| Chan Buddhism | |||||||||||||||||
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| Chinese name | |||||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 禅 | ||||||||||||||||
| Traditional Chinese | 禪 | ||||||||||||||||
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| Vietnamese name | |||||||||||||||||
| Vietnamese alphabet | Thiền | ||||||||||||||||
| Chữ Hán | 禪 | ||||||||||||||||
| Korean name | |||||||||||||||||
| Hangul | 선 | ||||||||||||||||
| Hanja | 禪 | ||||||||||||||||
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| Japanese name | |||||||||||||||||
| Kanji | 禅 | ||||||||||||||||
| Hiragana | ぜん | ||||||||||||||||
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Chan (traditional Chinese:禪;simplified Chinese:禅;pinyin:Chán;abbr. ofChinese:禪那;pinyin:chánnà), fromSanskritdhyāna[1] (meaning "meditation" or "meditative state" inBuddhism[2]), is aMahāyānaChinese Buddhist tradition. It developed inChina from the 6th century CE onwards, becoming especially popular during theTang andSong dynasties.[3] By theMing andQing dynasties, it had become one of the most influential forms of Buddhism practiced in China. In contemporary times, it remains one of the most prominent traditions of Chinese Buddhist practice inChina,Taiwan,Hong Kong andoverseas Chinese communities.
Chan is the originating tradition ofZen Buddhism (the Japanese pronunciation of the samecharacter). Chinese Chan Buddhism spread from China south toVietnam asVietnamese Thiền and north toKorea asKorean Seon, and, in the 13th century, east toJapan asJapanese Zen.
A major part of Chan is the practice ofmeditation, direct insight into one's ownBuddha nature (見性,jianxing), and the personal expression of this insight in daily life forthe benefit of others.[4] Some common Chan techniques include thezuochan (meditation done in a sitting posture like thelotus position), contemplation ofgong'ans andhuatous as well as thenianfo (which usually involves chanting the phraseNamo Amituofo). Most Chan monasteries also typically partake in traditional Buddhist practices like chantingsutras anddharanis ormantras, the taking ofprecepts,walking meditation, rituals and ceremonies,monasticism and scriptural study.[5][6]
With an emphasis onBuddha-nature thought,intrinsic enlightenment andsudden awakening, Chan teaching draws from numerous Buddhist sources, includingSarvāstivāda meditation, the Mahayana teachings on theBodhisattva path,Yogachara andTathāgatagarbha (such as theLaṅkāvatāraSūtra and theŚūraṅgama Sūtra), and theHuayan school.[7][8] ThePrajñāpāramitā literature,[9] as well asMadhyamaka thought, have also been influential in the shaping of theapophatic and sometimesiconoclastic nature of Chanrhetoric.
The historical records required for a complete, accurate account of early Chan history no longer exist.[10]
The history of Chan in China can be divided into several periods. Chan, as we know it today, is the result of a long history, with many changes and contingent factors. Each period had different types of Chan, some of which remained influential, while others vanished.[11][12]
Andy Ferguson distinguishes three periods from the 5th century into the 13th century:
Although John R. McRae has reservations about the division of Chan history in phases or periods,[14] he nevertheless distinguishes four phases in the history of Chan:[15]
Neither Ferguson nor McRae gives a periodisation for Chinese Chan following the Song dynasty, though McRae mentions
When Buddhism came to China, it was adapted to the Chinese culture and understanding. Theories about the influence of other schools in the evolution of Chan vary widely and are heavily reliant upon speculativecorrelation rather than on written records or histories. Numerous scholars have argued that Chan developed from the interaction betweenMahāyāna Buddhism andTaoism.[26][27][28][29]
Buddhist meditation was practiced in China centuries before the rise of Chan, by people such asAn Shigao (c. 148–180 CE) and his school, who translated variousDhyāna sutras (Chan jing, 禪經, "meditation treatises"), which were influential early meditation texts mostly based on the meditation teachings of theKashmiriSarvāstivāda school (circa 1st–4th centuries CE).[30] The fivemain types of meditation in the Dhyana sutras areanapanasati (mindfulness of breathing);paṭikūlamanasikāra meditation, mindfulness of the impurities of the body; loving-kindnessmaitri meditation; the contemplation on the twelve links ofpratityasamutpāda; and the contemplation on theBuddha's thirty-two Characteristics.[31] Other important translators of meditation texts wereKumārajiva (334–413 CE), who translatedThe Sutra on the Concentration of Sitting Meditation, amongst many other texts; andBuddhabhadra. These Chinese translations of mostly Indian Sarvāstivāda Yogacara meditation manuals were the basis for the meditation techniques of Chinese Chan.[web 1]
Buddhism was exposed toConfucian,[32]Taoist[33][34] and localFolk religious[35] influences when it came to China. Goddard quotesD.T. Suzuki,[note 3] calling Chan a "natural evolution of Buddhism under Taoist conditions".[36] Buddhism was first identified to be "a barbarian variant of Taoism", and Taoist terminology was used to express Buddhist doctrines in the oldest translations of Buddhist texts,[34] a practice termedko-i, "matching the concepts".[37]
Judging from the reception by theHan of the Hinayana works and from the early commentaries, it appears that Buddhism was being perceived and digested through the medium of religious Daoism (Taoism). Buddha was seen as a foreign immortal who had achieved some form of Daoist nondeath. The Buddhists' mindfulness of the breath was regarded as an extension of Daoist breathing exercises.[38]
The first Buddhistconverts in China were Taoists.[34] They developed high esteem for the newly introduced Buddhist meditational techniques,[39] and blended them withTaoist meditation.[40] Representatives of early Chinese Buddhism likeSengzhao andTao Sheng were deeply influenced by the Taoist keystone works ofLaozi andZhuangzi.[41] Against this background, especially the Taoist concept ofnaturalness was inherited by the early Chan disciples:[42] they equated – to some extent – the ineffableTao andBuddha-nature,[43] and thus, rather than feeling bound to the abstract "wisdom of the sūtras", emphasized Buddha-nature to be found in "everyday" human life, just as the Tao.[43] On the other hand, Taoists at first misunderstoodsunyata to be akin to the Taoistnon-being.[44]
The emerging Chinese Buddhism nevertheless had to compete with Taoism and Confucianism:[32]
Because Buddhism was a foreign influence, however, and everything "barbarian" was suspect, certain Chinese critics were jolted out of complacency by the spread of the dharma [...] In the first four centuries of the Christian Era, this barbarian influence was infiltrating China just when it was least politically stable and more vulnerable to sedition. As the philosophy and practice infiltrated society, many traditionalists banded together to stop the foreign influence, not so much out of intolerance (an attitude flatly rejected by both Taoism and Confucianism), but because they felt that the Chinese worldview was being turned upside down.[32]
One point of confusion for this new emerging Chinese Buddhism was thetwo truths doctrine. Chinese thinking took this to refer to twoontological truths: reality exists on two levels, a relative level and an absolute level.[45] Taoists at first misunderstoodsunyata to be akin to the Taoist non-being.[46] In IndianMadhyamaka philosophy the two truths are twoepistemological truths: two different ways to look at reality. Based on their understanding of theMahayana Mahaparinirvana Sutra the Chinese supposed that the teaching of Buddha-nature was, as stated by that sutra, the final Buddhist teaching, and that there is an essential truth above sunyata and the two truths.[47]
When Buddhism came to China, there were three divisions of training:
It was in this context that Buddhism entered into Chinese culture. Three types of teachers with expertise in each training practice developed:
Monasteries and practice centers were created that tended to focus on either the Vinaya and training of monks or the teachings focused on one scripture or a small group of texts. Dhyāna (Chan) masters tended to practice in solitary hermitages, or to be associated with Vinaya training monasteries or the dharma teaching centers. The later naming of the Zen school has its origins in this view of the threefold division of training.
McRae goes so far as to say:
... one important feature must not be overlooked: Chan was not nearly as separate from these other types of Buddhist activities as one might think [...] [T]he monasteries of which Chan monks became abbots were comprehensive institutions, "public monasteries" that supported various types of Buddhist activities other than Chan-style meditation. The reader should bear this point in mind: In contrast to the independent denominations of Soto and Rinzai that emerged (largely by government fiat) in seventeenth-century Japan,there was never any such thing as an institutionally separate Chan "school" at any time in Chinese Buddhist history (emphasis McRae).[48]
The Chan tradition ascribes the origins of Chan in India to theFlower Sermon, the earliest source for which comes from the 14th century.[49] It is said thatGautama Buddha gathered his disciples one day for aDharma talk. When they gathered together, the Buddha was completely silent and some speculated that perhaps the Buddha was tired or ill. The Buddha silently held up and twirled a flower and his eyes twinkled; several of his disciples tried to interpret what this meant, though none of them were correct. One of the Buddha's disciples,Mahākāśyapa, gazed at the flower and smiled. The Buddha then acknowledged Mahākāśyapa's insight by saying the following:[50]
I possess the true Dharma eye, the marvelous mind of Nirvāṇa, the true form of the formless, the subtle Dharma gate that does not rest on words or letters but is a special transmission outside of the scriptures. This I entrust to Mahākāśyapa.
