A chador is a full-body-length semicircle of fabric that is open down the front. The garment is pulled over the head, and is held closed at the front by the wearer; the chador has no hand openings, buttons, or clasps. It may also be held closed by being tucked under the wearer's arms. The word inClassical Persian could be used in reference to almost any cloth, headscarf, or even tents.[3][failed verification] This definition is mostly retained in the Eastern Persian varietiesTajiki andDari, which commonly use reflexes ofchādar in reference to almost any cloth or scarf,[4][5] including loosely worn scarves that would be inappropriate to call a chador inIranian Persian.
Before the 1978–1979Iranian Revolution, black chadors were reserved for funerals and periods of mourning; colorful, patterned fabrics were the norm for everyday wear. Currently, the majority of Iranian women who wear the chador use the black version outside, and reserve light-colored chadors for indoor use.
Fadwa El Guindi locates the origin of the veil in ancientMesopotamia, where "wives and daughters of high-ranking men of the nobility had to veil".[6] The veil marked class status, and thisdress code was regulated bysumptuary laws.
One of the first representation of a chador is found on Ergili sculptures and the "Satrap sarcophagus" from Persian Anatolia.[7]
Bruhn/Tilke, in their 1941A Pictorial History of Costume, do show a drawing, said to be copied from an Achaemenid relief of the 5th century BC, of an individual with their lower face hidden by a long cloth wrapped around the head.[8] Some have mistakenly claimed this to be a woman, but it is actually a Mede soldier.[9]Achaemenid women in art were almost always uncovered.[7] One of the earliest written records ofchador can be found inPahlavi scripts from the sixth century as a female head dress worn byZoroastrian women.[10]
It is likely that the custom of veiling continued through theSeleucid,Parthian, andSasanian periods. Veiling was not limited to noble women but was practiced also by Persian kings.[10]
During the Islamic era, the chador retained the meaning of adornment to some extent in Iran, but over time, it took on the meaning of Islam and the Islamic hijab which was one of the concepts of Quran[11] and Islam which was considered a limitation of women.
In someartifacts remaining from theAchaemenid period, such as a relief in Ergili (in northwesternAnatolia), a fabric design inPazyryk, and certain Greek-Iranian seals, coverings resembling modern-day chadors can be observed. Some statues from the Parthian period depict women wearing coverings similar to chadors, placed over aheadscarf.[citation needed]
During the Islamic period, the chador merely represented one type of clothing adapted to comply with Islamic dress codes and has never had auniform function, shape, stitching, size, or even color. Based on literary evidence, in both pre- and post-Islamic Iran, the chador was used both as a covering for the face or head and as a full-bodygarment.[citation needed]
In its latter meaning, the chador has found various synonyms in Arabic, one of which is "Hibrā." This term referred to the women’s covering during theUmayyad period (41–132 AH) and was considered a type of mulāyah. Mulāyah was the common covering for women outside the home in the earlyAbbasid period (132–656 AH), which covered the entire body. In one of the illustrations from a copy of "Al-Maqamat" by Al-Hariri, women are seen wearing coverings similar to today’s chador at gatherings of sermon and justice, dating back to no later than the mid-6th century.
Our understanding of the exact description of this covering, regardless of its name, is largely related to more recent periods, particularly from theSafavid andOttoman eras onwards. Accordingly, women did not view the chador solely as a veil or covering; aesthetic considerations, especially in the choice of fabric and decorations, played a significant role. The influence of women’s financial status and social class was evident in determining thefabric and embellishments of the chador.
Elite women in Fes, unlike ordinary women inMorocco, adorned the edges of their chadors with white silk or other colors during the Ottoman period, fastening them with large gold or silver rings at the chest. During theQajar period, the chadors of elite women were often made of silk, while less affluent women used "Dabit" fabric for their chadors. Elite women embroidered their black chadors with gold thread and attached silver or silver-plated borders, which gradually gave way to red borders in colors like blue, brown, and white, measuring two fingers wide. During this period, "Abaya" chadors, which were highly valuable and imported from Baghdad, were in high demand among these women.[12]
Military commanders of the Iranian armed forces, government officials, and their wives commemorating the abolition of the veil in 1936
The 20th centuryPahlavi rulerReza Shah banned thechador and all hijab during theKashf-e hijab in 1936, as incompatible with his modernizing ambitions.[13] According to Mir-Hosseini, as cited by El Guindi, "the police were arresting women who wore the veil and forcibly removing it". This policy outraged theTwelver Shia clerics, and ordinary men and women, to whom "appearing in public without their cover was tantamount to nakedness". However, she continues, "this move was welcomed by Westernized and upperclass men and women, who saw it in liberal terms as a first step in granting women their rights".[14]
Eventually, rules of dress code were relaxed, and after Reza Shah's abdication in 1941, the compulsory element in the policy of unveiling was abandoned, though the policy remained intact throughout the Pahlavi era. According to Mir-Hosseini, 'between 1941 and 1979, wearing hejab [hijab] was no longer an offence, but it was a real hindrance to climbing the social ladder, a badge of backwardness, and a marker of class. A headscarf, let alone the chador, prejudiced the chances of advancement in work and society not only of working women, but also of men, who were increasingly expected to appear with their wives at social functions. Fashionable hotels and restaurants sometimes even refused to admit women with chador, schools and universities actively discouraged the chador, although the headscarf was tolerated. It was common to see girls from traditional families, who had to leave home with the chador, arriving at school without it and then putting it on again on the way home'.[15]
In April 1980, during the Iranian Cultural Revolution, it was decided that it would be mandatory for women in government offices and educational institutions to observe the veil.[16] In 1983, a dispute regarding the veiling broke out, and public conflict was motivated by the definition of veiling and its scale (so-called "bad hijab" issue), sometimes followed even by clashes against those who were perceived to wear improper clothing.[16] Government felt obligated to deal with this situation; so, on 26 July 1984, Tehran's public prosecutor issued a statement and announced that stricter dress-code is supposed to be observed in public places such as institutions, theaters, clubs, hotels, motels, and restaurants, while in the other places, it shouldfollow the pattern of the overwhelming majority of people.[16] Stricter veiling implies both chador and more looselykhimar-type headscarf, along withovercoat.
