarta Departemen Luar Negeri RI Volume 17-25. Indonesia: Pusat Dokumentasi dan Perpustakaan, Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Masalah Luar Negeri, Departemen Luar Negeri RI. p. 62.
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