Traditionally the origin of Chan in China is credited toBodhidharma, anIranian-language speakingCentral Asian monk[51] or an Indian monk.[52][53] The story of his life, and of the Six Patriarchs, was constructed during theTang dynasty to lend credibility to the growing Chan-school.[11] Only scarce historical information is available about him, but his hagiography developed when the Chan tradition grew stronger and gained prominence in the early 8th century. By this time a lineage of the six ancestral founders of Chan in China was developed.[54]
The actual origins of Chan may lie in ascetic practitioners of Buddhism, who lived in forests and mountains.[55]Huike, "a dhuta (extreme ascetic) who schooled others"[55] and used theSrimala Sutra,[56] one of theTathāgatagarbha sūtras,[57] figures in the stories about Bodhidharma. Huike is regarded as the second Chan patriarch, appointed by Bodhidharma to succeed him. One of Huike's students,Sengcan, to whom is ascribed theXinxin Ming, is regarded as the third patriarch.
By the late 8th century, under the influence ofHuineng's studentShenhui, the traditional list of patriarchs of the Chan lineage had been established:[54]
In later writings, this lineage was extended to include 28 Indian patriarchs. In theSong of Enlightenment (證道歌Zhèngdao gē) ofYongjia Xuanjue (永嘉玄覺, 665–713), one of the chief disciples ofHuineng, it is written that Bodhidharma was the 28th patriarch in a line of descent from Mahākāśyapa, a disciple ofŚākyamuni Buddha, and the first patriarch of Chan Buddhism.[58]
Mahākāśyapa was the first, leading the line of transmission;
Twenty-eight Fathers followed him in the West;
The Lamp was then brought over the sea to this country;
And Bodhidharma became the First Father here:
His mantle, as we all know, passed over six Fathers,
And by them many minds came to see the Light.[59]
In its beginnings in China, Chan primarily referred to theMahāyāna sūtras and especially to theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra.[60] As a result, early masters of the Chan tradition were referred to as "Laṅkāvatāra masters". As theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra teaches the doctrine of theEkayāna "One Vehicle", the early Chan school was sometimes referred to as the "One Vehicle School".[61] In other early texts, the school that would later become known as Chan is sometimes even referred to as simply the "Laṅkāvatāra school" (Ch. 楞伽宗,Léngqié Zōng).[62] Accounts recording the history of this early period are to be found in theRecords of the Laṅkāvatāra Masters (Chinese:楞伽師資記).
Bodhidharma is recorded as having come into China during the time ofSouthern and Northern Dynasties to teach a "special transmission outside scriptures" which "did not stand upon words".[63] ThroughoutBuddhist art, Bodhidharma is depicted as a rather ill-tempered, profusely bearded and wide-eyed barbarian. He is referred to as "The Blue-EyedBarbarian" (碧眼胡;Bìyǎn hú) in Chinese Chan texts.[web 2] Only scarce historical information is available about him but his hagiography developed when the Chan tradition grew stronger and gained prominence in the early 8th century. By this time a lineage of the six ancestral founders of Chan in China was developed.[11]
Little contemporary biographical information on Bodhidharma is extant, and subsequent accounts became layered with legend.[54] There are three principal sources for Bodhidharma's biography:[64]The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang by Yang Xuanzhi's (楊衒之, 547), Tan Lin's preface to theLong Scroll of the Treatise on the Two Entrances and Four Practices (6th century CE), andDayi Daoxin'sFurther Biographies of Eminent Monks (7th century CE).
These sources vary in their account of Bodhidharma being either "from Persia" (547 CE), "a Brahman monk from South India" (645 CE), "the third son of a Brahman king of South India" (c. 715 CE).[54] Some traditions specifically describe Bodhidharma to be the third son of aPallava king fromKanchipuram.[web 3][65]
TheLong Scroll of the Treatise on the Two Entrances and Four Practices written by Tan Lin (曇林; 506–574), contains teachings that are attributed to Bodhidharma. The text is known from theDunhuang manuscripts. The two entrances toenlightenment are the entrance of principle and the entrance of practice:
The entrance of principle is to become enlightened to the Truth on the basis of the teaching. One must have a profoundfaith in the fact that one and the same True Nature is possessed by all sentient beings, both ordinary and enlightened, and that this True Nature is only covered up and made imperceptible [in the case of ordinary people] byfalse sense impressions".[66]
The entrance of practice includes the following four increments:
- Practice of the retribution of enmity: to accept all suffering as the fruition of past transgressions, without enmity or complaint
- Practice of the acceptance of circumstances: to remain unmoved even by good fortune, recognizing it as evanescent
- Practice of the absence of craving: to be without craving, which is the source of all suffering
- Practice of accordance with the Dharma: to eradicate wrong thoughts and practice the six perfections, without having any "practice".[67]
This text was used and studied by Huike and his students. The True Nature refers to theBuddha-nature.[66]
Bodhidharma settled inNorthern Wei China. Shortly before his death, Bodhidharma appointed his disciple Dazu Huike to succeed him, making Huike the first Chinese-born ancestral founder and the second ancestral founder of Chan in China. Bodhidharma is said to have passed three items to Huike as a sign of transmission of the Dharma: a robe, a bowl, and a copy of theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra. The transmission then passed to the second ancestral founder Dazu Huike, the third Sengcan, the fourth ancestral founder Dayi Daoxin, and the fifth ancestral founderDaman Hongren.
With the fourth patriarch,Daoxin (道信 580–651),[68] Chan began to take shape as a distinct school. The link between Huike and Sengcan, and the fourth patriarch Daoxin "is far from clear and remains tenuous".[55] With Daoxin and his successor, the fifth patriarchHongren (弘忍 601–674), there emerged a new style of teaching, which was inspired by the Chinese textAwakening of Faith in the Mahayana.[68] According to McRae, the "first explicit statement of the sudden and direct approach that was to become the hallmark of Ch'an religious practice" is associated with theEast Mountain School.[69] It is a method named "Maintaining the one without wavering" (shouyi puii, 守一不移),[69]the one being thenature of mind, which is equated with Buddha-nature.[70] In this practice, one turns the attention from the objects of experience, to the perceiving subject itself.[71] According to McRae, this type of meditation resembles the methods of "virtually all schools of Mahayana Buddhism," but differs in that "no preparatory requirements, no moral prerequisites or preliminary exercises are given," and is "without steps or gradations. One concentrates, understands, and is enlightened, all in one undifferentiated practice."[69][note 4] Sharf notes that the notion of "Mind" came to be criticised by radical subitists, and was replaced by "No Mind," to avoid any reifications.[73][note 5] Concepts such asTiyong (體用, lit: "Essence and Function") andLishi (理事, lit: "Noumenon and Phenomenon" or "Principle and Practice") which first appeared inHuayen Buddhism[37] also consequently influenced Chan deeply.[75] For instance, the concept oftiyong appears in the Platform Sutra.
A large group of students gathered at a permanent residence, and extreme asceticism became outdated.[55] The period of Daoxin and Hongren came to be called theEast Mountain Teaching, due to the location of the residence of Hongren at Huangmei.[76][11] The term was used byYuquan Shenxiu (神秀 606?–706), the most important successor to Hongren.[77] By this time the group had grown into a matured congregation that became significant enough to be reckoned with by the ruling forces.[68] The East Mountain community was a specialized meditation training centre. Hongren was a plain meditation teacher, who taught students of "various religious interests", including "practitioners of theLotus Sutra, students ofMadhyamaka philosophy, or specialists in the monastic regulations of BuddhistVinaya".[78] The school was typified by a "loose practice,"[79] aiming to make meditation accessible to a larger audience.[79] Shenxiu used short formulas extracted from various sutras to package the teachings,[79] a style which is also used in the Platform Sutra.[79] The establishment of a community in one location was a change from the wandering lives of Bodhidharma and Huike and their followers.[78] It fitted better into the Chinese society, which highly valued community-oriented behaviour, instead of solitary practice.[80]
In 701Shenxiu was invited to the Imperial Court by Zhou EmpressWu Zetian, who paid him due to imperial reverence. The first lineage documents were produced in this period:
[T]he genealogical presentation of the Chan transmission was first recorded on paper in the early years of metropolitan Chan activity. The earliest recorded instance of this was in the epitaph for a certain Faru, a student of Hongren's who died in 689, and by the second decade of the 8th century, the later followers of Hongren had produced two separate texts describing the transmission from Bodhidharma to Shenxiu.[81]
The transition from the East Mountain to the two capitals changed the character of Chan:
[I]t was only when Hongren's successors moved into the environment of the two capitals, with its literate society and incomparably larger urban scale, that well-written texts were required for disseminating the teaching.[82]
Members of the "East Mountain Teaching" shifted the alleged scriptural basis, realizing that theAwakening of Faith is not a sutra but asastra, commentary, and fabricated a lineage ofLankavatara Sutra masters, as being the sutra that preluded theAwakening of Faith.[56]
According to tradition, the sixth and last ancestral founder,Huineng (惠能; 638–713), was one of the giants of Chan history, and all surviving schools regard him as their ancestor.[83] The dramatic story of Huineng's life tells that there was a controversy over his claim to the title of patriarch. After being chosen by Hongren, the fifth ancestral founder, Huineng had to flee by night toNanhua Temple in the south to avoid the wrath of Hongren's jealous senior disciples.
