TheCatalogue of Women (Ancient Greek:Γυναικῶν Κατάλογος,romanized: Gunaikôn Katálogos)—also known as theEhoiai (Ancient Greek:Ἠοῖαι,romanized: Ēoîai,Ancient:[ɛː.ôi̯.ai̯])[a]—is afragmentaryGreekepic poem that was attributed toHesiod during antiquity. The "women" of the title were in factheroines, many of whom lay with gods, bearing the heroes ofGreek mythology to both divine and mortal paramours. In contrast with the focus uponnarrative in theHomericIliad andOdyssey, theCatalogue was structured around a vast system ofgenealogies stemming from these unions and, inM. L. West's appraisal, covered "the whole of the heroic age."[1] Through the course of the poem's five books, these family trees were embellished with stories involving many of their members, and so the poem amounted to a compendium of heroic mythology in much the same way that the HesiodicTheogony presents a systematic account of theGreek pantheon built upon divine genealogies.
Most scholars do not currently believe that theCatalogue should be considered the work of Hesiod, but questions about the poem's authenticity have not lessened its interest for the study of literary, social and historical topics. As a Hesiodic work that treats in depth the Homeric world of the heroes, theCatalogue offers a transition between the divine sphere of theTheogony and the terrestrial focus of theWorks and Days by virtue of its subjects' status asdemigods. Given the poem's concentration upon heroines in addition to heroes, it provides evidence for the roles and perceptions of women in Greek literature and society during the period of its composition and popularity. Greek aristocratic communities, the ruling elite, traced their lineages back to the heroes of epic poetry; thus theCatalogue, a veritable "map of the Hellenic world in genealogical terms," preserves much information about a complex system of kinship associations and hierarchies that continued to have political importance long after theArchaic period.[2] Many of the myths in theCatalogue are otherwise unattested, either entirely so or in the form narrated therein, and held a special fascination for poets and scholars from the late Archaic period through theHellenistic andRoman eras.
Despite its popularity among theHellenistic literati and reading public ofRoman Egypt, the poem went out of circulation before it could pass into a medieval manuscript tradition and is preserved today bypapyrus fragments and quotations in ancient authors. Still, theCatalogue is much better attested than most "lost" works, with some 1,300 whole or partial lines surviving: "between a third and a quarter of the original poem", by one estimate.[3] The evidence for the poem's reconstruction—not only elements of its content, but the distribution of that content within theCatalogue—is indeed extensive, but the fragmentary nature of thisevidence leaves many unresolved complexities and has over the course of the past century led to several scholarly missteps.
Ancient authors most commonly referred to the poem as theCatalogue of Women, or simply theCatalogue, but several alternate titles were also employed.[4] The tenth-century encyclopedia known as theSuda gives an expanded version, theCatalogue of Heroic Women (Γυναικῶν Ἡρωϊνῶν Κατάλογος), and another late source, the twelfth-century Byzantine poet and grammarianTzetzes, prefers to call the poem theHeroic Genealogy (Ἡρωϊκὴ Γενεαλογία).[5] But the earliest and most popular alternative title wasEhoiai (Ἠοῖαι), after thefeminineformulaē' hoiē (ἠ' οἵη,Ancient:[ɛːhǒi̯.ɛː]), "or such as", which introduces new sections within the poem via the introduction of a heroine or heroines.[6] This nickname also provided the standard title for a similar Hesiodic work, theMegalai Ehoiai orGreat Ehoiai (Μεγάλαι Ἠοῖαι).[7]
As is reflected by its use as an alternate title, theē' hoiē-formula was one of the poem's most recognizable features. It may have belonged originally to a genre of poetry that simply listed notable heroines,[8] but in theCatalogue the formula is used as a structuring tool that allows the poet to resume a broken branch of a family tree, or to jump horizontally across genealogies to a new figure and line of descent.[9] A characteristic example is found in the introduction of the daughters ofPorthaon atCat.fr. 26.5–9:[b]
The preceding section of the poem had dealt at some length with the extended family of Porthaon's sisterDemodice, tracing her line down to the generation following the Trojan War. Hereē' hoiai (plural) is used to jump backwards in order to complete the account of the descendants of Porthaon and Demodice's fatherAgenor by covering the son's family. Elsewhere the formula is used in transitions to more distant branches. TheEhoie of Mestra, for example, ultimately serves to reintroduce the family ofSisyphus, Mestra's great-granduncle who hoped to win her as bride for his sonGlaucus. Although that marriage does not take place, the descendants of Sisyphus are soon presented.[10]
According to theSuda, theCatalogue was five books long.[11] The length of each is unknown, but it is likely that the entire poem consisted of anywhere from 4000 to over 5000 lines.[12] The majority of the content was structured around major genealogical units: the descendants ofAeolus were found in book 1 and at least part of book 2, followed by those ofInachus,Pelasgus,Atlas andPelops in the later books.[13] It is believed that a rough guide to this structure can be found in theBibliotheca, a Roman-era mythological handbook transmitted under the name ofApollodorus of Athens which used theCatalogue as a primary source for many genealogical details and appears to have followed the poem's overall arrangement.[14]