Before the 1978–1979Iranian Revolution, black chadors were worn by many women and girls for different purposes. Light, printed fabrics were the norm for everyday wear. Currently, the majority of women who wear the chador reserve the usage of light-colored chadors for around the house or for prayers. Most women who still go outside in urban areas in a light-colored chador are elderly women of rural backgrounds. During the reign of theShah of Iran, such traditional clothing was largely discarded by the wealthier urban upper-class women in favor of modernity for western clothing, although women in small towns and villages continued to wear the chador. Traditionally a light coloured or printed chador was worn with aheadscarf (rousari), ablouse (pirahan), and a longskirt (daaman); or else a blouse and skirt or dress over pants (shalvar), and these styles continue to be worn by many rural Iranian women, in particular by older women.
Iranian girls at a 2017 rally wearing chadors
On the other hand, in Iran, the chador does not require the wearing of a veil. Inside the home, particularly for urban women, both the chador and the veil have been discarded, and there, women and teenagers wore cooler and lighter garments; while in modern times,rural women continue to wear a light-weight printed chador inside the home over their clothing during their daily activities. The chador is worn by some Iranian women, regardless of whether they areSunni or Shia, but is considered traditional to Persian Iranians, with Iranians of other backgrounds wearing the chador or other traditional forms of attire. For example,Arab Iranian women in Western and Southern Iran retain their overheadabaya which is similar to the overhead abaya worn in other Arab majority countries which historically fell under theIranian cultural sphere likeIraq,Kuwait, andBahrain.
The choice of chador color was influenced by women’s tastes, which were also affected by their age and social standing. For example, Egyptian women in the years 1249-1251 AH (1833-1835 AD) wore blacksilk chadors, while their daughters wore white ones. InTurkey, after the reforms, despite the prevalence of chadors in various colors, younger women preferred turquoise, jade, and purple shades.
In Qajar Iran, elite women often favored black or dark purple and blue chadors. Today, while in cities—especially larger ones—the color of women’s chadors worn outside the home is predominantly black, in rural areas and cities with traditional cultural symbols, colorful chadors are still observed. Women’s prayer chadors, both in urban and rural areas, are generally lighter in color and often white.[12]
Drawing of aJat Muslim couple published in the 1911 edition ofEncyclopædia Britannica, showing both man and woman wearing chadar as upper garments.
Muslim devotees bearing a chadar which will offered upon the grave of the local Sufi saint Baba Chamliyal in hisdargah situated atSamba district.
Chadar in South Asia
The Persian word enteredSouth Asia, and appeared in theHindustani language ascādar (चादर, anglicized aschaddar,chuddar andchudder).[17] However, an Indian and Pakistani cādar may more closely resemble adupatta.[18][19] In manyIndo-Aryan languages likeHindi andBengali, cādar is the vernacular term used to refer to theuttariya. The Hindustani word can also refer to other type of sheets, such as bed sheets.[20][21] Draping thegraves ofSufi saints with chadar is a devotional practice common amongMuslims in the region. There are also a smallHaredi Jewish groups in which the women wear black head-to-toe cloaks similar to the chador, such as the extremistLev Tahor.[22]
^El Guindi, Fadwa (1999),Veil: Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance, Oxford/New York: Berg, p. 174.
^El Guindi, Fadwa (1999),Veil: Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance, Oxford/New York: Berg, pp. 174–175.
^abcRamezani, Reza (2010).Hijab dar Iran az Enqelab-e Eslami ta payan Jang-e Tahmili [Hijab in Iran from the Islamic Revolution to the end of the Imposed war] (Persian), Faslnamah-e Takhassusi-ye Banuvan-e Shi’ah [Quarterly Journal of Shiite Women], Qom: Muassasah-e Shi’ah Shinasi,ISSN1735-4730
^"Chudder".American Heritage Dictionary (in: The Free Dictionary).A cotton shawl traditionally worn in India by men and women
^Platts, John T. (1884)."A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi, and English".Digital Dictionaries of South Asia. p. 416.ćādar, s.f. A sheet; a table-cloth; a covering; a coverlet; a calico mantle or wrapper (of one fold, which reaches from the head to the ankles)
^"चादर".Collins Hindi-English Dictionary.A sheet is a large rectangular piece of cloth that you sleep on or cover yourself with in a bed.
Briant, Pierre (2002),From Cyrus to Alexander, Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns
Bruhn, Wolfgang, and Tilke, Max (1973),A Pictorial History of Costume, original published asKostümwerk, 1955, Tübingen: Ernst Wasmuth
El Guindi, Fadwa (1999),Veil: Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance, Oxford/New York: Berg
Mir-Hosseini, Ziba (1996), "Stretching The Limits: A Feminist Reading of the Shari'a in Post-Khomeini Iran," in Mai Yamani (ed.),Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives, pp. 285–319. New York: New York University Press