Modern scholarship, however, has questioned this narrative. Historic research reveals that this story was created around the middle of the 8th century, as part of a campaign to win influence at the Imperial Court in 731 by a successor to Huineng called Shenhui. He claimed Huineng to be the successor of Hongren instead of Shenxiu, the recognized successor.[54] A dramatic story of Huineng's life was created, as narrated in thePlatform Sutra, which tells that there was a contest for the transmission of the title of patriarch. After being chosen byHongren, the fifth patriarch, Huineng had to flee by night toNanhua Temple in the south to avoid the wrath of Hongren's jealous senior disciples.[11][76] Shenhui succeeded in his campaign, and Huineng eventually came to be regarded as the Sixth Patriarch.[76][11] In 745 Shenhui was invited to take up residence in the Heze Temple in the capital, Dongdu (modernLuoyang) In 753, he fell out of grace and had to leave Dongdu to go into exile.
The most prominent of the successors of Shenhui's lineage wasGuifeng Zongmi.[84] According to Zongmi, Shenhui's approach was officially sanctioned in 796, when "an imperial commission determined that the Southern line of Chan represented the orthodox transmission and established Shen-hui as the seventh patriarch, placing an inscription to that effect in the Shen-lung temple".[85]
Doctrinally, Shenhui's "Southern School" is associated with the teaching thatenlightenment is sudden while the "Northern" or East Mountain school is associated with the teaching that enlightenment is gradual. This was a polemical exaggeration since both schools were derived from the same tradition, and the so-called Southern School incorporated many teachings of the more influential Northern School.[54] Eventually both schools died out, but the influence of Shenhui was so immense that all later Chan schools traced their origin to Huineng, and "sudden enlightenment" became a standard doctrine of Chan.[54]
Shenhui's influence is traceable in thePlatform Sutra, which gives a popular account of the story of Huineng but also reconciles the antagonism created by Shenhui. Salient is that Shenhui himself does not figure in thePlatform Sutra; he was effectively written out of Chan history.[86] ThePlatform Sutra also reflects the growing popularity of theDiamond Sūtra (Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra) in 8th-century Chinese Buddhism.[87][88] Thereafter, the essential texts of the Chan school were often considered to be both theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra and theDiamond Sūtra.[89] TheLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra, which endorses the Buddha-nature, emphasized purity of mind, which can be attained in gradations. The Diamond-sutra emphasizes sunyata, which "must be realized totally or not at all".[88]David Kalupahana associates the laterCaodong school (JapaneseSōtō, gradual) andLinji school (JapaneseRinzai school, sudden) schools with theYogacara andMadhyamaka philosophies respectively.[90] The same comparison has been made by McRae.[91] The Madhyamaka school elaborated on the theme ofśūnyatā, which was set forth in theprajnaparamita sutras, to which theDiamond Sutra also belongs.[90] The shift from theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra to theDiamond Sutra also signifies a tension between Buddha-nature teachings, which imply a transcendental reality, versus śūnyatā, which denies such a transcendental reality.
Chinese Chan Buddhist teachers such asMoheyan first went to Tibet in the eighth century during the height of theTibetan Empire.[92] There seems to have been disputes between them and Indian Buddhists, as exemplified by theSamye debate. Many Tibetan Chan texts have been recovered from the caves atDunhuang, where Chan and Tantric Buddhists lived side by side and this led toreligious syncretism in some cases.[93] Chan Buddhism survived in Tibet for several centuries,[94] but had mostly been replaced by the 10th century developments inTibetan Buddhism. According to Sam Van Schaik:
After the 'dark period', all visible influences of Chan were eliminated from Tibetan Buddhism, and Mahayoga and Chan were carefully distinguished from each other. This trendcan already be observed in the tenth-century Lamp for the Eyes in Contemplation by the great central Tibetan scholarGnubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes. This influential work represented a crucial step in the codification of Chan, Mahayoga and the Great Perfection as distinct vehicles to enlightenment. In comparison, our group of [Dunhuang] manuscripts exhibits remarkable freedom, blurring the lines between meditation systems that were elsewhere kept quite distinct. The system of practice set out in these manuscripts did not survive into the later Tibetan tradition. Indeed, this creative integration of meditation practices derived from both Indic and Chinese traditions could only have been possible during the earliest years of Tibetan Buddhism, when doctrinal categories were still forming, and in this sense, it represents an important stage in the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism.[93]
Daoxin, Hongren, Shenxiu, Huineng and Shenhui all lived during the early Tang. The later period of theTang dynasty is traditionally regarded as the "golden age" of Chan. This proliferation is described in a famous saying:[95]
Look at the territory of the house of Tang —
The whole of it is the realm of the Chan school.
TheAn Lushan Rebellion (755–763) led to a loss of control by the Tang dynasty, and changed the Chan scene again. Metropolitan Chan began to lose its status, while "other schools were arising in outlying areas controlled by warlords. These are the forerunners of the Chan we know today. Their origins are obscure; the power of Shen-hui's preaching is shown by the fact that they all trace themselves to Hui-neng."[96]
The most important of these schools is theHongzhou school (洪州宗) ofMazu, to which also belongDazhu Huihai,Baizhang Huaihai,Huangbo andLinji (Rinzai). Linji is also regarded as the founder of one of the Five Houses.
This school developed "shock techniques such as shouting, beating, and using irrational retorts to startle their students into realization".[97][58] Some of these are common today, while others are found mostly in anecdotes. It is common in many Chan traditions today for Chan teachers to have a stick with them during formal ceremonies which is a symbol of authority and which can be also used to strike on the table during a talk.
These shock techniques became part of the traditional and still popular image of Chan masters displaying irrational and strange behaviour to aid their students.[54][98] Part of this image was due to later misinterpretations and translation errors, such as the loud belly shout known ashe (喝, Japanese:katsu). "He" means "to shout", which has sometimes been translated as "yelled 'katsu'" – which should mean "yelled a yell".[web 4]
A well-known story depicts Mazu practicing dhyana, but being rebuked by his teacherNanyue Huairang, comparing seated meditation with polishing a tile.[99] According to Faure, the criticism is not about dhyana as such, but "the idea of "becoming a Buddha" by means of any practice, lowered to the standing of a "means" to achieve an "end"".[99] The criticism of seated dhyana reflects a change in the role and position of monks in Tang society, who "undertook only pious works, reciting sacred texts and remaining seated indhyana".[100] Nevertheless, seated dhyana remained an important part of the Chan tradition, also due to the influence ofGuifeng Zongmi, who tried to balance dhyana and insight.[100]
The Hung-chou school has been criticised for its radicalsubitism. Guifeng Zongmi (圭峰 宗密) (780–841), an influential teacher-scholar who was a Patriarch of both the Chan and theHuayan traditions, claimed that the Hongzhou school teaching led to a radical nondualism that denies the need for spiritual cultivation and moral discipline. While Zongmi acknowledged that the essence of Buddha-nature and its functioning in the day-to-day reality are but different aspects of the same reality, he insisted that there is a difference.[101]
TraditionallyShitou Xiqian (Ch. 石頭希遷, c. 700 – c.790) is seen as the other great figure of this period. In the Chan lineages he is regarded as the predecessor of theCaodong (Sōtō) school.[102] He is also regarded as the author of theCantongqi, a poem which formed the basis for theSong of the Precious Mirror Samadhi ofDongshan Liangjie (Jp. Tōzan Ryōkan) and the teaching of theFive Ranks.[103][104]
During 845–846Emperor Wuzong persecuted the Buddhist schools in China:
It was a desperate attempt on the part of the hard-pressed central government, which had been in disarray since the An Lu-shan rebellion of 756, to gain some measure of political, economic, and military relief by preying on the Buddhist temples with their immense wealth and extensive lands.[105]
This persecution was devastating for metropolitan Chan, but the Chan school of Mazu and his likes had survived, and took a leading role in the Chan of the later Tang.[105]
After the fall of theTang dynasty, China was without effective central control during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period. China was divided into several autonomous regions. Support for Buddhism was limited to a few areas. TheHuayan andTiantai schools suffered from the changing circumstances, since they had depended on imperial support. The collapse of Tang society also deprived the aristocratic classes of wealth and influence, which meant a further drawback for Buddhism. Shenxiu's Northern School and Henshui's Southern School didn't survive the changing circumstances. Nevertheless, Chan emerged as the dominant stream within Chinese Buddhism, but with various schools developing various emphasises in their teachings, due to the regional orientation of the period. TheFayan school, named afterFayan Wenyi (885–958) became the dominant school in the southern kingdoms ofNan-Tang (Jiangxi) andWuyue (Zhejiang).[106] Chan teachings were also synthesized together with the doctrines of the other traditions of Chinese Buddhism. A notable example during this period is the eminent Chan master and Pure Land Patriarch,Yongming Yanshou, who held that scriptural study and Chan realization are not separate paths, and that Chan praxis was compatible with the study of scripture and Buddhist philosophy.[107][108] Yanshou promoted a synthesis of the diverse teachings of the Chinese Buddhist schools of his time, includingChan,Tiantai,Huayan,Weishi, andPure Land, and was a famous advocate of the dual-practice of Chan and Pure Land (禪淨雙修, chanjing shuangxiu) in particular. Some of the techniques he taught includes chanting thenianfo duringzuochan (sitting meditation) as well as when circumambulating a Buddha image. Yanshou saw Chan as encompassing all Mahayana practices, and quotes from numerous sources including various Chan patriarchs and texts, as well as the works of theHuayan,Tiantai,Sanlun, andWeishi schools in his teachings.
The Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period was followed by the Song dynasty, which established a strong central government. During the Song dynasty, Chan (禪) was used by the government to strengthen its control over the country, and Chan grew to become the largest tradition inChinese Buddhism. An ideal picture of the Chan of the Tang period was produced, which served the legacy of this newly acquired status:
In the Song dynasty (960–1279), Chinese Chan Buddhism reached something of a climax paradigm. By "climax paradigm", I mean a conceptual configuration by which Chan was described in written texts, practiced by its adherents, and by extension understood as a religious entity by the Chinese population as a whole ... Previous events in Chan were interpreted through the lens of the Song dynasty configuration, and subsequent developments in China, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam were evaluated, even as they occurred, against what was known of the standards established during the Song. Thus the romanticized image of the great Tang dynasty masters – Mazu and his students, Caoshan, Dongshan, and their students, and of course Linji – was generated by Song dynasty authors and functioned within Song dynasty texts. Similarly, even where subsequent figures throughout East Asia – Hakuin Ekaku (1685–1769), the famous reviver of Japanese Rinzai, is the best example – evoke the examples of Bodhidharma, the Sixth Patriarch Huineng, Mazu, and the others, they do so through the conceptual filter of Song-dynasty Chan.[109]
During the Song theFive Houses (Ch. 五家) of Chan, or five "schools", were recognized. These were not originally regarded as "schools" or "sects", but based on the various Chan-genealogies. Historically they have come to be understood as "schools".
The Five Houses of Chan are:[10]
The Linji-school became the dominant school within Chan, due to support from the literati and the court.[111] Before the Song dynasty, the Linji-school is rather obscure, and very little is known about its early history.[76] The first mention of Linji is in theZutang ji, compiled in 952, 86 years after Linji's death.[111] But theZutang ji pictures theXuefeng Yicun lineage as heir to the legacy of Mazu and the Hongzhou-school.[111]
According to Welter, the real founder of the Linji-school was Shoushan (or Baoying) Shengnian (首山省念) (926–993), a fourth generation dharma-heir of Linji. TheTiansheng Guangdeng lu (天聖廣燈錄), "Tiansheng Era Expanded Lamp Record", compiled by the official Li Zunxu (李遵勗) (988–1038) confirms the status of Shoushan Shengnian, but also pictures Linji as a major Chan patriarch and heir to the Mazu, displacing the prominence of the Fayan-lineage.[111] It also established the slogan of "a special transmission outside the teaching", supporting the Linji-school claim of "Chan as separate from and superior to all other Buddhist teachings".[113]
Over the course of Song dynasty (960–1279), the Guiyang, Fayan, and Yunmen schools were gradually absorbed into the Linji. Song Chan was dominated by the Linji school ofDahui Zonggao, which in turn became strongly affiliated to the Imperial Court:
... the Ta-hui school of Sung Chan had become closely associated with the Sung court, high officials, and the literati [...] With the establishment of theWu-shan (Gozan) system during the Southern Sung the school of Ta-hui took precedence. The Chinese bureaucratic system entered into Chan temples throughout the country, and a highly organized system of temple rank and administration developed.[114]
TheWushan system (Five Mountain System) was a system of state-controlled temples, which were established by the Song government in all provinces.[115] Records by theMing dynasty (1368-1644) historianSong Lian state that the Five Mountains system was first established during the Jiading period (1208-1224) of the Southern Song byEmperor Ningzong at the request of the officialShi Miyuan (who was a follower of the eminent Chan masterDahui Zonggao), although alternative accounts of the creation of the system exists in other records.[116][117] The main Five Temples, known asWushan (五山), were selected around the then temporary Southern Song capital ofLin'an (located around modern-dayHangzhou inZhejiang), and high-ranking monks were appointed as abbots by imperial order on a rotating basis.[118][119] Immediately below the fiveWushan temples are another ten called theShicha (十刹). This list of categorizations was continued in succeeding dynasties, and separate rankings exist for both the Chan Buddhist tradition and the scriptural Buddhist tradition (which broadly includes traditions likeTiantai andHuayan).
The teaching styles and words of the classical masters were recorded in the so-called "encounter dialogues".[54] Snippets of these encounter dialogues were collected in texts as theBlue Cliff Record (1125) of Yuanwu,The Gateless Gate (1228) ofWumen, both of the Linji lineage, and theBook of Equanimity (1223) byWansong Xingxiu of the Caodong lineage.
These texts became classicgong'an cases, together with verse and prose commentaries, which crystallized into the systematizedgong'an practice (known as koan in Japanese). According to Miura and Sasaki, "[I]t was during the lifetime ofYüan-wu's successor,Dahui Zonggao (大慧宗杲; 1089–1163) that Koan Chan entered its determinative stage."[120]Gong'an practice was prevalent in the Linji school, to whichYuanwu and Dahui belonged, but it was also employed on a more limited basis by the Caodong school.
The recorded encounter dialogues, and thegong'an collections which derived from this genre, mark a shift from solitary practice to the interaction between master and student:
The essence of enlightenment came to be identified with the interaction between masters and students. Whatever insight dhyana might bring, its verification was always interpersonal. In effect, enlightenment came to be understood not so much as an insight, but as a way of acting in the world with other people[121]
This mutual enquiry of the meaning of the encounters of masters and students of the past gave students a role model:
One looked at the enlightened activities of one's lineal forebears in order to understand one's own identity [...] taking the role of the participants and engaging in their dialogues instead[122][note 6]Koan practice was a literary practice, styling snippets of encounter-dialogue into well-edited stories. It arose in interaction with "educated literati".[123]
There were dangers involved in such a literary approach, such as fixing specific meanings to the cases.[123] Dahui Zonggao is even said to have burned the woodblocks of theBlue Cliff Record, for the hindrance it had become to study of Chan by his students[124]
TheCaodong tradition was the other school to survive into the Song period. Its main protagonist wasHongzhi Zhengjue, a contemporary of Dahui Zonggao. It put emphasis on "silent illumination", or "just sitting". This approach was attacked by Dahui as being mere passivity, and lacking emphasis on gaining insight into one's true nature. Zhengjue in his turn criticized the emphasis on gong'an study.[125]
TheYuan dynasty was the empire established byKublai Khan, the leader of theBorjigin clan, after theMongol Empire conquered theJin dynasty (1115–1234) and theSouthern Song dynasty. Chan continued to practiced alongsidePure Land as in the teachings ofZhongfeng Mingben (1263–1323). During this period, other Chan lineages, not necessarily connected with the original lineage, began to emerge with the 108th Chan Patriarch,Dhyānabhadra active in both China and Korea.[126]
Together with other Buddhist traditions such asTiantai, Chan Buddhism enjoyed a revival in theMing dynasty, with eminent teachers such asHanshan Deqing (憨山德清), who wrote and taught extensively on both Chan and Pure Land Buddhism;Miyun Yuanwu (密雲圓悟), who came to be seen posthumously as the first patriarch of theŌbaku school ofZen; as well asYunqi Zhuhong (雲棲祩宏), who integrated both Chan and Pure Land thought and who was a great monastic reformer who compiled and edited many influential liturgical and ritual texts. Chan was taught alongside other Buddhist traditions such asPure Land,Huayan,Tiantai andZhenyan Buddhism in many monasteries. In continuity with Buddhism in the previous dynasties, Buddhist masters taught integrated teachings from the various traditions as opposed to advocating for any sectarian delineation between the various schools of thought.[127][128][127] This can be seen from how various prominent monastics of this period who were Chan practitioners also wrote various teachings and commentaries from the perspective of other Buddhist traditions, sometimes directly integrating teachings and practices from other traditions into Chan. One example is the eminent monkOuyi Zhixu (蕅益智旭), who was also a Patriarch of both theTiantai tradition as well as theChinese Pure Land tradition but who was also a Chan practitioner. With the downfall of the Ming, some Chan masters fled to Japan, founding theŌbaku school.[129]
At the beginning of theQing dynasty, Chan was revitalized by the "revival of beating and shouting practices" by Miyun Yuanwu (1566–1642), and the publication of theWudeng yantong ("The strict transmission of the five Chan schools") by Feiyin Tongrong's (1593–1662), a dharma heir of Miyun Yuanwu. The book placed self-proclaimed Chan monks without proper Dharma transmission in the category of "lineage unknown" (sifa weixiang), thereby excluding several prominent Caodong monks.[130]
Around 1900, Buddhists from other Asian countries showed a growing interest in Chinese Buddhism.Anagarika Dharmapala visited Shanghai in 1893,[web 5] intending "to make a tour of China, to arouse the Chinese Buddhists to send missionaries to India to restore Buddhism there, and then to start a propaganda throughout the whole world", but eventually limiting his stay to Shanghai.[web 5] Japanese Buddhist missionaries were active in China in the beginning of the 20th century.[web 5]
The modernisation of China led to the end of the Chinese Empire, and the installation of the Republic of China, which lasted on the mainland until theCommunist Revolution and the installation of the People's Republic of China in 1949.