The first is by far the best-attested book of the poem, with several extensive papyri overlapping ancient quotations or coinciding with paraphrases: at least 420 verses ofdactylic hexameter survive in part or entire. One papyrus includesline numbers which, taken together with the system of overlaps among the other sources, allows much of the book's content to be assigned approximate line numbers.[15] Perhaps the most significant of these overlaps is between the papyrus containing the opening lines of the poem and theTheogony: theCatalogue was styled as a continuation of the "canonical" Hesiodic poem, with the final two verses of theTheogony standing asCatalogue of Women book 1, lines 1–2.[16] Toward the end of theTheogony as transmitted by the manuscript tradition, following Zeus's final ordering of Olympus and his siring several key deities, the poet invokes theMuses to sing of the "tribe of goddesses … immortals who slept with mortal men, bearing children like gods."[17] After some 150 verses on this topic, theproem to theCatalogue comes in the form of another re-invocation of the Muses to introduce a new, only slightly more terrestrial topic (Cat. fr. 1.1–5):
The immediately subsequent lines describe significant characteristics of the heroic age. The first allowed for the liaisons that are the poem's ostensible subject: gods and mortals freely interacted in those days.[18] A further significant detail about the heroic condition is offered next in one of the most puzzling passages of theCatalogue. Men and women are said to have been not "equally long-lived" (ἰσαίωνες,isaiōnes, ahapax legomenon), but it is unclear whether this refers to different lifespans among the heroes themselves, a difference between the lives of the heroes and "today's" man, or between the lifespans of the heroes and the gods.[19] The differing fates of the heroes are then described: some appear to have lived a long life characterized by perpetual youth, while others were apparently condemned to an early death by the gods.[20] The papyrus is damaged at this point, and the full implications of these comparisons are unknown. The Muses are next addressed again, asked to sing of "however many [Zeus] lay with, siring the race of glorious kings … and Poseidon [lay with] … Ares … Hermes … [Heph]aestus … Heracles"; here the papyrus ends.[21]
The repeated use of the introductory phrase "or such as …" implies an initial "such as …", and it is likely that this first woman treated wasPyrrha, wife ofDeucalion.[22] There is some debate about whether theCatalogue included an account of theFlood myth,[23] but the creation of a race ofhumans born from stones cast by Deucalion and Pyrrha does appear to have figured in the poem.[24] Zeus unsurprisingly had first pick from the catalogue of women, and siredHellen by Pyrrha.[25] Pyrrha also had three daughters by Deucalion:Thyia,Protogeneia andPandora, who was named for her maternal grandmother, the famousPandora.[26] Like their mother, these three lay with Zeus, bearing sons from whom several early Greek tribes were said to descend. Thyia boreMagnes andMacedon; Protogeneia boreAethlius, the grandfather ofAetolus; and Pandora's son wasGraecus.[27]
But it was the family of Hellen, who would himself ultimately be theeponym for the entire Greek world, that had the greatest mythological significance. He siredDorus,Xuthus andAeolus, apparently by Othryis, thenymph ofMount Othrys.[28] Dorus was the eponym of theDorians, and his sonAegimius' sons,Dymas andPamphylus, gave their names to two of the three Dorian tribes, the Dymanes and Pamphyli.[29] The third division was called the Hylleis, after Heracles' sonHyllus, with whom Pamphylus and Dymas migrated to thePeloponnese.[30] Xuthus marriedErechtheus' daughterCreusa and was the father ofIon andAchaeus, along with a daughter named Diomede.[31] The relation between the progenitors of Greek tribes among the descendants of Deucalion is outlined in the following table:
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| The genealogical relation between Greek tribes within the family of Deucalion in theCatalogue[33] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
What was likely the largest unified stemma to be treated, the account of the descendants of Aeolus andAenarete's five daughters and seven sons, stretched from before the 200th line of book 1 well into the second book.[34] The sons who were certainly found in theCatalogue areCretheus,Athamas,Sisyphus,Salmoneus,Deion (or Deioneus) andPerieres.[35] A seventh son's name is obscured inlacuna: he has been identified tentatively asMinyas,Locrus or a second Magnes, not the eponym of the Magnetes, but the father ofDictys andPolydectes of theDanaë-Perseus myth.[36] No similar doubt attends the identities of Aeolus' daughters: they werePeisidice,Alcyone,Calyce,Canace andPerimede.[37] The families of the daughters were treated first, and much of the middle of book 1—over 400 lines—was devoted to recounting their descendants. Aeolus' extended family, via both sons and daughters, is notable for a concentration of fantastical narratives and folk elements of a sort largely absent from the Homeric poems, beginning with the doomed, hubristic love ofCeyx and Alcyone, who called one another "Zeus" and "Hera" and were turned into the kingfisher and halcyon as punishment (frr. 10a.83–98, 10d OCT, 15).