After having experienced a decline by the end of the Qing dynasty, Chan was reinvigorated again in the early 20th century byHsu Yun (虛雲), a well-known figure of 20th-century Chinese Buddhism. Many Chan teachers today trace their lineage to Hsu Yun, includingSheng Yen (聖嚴) andHsuan Hua (宣化), who have propagated Chan in the West where it has grown steadily through the 20th and 21st century.
The Buddhist reformistTaixu propagated a Chan-influencedhumanistic Buddhism, which is endorsed by Jing Hui, former abbot ofBailin Monastery.[131]
Until 1949, monasteries were built in the Southeast Asian countries, for example by monks ofGuanghua Monastery, to spread Chinese Buddhism. Presently, Guanghua Monastery has seven branches in the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia.[web 6]
Chan was repressed in China during the recent modern era in the early periods of the People's Republic, but subsequently has been re-asserting itself on the mainland, and has a significant following inTaiwan andHong Kong as well as amongOverseas Chinese.
Since theChinese economic reform of the 1970s, a new revival of Chinese Buddhism has been ongoing.[132][47][web 7][web 8] Ancient Buddhist temples, such asBailin Monastery andGuanghua Monastery have been refurbished.
Bailin Monastery was ruined long before 1949.[131] In 1988, Jing Hui was persuaded to take over the Hebei Buddhist Association, and start rebuilding the Monastery.[131] Jing Hui is a student[131] and dharma successor[web 9] ofHsu Yun, but has also adopted theHumanistic Buddhism ofTaixu.[131][note 7][note 8]
Guanghua Monastery was restored beginning in 1979, when a six-year restoration program began under the supervision of then 70-year-old Venerable Master Yuanzhou (圆拙老法师). In 1983 the temple became one of the Chinese Buddhism Regional Temples (汉族地区全国重点寺院) whilst 36-year-old Master Yiran (毅然法師) became abbot. The same year, Venerable Master Yuanzhou funded the establishment of the new Fujian Buddhism Academy (福建佛学院) on the site.
Several Chinese Buddhist teachers left China during the Communist Revolution, and settled in Hong Kong and Taiwan.
Sheng Yen (1930–2009) was the founder of theDharma Drum Mountain, a Buddhist organization based inTaiwan. During his time in Taiwan, Sheng Yen was well known as one of the progressive Buddhist teachers who sought to teach Buddhism in a modern and Western-influenced world. Sheng yen published over 30 Chan texts in English.[133][134][135]
Wei Chueh (1928–2016) was born inSichuan, China, and ordained in Taiwan. In 1982, he founded Lin Quan Temple in Taipei County and became known for his teaching on Chan practices by offering many lectures and seven-day Chan retreats. His order is calledChung Tai Shan.
Two additional traditions emerged in the 1960s, based their teaching on Chan practices.
Cheng Yen (born 1937), a Buddhistnun, founded theTzu Chi Foundation as a charity organization withBuddhist ethics on May 14, 1966 inHualien, Taiwan.[136] She was inspired by her master and mentor, the late Venerable MasterYin Shun (印順導師;Yìn Shùn dǎoshī) a proponent ofHumanistic Buddhism, who exhorted her to "work for Buddhism and for all sentient beings". The organisation began with a motto of "instructing the rich and saving the poor" as a group of thirtyhousewives who donated a small amount of money each day to care for needy families.[137]
Hsing Yun (1927-2023), founded the Fo Guang Shan an internationalChinese Buddhistnew religious movement based inTaiwan in 1967. The order promotesHumanistic Buddhism. Fo Guang Shan also calls itself the International Buddhist Progress Society. The headquarters of Fo Guang Shan, located inDashu District,Kaohsiung, is the largest Buddhist monastery in Taiwan. Hsing Yun's stated position within Fo Guang Shan is that it is an "amalgam of all Eight Schools of Chinese Buddhism" (八宗兼弘), including Chan. Fo Guang Shan is the most comprehensive of the major Buddhist organizations of Taiwan, focusing extensively on both social works and religious engagement.[138]
In Taiwan, these four masters are popularly referred to as the "Four Heavenly Kings" of Taiwanese Buddhism, with their respective organizationsDharma Drum Mountain,Chung Tai Shan,Tzu Chi, andFo Guang Shan being referred to as the "Four Great Mountains".[139][140]
According to traditional accounts of Vietnam, in 580 an Indian monk namedVinitaruci (Vietnamese:Tì-ni-đa-lưu-chi) traveled to Vietnam after completing his studies withSengcan, the third patriarch of Chinese Chan. This, then, would be the first appearance ofThiền Buddhism. Other early Thiền schools included that ofWu Yantong (Chinese:無言通; Vietnamese:Vô Ngôn Thông), which was associated with the teachings of Mazu Daoyi, and the Thảo Đường (Caodong), which incorporatednianfo chanting techniques; both were founded by Chinese monks.
Seon was gradually transmitted into Korea during the lateSilla period (7th through 9th centuries) as Korean monks of predominantlyHwaeom (Korean: 화엄종;Hanja: 華嚴宗) andEast Asian Yogācāra (Korean: 유식종;Hanja: 唯識宗) background began to travel to China to learn the newly developing tradition. Seon received its most significant impetus and consolidation from theGoryeo monkJinul (知訥) (1158–1210), who established a reform movement and introducedkōan practice to Korea. Jinul established theSonggwangsa (松廣寺) as a new center of pure practice.
Zen was not introduced as a separate school in Japan until the 12th century whenEisai traveled to China and returned to establish a Linji lineage, which is known in Japan as the Rinzai. In 1215,Dōgen, a younger contemporary of Eisai's, journeyed to China himself, where he became a disciple of the Caodong masterRujing. After his return,Dōgen established the Sōtō school, the Japanese branch of Caodong.
The schools of Zen that currently exist in Japan are the Sōtō, Rinzai andŌbaku. Of these, Sōtō is the largest and Ōbaku the smallest. Rinzai is itself divided into several subschools based on temple affiliation, includingMyōshin-ji,Nanzen-ji,Tenryū-ji,Daitoku-ji, andTōfuku-ji.
In the 20th century, during the First Buddhist revival, missionaries were sent to Indonesia and Malaysia.Ashin Jinarakkhita, who played a central role in the revival of Indonesian Buddhism, received ordination as a Chanśrāmaṇera on July 29, 1953[web 14] and received the name Ti Zheng (Te Cheng) frombhikṣu Ben Qing.
Chan has become especially popular in its Japanese form. Although it is difficult to trace when the West first became aware of Chan as a distinct form of Buddhism, the visit ofSoyen Shaku, a Japanese Zen monk, toChicago during the1893 Parliament of the World's Religions is often pointed to as an event that enhanced its profile in the Western world. It was during the late 1950s and the early 1960s that the number of Westerners pursuing a serious interest in Zen, other than the descendants of Asian immigrants, reached a significant level.
The first Chinese master to teach Westerners in North America wasHsuan Hua, who taught Chan and other traditions ofChinese Buddhism inSan Francisco during the early 1960s. He went on to found theCity Of Ten Thousand Buddhas, a monastery and retreat center located on a 237-acre (959,000 m2) property nearUkiah, California, and thus founding theDharma Realm Buddhist Association and theDharma Realm Buddhist University. Another Chinese Chan teacher with a Western following wasSheng Yen, a master trained in both the Caodong and Linji schools. He first visited the United States in 1978 under the sponsorship of theBuddhist Association of the United States, and subsequently founded the CMC Chan Meditation Center inQueens, New York and theDharma Drum Retreat Center inPine Bush, New York.[web 15]
Though Chan narrative states that it is a "special transmission outside scriptures" which "did not stand upon words",[141] Chan does have a rich doctrinal background.
Classical Chinese Chan is characterised by a set of polarities:[142] absolute-relative,[143] Buddha-nature – sunyata,[144] sudden and gradual enlightenment,[145] esoteric and exoteric transmission.[146]
ThePrajnaparamita sutras andMadhyamaka emphasize the non-duality of form and emptiness: "form is emptiness, emptiness is form", as theHeart sutra says.[143] This was understood to mean that ultimate reality is not a transcendental realm, but equal to the daily world of relative reality. This idea is consistent with Chinese culture, which emphasized the mundane world and society. But this does not fully explain how the absolute is present in the relative world. This question is answered in such schemata as theFive Ranks of Dongshan,[147] theTen Bulls ("the Oxherding Pictures"), andHakuin's Four ways of knowing.[148]
The Madhyamakatwo truths doctrine and the Yogacarathree natures andTrikaya doctrines also give depictions of the interplay between the absolute and the relative.
When Buddhism was introduced in China it was understood in native terms. Various traditions struggled to attain an understanding of the Indian texts. TheTathāgatagarbha sūtras and the idea of theBuddha-nature were endorsed because of the perceived similarities with theTao, which was understood as a transcendental reality underlying the world of appearances.Śūnyatā at first was understood as pointing to the Taoistwu.[38][149]
The doctrine of the Buddha-nature asserts that allsentient beings haveBuddha-nature (Skt.Buddhadhātu, "Buddha Element", "Buddha-Principle"), the element from which awakening springs. TheTathāgatagarbha sutras state that every living being has the potential to realize awakening.[150] Hence Buddhism offers salvation to everyone, not only to monks or those who have freed themselves almost completely from karma in previous lives.[citation needed] The Yogacara theory of theEight Consciousnesses explains how sensory input and the mind create the world we experience, and obscure the alaya-jnana, which is equated to the Buddha-nature.[151]
When this potential is realized, and the defilements have been eliminated, the Buddha-nature manifests as theDharmakaya, the absolute reality which pervades everything in the world.[150] In this way, it is also the primordial reality from which phenomenal reality springs. When this understanding is idealized, it becomes a transcendental reality beneath the world of appearances.[152]
Sunyata points to the "emptiness" or no-"thing"-ness of all "things". Though we perceive a world of concrete and discrete objects, designated by names, on close analysis the "thingness" dissolves, leaving them "empty" of inherent existence.[153] TheHeart sutra, a text from the prajñaparamita sutras, articulates this in the following saying in which thefive skandhas are said to be "empty":
Yogacara explains this "emptiness" in an analysis of the way we perceive "things". Everything we conceive of is the result of the working of the five skandhas—results of perception, feeling, volition, and discrimination.[note 9] The five skandhas together compose consciousness. The "things" we are conscious of are "mere concepts", notnoumenon.[151]
It took Chinese Buddhism several centuries to recognize that śūnyatā is not identical to "wu",[38][154] nor does Buddhism postulate a permanent soul.[38] The influence of those various doctrinal and textual backgrounds is still discernible in Zen. Zen teachers still refer to Buddha-nature, but the Zen tradition also emphasizes that Buddha-natureis śūnyatā, the absence of an independent and substantial self.[38]
In Chan Buddhism two main views on the way to enlightenment are discernible, namelysudden and gradual enlightenment.
Early Chan recognized the "transcendence of the body and mind", followed by "non-defilement [of] knowledge and perception", or sudden insight into the true nature (jianxing) followed by gradual purification of intentions.[155]
In the 8th century, Chan history was effectively refashioned byShenhui, who created a dichotomy between the so-calledEast Mountain Teaching or "Northern School", led byYuquan Shenxiu, and his own line of teaching, which he called the "Southern school".[156] Shenhui placedHuineng into prominence as the sixth Chan-patriarch, and emphasizedsudden enlightenment, as opposed to the concurrent Northern School's allegedgradual enlightenment.[156] According to thesudden enlightenment propagated by Shenhui, insight into true nature is sudden; thereafter there can be no misunderstanding anymore about this true nature.
In thePlatform Sutra, the dichotomy between sudden and gradual is reconciled.[157]Guifeng Zongmi, fifth-generation successor to Shenhui, also softened the edge between sudden and gradual. In his analysis, sudden awakening points to seeing into one's true nature, but is to be followed by a gradual cultivation to attainBuddhahood.[158]
This gradual cultivation is also recognized byDongshan Liangjie (JapaneseTōzan), who described the five ranks of enlightenment.[web 16]
According to Borup the emphasis on 'mind to mind transmission' is a form of esoteric transmission, in which "the tradition and the enlightened mind is transmitted face to face".[146] Metaphorically this can be described as the transmission from a flame from one candle to another candle,[146] or the transmission from one vein to another.[159] Exoteric transmission requires "direct access to the teaching through a personal discovery of one's self. This type of transmission and identification is symbolized by the discovery of a shining lantern, or a mirror."[146]
Chan is deeply rooted in the teachings and doctrines of Mahāyāna Buddhism. What the Chan tradition emphasizes is that the enlightenment of the Buddha came not through intellectual reasoning, but rather through self-realization in Dharma practice and meditation. Therefore, it is held that it is primarily through Dharma practice and meditation that others may attain enlightenment and become Buddhas as well.
A review of the early historical documents and literature of early Chan masters clearly reveals that they were all well-versed in numerous Mahāyāna Buddhist sūtras. For example, in thePlatform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch,Huineng cites and explains theDiamond Sūtra, theLotus Sūtra (Saddharma Puṇḍarika Sūtra), theVimalakirti Nirdeśa Sūtra, theŚūraṅgama Sūtra, and theLaṅkāvatāra Sūtra.
The Chan school had to develop a doctrinal tradition of its own to establish its position.[citation needed] Subsequently, the Chan tradition produced a rich corpus of written literature which has become a part of its practice and teaching. Among the earliest and most widely studied of the specifically Chan texts, dating to at least the 9th century CE, is thePlatform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch, attributed to Huineng. The most important Chan texts belong to the "encounter dialogue" genre, which developed into various collections of gong'ans.
As a school of Mahāyāna Buddhism, Chan draws many of its basic driving concepts from that tradition, such as theBodhisattva ideal.Karuṇā is the counterpart ofprajna. The BodhisattvaAvalokiteśvara (Guanyin) embodies the striving forKaruṇā, compassion.[160][note 10] As a form ofMahayana Buddhism, Chan is grounded on the schema of theBodhisattva path, which is based on the practice of the "transcendent virtues" or "perfections" (Skt.pāramitā, Ch.boluomi) as well as the taking of theBodhisattva vows.[161][162] The most widely used list of six virtues is:generosity,moral training (incl.five precepts),patient endurance,energy or effort,meditation (dhyana),wisdom. An important source for these teachings is theAvatamsakaSutra, which also outlines the grounds (bhumis) or levels of the Bodhisattva path.[163] Thepāramitās are mentioned in early Chan works such as Bodhidharma'sTwoEntrances and Four Practices and are seen as an important part of gradual cultivation (jianxiu) by later Chan figures likeZongmi.[164][165]
An important element of this practice is the formal and ceremonial taking ofrefuge in the three jewels,bodhisattva vows andprecepts. Various sets of precepts are taken in Chan including thefive precepts,"ten essential precepts", and thesixteen bodhisattva precepts.[166][167][168][169] This is commonly done in aninitiation ritual (受戒,Ch.shoujie , lit: "receiving the precepts"), which is also undertaken bylay followers and marks a layperson as a formal Buddhist.[170]
TheChinese Buddhist practice of fasting (zhai), especially during theuposatha days (Ch.zhairi, "days of fasting") can also be an element of Chan training.[171] Chan masters may go on extended absolute fasts, as exemplified bymaster Hsuan Hua's 35 day fast, which he undertook during theCuban Missile Crisis for the generation of merit.[172]
Central to Chan practice is dhyana or meditation. In the Linji school this is supplemented with gong'an study. In meditation practice, the Chan tradition holds that the very notions of doctrine and teachings create various other notions and appearances (Skt.saṃjñā; Ch. 相,xiāng) that obscure the transcendent wisdom of each being's Buddha-nature. Thus, Chan encourages its practitioners to distrust the very scripture or text being taught to them.[173] The process of rediscovery goes under various terms such as "introspection", "a backward step", "turning-about" or "turning the eye inward".
The practice ofBuddhist meditation originated in India and first enteredChina through the translations ofAn Shigao (fl. c. 148–180 CE), andKumārajīva (334–413 CE). Both of these figures translated variousDhyāna sutras. These were influential meditation texts which were mostly based on the meditation teachings of theKashmiriSarvāstivāda school (circa 1st–4th centuries CE).[174] Among the most influential early Chinese meditation texts are theAnban Shouyi Jing (安般守意經, Sutra onānāpānasmṛti), theZuochan Sanmei Jing (坐禪三昧經, Sutra of sittingdhyānasamādhi) and theDamoduoluo Chan Jing (達摩多羅禪經,[175]Dharmatrata dhyāna sutra).[176] Early Chan texts also teach forms of meditation that are unique toMahāyāna Buddhism. For example, theTreatise on the Essentials of Cultivating the Mind, which depicts the teachings of the 7th-centuryEast Mountain school, teaches a visualization of a sun disk, similar to that taught in theContemplation Sutra.[177] According toCharles Luk, there was no single fixed method in early Chan. All the various Buddhist meditation methods were simplyskillful means that could lead a meditator to the Buddha-mind within.[178]
Whiledhyāna in a strict sense refers to the classic fourdhyānas, inChinese Buddhism,Chan may refer tovarious kinds of meditation techniques and their preparatory practices, which are necessary to practicedhyāna.[179] The five main types of meditation in theDhyāna sutras areānāpānasmṛti (mindfulness of breathing);paṭikūlamanasikāra meditation (mindfulness of the impurities of the body);maitrī meditation (loving-kindness); the contemplation on the twelve links ofpratītyasamutpāda; andcontemplation on the Buddha.[180] According to the modern Chan masterSheng Yen, these practices are termed the "five methods for stilling or pacifying the mind" and serve to focus and purify the mind, and support the development of the stages ofdhyana.[181] Chan Buddhists may also use other classic Buddhist practices like thefour foundations of mindfulness and the Three Gates of Liberation (emptiness orśūnyatā, signlessness oranimitta, andwishlessness orapraṇihita).[182]
Modern scholars like Robert Sharf argue that early Chan, while having unique teachings and myths, also made use of classic Buddhist meditation methods, and this is why it is hard to find many uniquely "Chan" meditation instructions in some of the earliest sources.[71] However, Sharf also notes there was a unique kind of Chan meditation taught in some early sources which also tend to deprecate the traditional Buddhist meditations. This uniquely Zen approach goes by various names like "maintaining mind" (shouxin 守心), "maintaining unity" (shouyi守一), "discerning the mind" (guanxin觀心), "viewing the mind" (kanxin看心), and "pacifying the mind" (anxin安心).[71][note 11] A traditional phrase that describes this practice states that "Chan points directly to the human mind, to enable people to see their true nature and become Buddhas."[184]
Chan sources use the term "tracing back the radiance" or "turning one's light around" (Ch.fǎn zhào,返照) to describe seeing the inherent radiant source of the mind itself, the "numinous awareness",luminosity, or Buddha-nature.[185] ThePlatform Sutra mentions this term and connects it with seeing one's "original face".[186] TheRecord of Linji states that all that is needed to obtain the Dharma is to "turn your own light in upon yourselves and never seek elsewhere".[187] Sharf also notes that the early notion of contemplating a pure Buddha "Mind" was tempered and balanced by other Chan sources with terms like "no-mind" (wuxin), and "no-mindfulness" (wunian), to avoid any metaphysicalreification of mind, and any clinging to mind or language. This kind of negativeMadhyamaka style dialectic is found in early Zen sources like theTreatise on No Mind (Wuxin lun無心論)[188] of theOxhead School and thePlatform Sutra. These sources tend to emphasizeemptiness, negation, and absence (wusuo無所) as the main theme of contemplation.[73] These two contemplative themes (the Buddha mind and no-mind, positive and negative rhetoric) continued to shape the development of Chan theory and practice throughout its history.[73]
According to McRae the "first explicit statement of the sudden and direct approach that was to become the hallmark of Ch'an religious practice" is associated with theEast Mountain School.[69] It is a method named "maintaining the one without wavering" (守一不移,shǒu yī bù yí),[69]the one being the true nature of mind orSuchness, which is equated with Buddha-nature.[70][note 12] Sharf writes that in this practice, one turns the attention from the objects of experience to "the nature of conscious awareness itself", the innately pureBuddha-nature, which was compared to a clear mirror or to the sun (which is always shining but may be covered by clouds).[71] This type of meditation is based on classic Mahāyāna ideas which are not uniquely "Chan", but according to McRae it differs from traditional practice in that "no preparatory requirements, no moral prerequisites or preliminary exercises are given," and is "without steps or gradations. One concentrates, understands, and is enlightened, all in one undifferentiated practice."[69][note 13]
Later Chinese Chan Buddhists developed their own meditation ("chan") manuals which taught their unique method of direct and sudden contemplation. The earliest of these is the widely imitated and influentialZuochan Yí (c. turn of the 12th century), which recommends a simple contemplative practice that is said to lead to the discovery ofinherent wisdom already present in the mind. This work also shows the influence of the earlier meditation manuals composed byTiantai patriarchZhiyi.[192] However, other Chan sources de-emphasize traditional practices like sitting meditation, and instead focus on effortlessness and on ordinary daily activities. One example of this is found in theRecord of Linji which states: "Followers of the Way, as to Buddhadharma, no effort is necessary. You have only to be ordinary, with nothing to do—defecating, urinating, wearing clothes, eating food, and lying down when tired."[193] Similarly, some Chan sources also emphasize non-action or having no concerns (wushi無事). For example, Chan masterHuangbo states that nothing compares with non-seeking, describing the Chan adept as follows: "the person of the Way is the one who has nothing to do [wu-shih], who has no mind at all and no doctrine to preach. Having nothing to do, such a person lives at ease."[194]
Likewise, John McRae notes that a major development in early Chan was the rejection of traditional meditation techniques in favor of a uniquely Chan direct approach.[195] Early Chan sources like theLong Scroll (dubbed theBodhidharma Anthology by Jeffrey Broughton),[note 14] thePlatform Sutra and the works ofShenhui question such things as mindfulness and concentration, and instead state that insight can be attained directly and suddenly. For example, Record I of theLong Scroll states: "The man of sharp abilities hears of the path without producing a covetous mind. He does not even produce right mindfulness and right reflection," and the iconoclasticMaster Yüan states in Record III of the same text, "If mind is not produced, what need is there for cross-legged sitting dhyana?"[197] Similarly, thePlatform Sutra criticizes the practice of sitting samādhi: "One is enlightened to the Way through the mind. How could it depend on sitting?", while Shenhui's four pronouncements criticize the "freezing", "stopping", "activating", and "concentrating" of the mind.[198][199]
Chan sources that focus on the sudden teaching can sometimes be quite radical in their rejection of the importance of traditional Buddhist ideas and practices. TheRecord of the Dharma-Jewel Through the Ages (Lidai Fabao Ji) for example states "better that one should destroyśīla [ethics], and not destroy true seeing. Śīla [causes] rebirth in Heaven, adding more [karmic] bonds, while true seeing attains nirvāṇa."[200] Similarly theBloodstream Sermon states that it doesn't matter whether one is a butcher or not, if one sees one's true nature, then one will not be affected bykarma.[201] TheBloodstream Sermon also rejects the worship of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, stating that "Those who hold onto appearances are devils. They fall from the Path. Why worship illusions born of the mind? Those who worship don't know, and those who know don't worship."[202] Similarly, in theLidai Fabao Ji,Wuzhu states that "No-thought is none other than seeing the Buddha" and rejects the practice of worship and recitation.[203] Most famously, theRecord of Linji has the master state that "if you meet a Buddha, kill the Buddha" (as well as patriarchs, arhats, parents, and kinfolk), further claiming that through this "you will gain emancipation, will not be entangled with things."[204]
Sitting meditation is calledzuochan (坐禅),zazen in Japanese, both simply meaning "sittingdhyāna". During this sitting meditation, practitioners usually assume a position such as thelotus position, half-lotus, Burmese, orseiza postures. To regulate the mind, awareness is directed towards counting or watching the breath, or put in the energy center below the navel (see alsoanapanasati).[web 17] Often, a square or round cushion placed on a padded mat is used to sit on; in some other cases, a chair may be used.
At the beginning of the Song dynasty, practice with the gong'an method became popular, whereas others practiced "silent illumination."[205] This became the source of some differences in practice between the Linji and Caodong traditions.
A common form of sitting meditation is called "Silent illumination" (Ch.mòzhào默照, Jp. mokushō). This practice was traditionally promoted by theCaodong school of Chinese Chan and is associated withHongzhi Zhengjue (1091–1157) who wrote various works on the practice.[206] This method derives from the Indian Buddhist practice of the union (Skt.yuganaddha) ofśamatha andvipaśyanā.[207]
Hongzhi's practice of silent illumination does not depend on concentration on particular objects, "such as visual images, sounds, breathing, concepts, stories, or deities."[208] Instead, it is anon-dual "objectless" meditation, involving "withdrawal from exclusive focus on a particular sensory or mental object."[208] This practice allows the meditator to be aware of "all phenomena as a unified totality," without anyconceptualizing,grasping,goal seeking, orsubject-object duality. According toLeighton, this method "rests on the faith, verified in experience, that the field of vast brightness is ours from the outset."[208] This "vast luminous Buddha field" is our immanent "inalienable endowment of wisdom" which cannot be cultivated or enhanced. Instead, one just has to recognize this radiant clarity without any interference.[209]
Nianfo (Jrom Skt.buddhānusmṛti "recollection of the Buddha") refers to the recitation of the Buddha's name, in most cases the BuddhaAmitabha. In Chinese Chan, thePure Land practice ofnianfo based on the phraseNamo Amituofo (I take refuge in Amitabha) is a widely practiced form of Chan meditation which came to be known as "Nianfo Chan" (念佛禪). Nianfo was practiced and taught by early Chan masters, likeDaoxin (580-651), who taught that one should "bind the mind to one Buddha and exclusively invoke his name".[210] The practice is also taught inShenxiu'sGuanxin lun (觀心論).[210] Likewise, theChuan fabao qi (傳法寶紀, Taisho # 2838, ca. 713), one of the earliest Chan histories, shows this practice was widespread in the early Chan generation ofHongren,Faru and Dadong who are said to have "invoked the name of the Buddha so as to purify the mind."[210]
Evidence for the practice of Nianfo Chan can also be found inChanglu Zongze's (died c. 1107)Chanyuan qinggui (The Rules of Purity in the Chan Monastery), perhaps the most influential Chan monastic code in East Asia.[210] Nianfo continued to be taught as a form of Chan meditation by later Chinese figures such asYongming Yanshou,Zhongfen Mingben, andTianru Weize. During thelate Ming, the tradition of Nianfo Chan meditation was continued by figures such asYunqi Zhuhong andHanshan Deqing.[211] Chan figures likeYongming Yanshou generally advocated a view called "mind-only Pure Land" (wei-hsin ching-t’u), which held that the Buddha and the Pure Land are just mind.[210]
Agong'an (literally "public case", Jp:koan) is a story or dialogue, generally related to Chan or other Buddhist histories; the most typical form is an anecdote involving early Chinese Chan masters. These anecdotes involving famous Chan teachers are a practical demonstration of their wisdom, and can be used to test a student's progress in Chan practice.Gong'an often appear to beparadoxical or linguistically meaningless dialogues or questions. But to Chan Buddhists, the gong'an is "the place and the time and the event where truth reveals itself"[212] unobstructed by the oppositions and differentiation of language. Answering a gong'an requires a student to let go of conceptual thinking and of the logical way we order the world, so that, like creativity in art, the appropriate insight and response arises naturally and spontaneously in the mind.
During theSong dynasty, gong'an literature became popular. Literally meaning "public case", they were stories or dialogues describing teachings and interactions betweenChan masters and their students. Gong'an are meant to illustrate Chan's non-conceptual insight (prajña). During the Song, a new meditation method was developed by Linji school figures such asDahui (1089–1163) calledkanhua chan ("observing the phrase" meditation) which referred to contemplation on a single word or phrase (called thehuatou, "critical phrase") of a gong'an.[205] Dahui famously criticised Caodong's "silent illumination."[213][214] While the two methods of Caodong and Linji are sometimes seen as competing with each other, Schlütter writes that Dahui himself "did not completely condemn quiet-sitting; in fact, he seems to have recommended it, at least to his monastic disciples."[213]
In Chan, the practice of "observing thehuatou" is still a widely practiced method.[215] Some contemporary figures that have taught this technique include influential Chinese masters likeSheng Yen andXuyun.[216]
Most Chan monasteries, temples and centers perform variousrituals, services andceremonies (such as initiation ceremonies andfunerals), which are always accompanied by the chanting of verses, poems orsutras.[217] The style of chanting typically used in Chan Buddhist practice is calledfanbai, which is traditionally orally transmitted through a lineage of monastics. It is also usually accompanied by music performed using special Buddhist instruments such a sthegong, themuyu (木魚, wooden fish), theqing (磬, sounding stones), thegu (鼓, drums),zhong (鐘, bells) andchazi (镲仔, cymbals).[218][219][220] There are also ceremonies that are specifically for the purpose of sutra recitation (Ch.niansong) itself.[221] Some majorMahayana sutras that are popularly chanted include theHeart Sutra, chapter 25 of theLotus Sutra (often called the "Avalokiteśvara Sutra"), theAmitābha Sūtra and theKsitigarbha Pūrvapraṇidhāna Sūtra.Dhāraṇīs and mantras are also found in various Chan liturgies, including texts like theNīlakaṇṭha Dhāraṇī, theUṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, theŚūraṅgama Mantra and theTen Small Mantras. Most Chan monasteries follow a traditionalstandardized liturgical structure for their daily morning and evening chants, which include many of the above mentioned texts along with other verses oftaking refuge, praise, repentance and the feeding of hungry ghosts.
Chan temples also usually hold various types of rituals throughout the calendar year. One important type of ritual practiced in Chan are variousrepentance or confession rituals (懺悔,Chanhui) that are also widely practiced in all other forms of Chinese Mahayana Buddhism. Some popular examples of such a ritual in Chan Buddhism is theDabei Chan, composed by theTiantai PatriarchSiming Zhili, and theYaoshi Bao Chan, which is traditionally ascribed to theNanshan Vinaya masterJianyue Duti and edited by theTiantai monk Shou Deng.[222][223] A widely practiced ritual in Chinese Chan is the tantricYujia Yankou rite that is practiced with the aim of facilitating the spiritual nourishment of allsentient beings.[224][225] The Chinese holiday of theGhost Festival might also be celebrated with similar rituals for the dead.[226][227][225]
Depending on the tradition,esoteric methods such asmantra anddhāraṇī may also be used for different purposes including meditation practice, protection from evil, invoking great compassion, invoking the power of certain bodhisattvas, and are chanted during ceremonies and rituals.[228][229] TheHeart Sutra Mantra is also another mantra that is used in Chan during various rituals.[230]
In Chan, the usage of esoteric mantras goes back to theTang dynasty. There is evidence that Chan Buddhists adopted practices fromChinese Esoteric Buddhism infindings from Dunhuang.[231] According to Henrik Sørensen, several successors ofShenxiu (such as Jingxian and Yixing) were also students of theZhenyan (Mantra) school.[232] Influential esotericdhāraṇī, such as theUṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī Sūtra and theNīlakaṇṭha Dhāraṇī, also begin to be cited in the literature of the Baotang school during the Tang dynasty.[233] The eighth century Chan monks ofShaolin temple also performed esoteric practices such as mantras and dharanis.[234] Many mantras have been preserved since the Tang period and continue to be practiced in modern monasteries. One common example is theŚūraṅgama Mantra, which is commonly chanted by monastics as part of themorning liturgy (朝誦Chaosong) andevening liturgy (暮誦Musong) in temples.[235][236] Various rituals that continue to be practiced by Chan monastics, such as the tantricYujia Yankou rite and the extensiveShuilu Fahui ceremony, also involve esoteric aspects, includingmaṇḍala offerings and the invocation of esoteric deities such as theFive Wisdom Buddhas and theTen Wisdom Kings.[225][237][238]
As the Chan school grew in China, the monastic discipline also became distinct, focusing on practice through all aspects of life. Temples began emphasizing labor and humility, expanding the training of Chan to include the mundane tasks of daily life. The Chinese Chan masterBaizhang (720–814CE) left behind a famous saying which had been the guiding principle of his life, "A day without work is a day without food".[web 18]
It was scholarD.T. Suzuki's contention that a spiritual awakening was always the goal of Chan's training, but that part of what distinguished the tradition as it developed through the centuries in China was a way of life radically different from that of Indian Buddhists. In Indian Buddhism, the tradition of themendicant prevailed, but Suzuki explained that in China social circumstances led to the development of a temple and training-center system in which the abbot and the monks all performed mundane tasks. These included food gardening or farming, carpentry, architecture, housekeeping, administration (or community direction), and the practice ofTraditional Chinese medicine. Consequently, the enlightenment sought in Chan had to stand up well to the demands and potential frustrations of everyday life.[239][240]
Modern classics
Classic history
Critical Zen-studies
Oversight
Overview of Chan centers
Specific Chan centers
Texts
History
Critical Chan Research
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