After treating theThessalian families of Peisidice and Canace, the poet turned to the intermingledAetolian-Elian lines of Calyce and Perimede. Perimede had earlier in the book borne two sons to the riverAchelous, one of whom was the grandfather ofOeneus,Hippodamas.[38] ToAethlius Calyce boreEndymion, whose sonAetolus was the eponym of Aetolia and the great-grandfather ofDemodice andPorthaon, through whom the later Aetolian and Elian genealogies were traced. Somewhere within these families,Eurytus and Cteatus were found in a form more fearsome than they were in theIliad: in theCatalogue they were fierceconjoined twins with two heads, four arms and an equal number of legs.[39] Most significant for the epic tradition, however, was the marriage of Demodice's sonThestius and Porthaon's daughter Eurythemiste which produced the daughtersLeda,Althaea andHypermestra, who are introduced in a group Ehoiai at fr. 23a.3–5.
Leda's marriage toTyndareus is followed by the births ofClytemnestra,Timandra andPhylonoe, the last of whomArtemis made immortal.[41] Clytemnestra andAgamemnon had two daughters,Electra and Iphimede, the name used in the poem for the woman later and more famously known asIphigenia.[42] It had been prophesied that she must be sacrificed to Artemis before the Greek fleet could sail for Troy, but in theCatalogue version of events the goddess replaced her with aneidolon and immortalized Iphimede as "Artemis Enodia", orHecate.[43] NextOrestes' birth andmatricide are reported, the earliest extant account of his killing Clytemnestra, as the planned sacrifice of Iphimede/Iphigenia is first found in theCatalogue.[44] Timandra's marriage toEchemus follows, followed in turn by Leda's bearing theDioscuri to Zeus in several damaged lines. It is unknown if Helen's birth was reported here, for the testimonia leave her parentage uncertain. Althaea lies withAres and bearsMeleager, whose heroic qualities are described along with his death at the hands ofApollo during the conflict with theCuretes that was the sequel to theHunt for the Calydonian Boar.[45] Among Althaea's children by Oeneus,Deianeira is singled out for her role in the death andapotheosis ofHeracles.[46] The poet next turns his attention to the Porthaonids (seeabove) and closes out his account of the female Aeolids with theSirens, daughters of Sterope and Achelous.[47]
The Ehoie of Salmoneus' daughterTyro provides the transition to the families of the male Aeolids.[48] As king ofElis, Salmoneus forced his subjects to worship him as Zeus and simulated the god's thunder and lightning by dragging bronze cauldrons from his chariot and throwing torches through the air.[49] The real Zeus destroyed king and subjects alike, but spared Tyro and conducted her to the house of her uncle Cretheus in Thessaly because she wrangled with her impious father.[50] There she became enamored of the riverEnipeus, but Poseidon had his own designs upon Tyro and in the guise of the river lay with her, siringNeleus andPelias.[51] The brothers did not get along, and Zeus gave them different realms to rule: Pelias received as his lotIolcos; to Neleus fellPylos in the westernPeloponnese.[52] The house of Neleus now takes center-stage. Heracles sacked Pylos, killing all the male Neleids, saveNestor who was off in Gerenia, anotherMessenian city.[53]Periclymenus, a son of Neleus to whom Poseidon had granted the ability to change shape, was Pylos' only bulwark against the onslaught of Heracles, and theCatalogue-poet granted him a briefaristeia which ended whenAthena pointed out that the bee on Heracles' chariot was actually the Pylian defender.[54] Following the account of Nestor's marriage and family, the contest for Neleus' daughterPero was narrated.[55] The father would give her hand to whoever could rustle the cattle ofIphicles fromPhylace, a feat accomplished byBias with the help of his brotherMelampus.[56] The poet then turned to the family of Pelias as the last assignable papyrus fragment from book 1 breaks off. It is likely that Tyro's children by Cretheus—Aeson,Pheres andAmythaon—followed,[57] and there might have been room in the book to at least start the family of Cretheus' brother Athamas.[58]
Athamas ruled inBoeotia and had a complicated family life, several details of which are known to have played part in theCatalogue. His first children werePhrixus andHelle, whose mother wasNephele.[59] In what was the first episode of theArgonautic saga, she gave her children a ram with agolden fleece upon which they fled the intrigues of their stepmotherIno according to other sources.[60] Athamas was driven mad by the gods, perhaps because he took the youngDionysus into his household, and slaughtered his and Ino's sonLearchus; Ino herself jumped into the sea with their sonMelicertes and became the sea-goddess Leucothea.[61] At some point before his marriage to Ino, Athamas had siredLeucon andSchoeneus byThemisto, and Leucon's daughters Peisidice, Euippe and Hyperippe were given extended group treatment in theCatalogue.[62]
It is uncertain at what point among the extant fragments the division between books 1 and 2 fell, but at least some of the Aeolid families were covered in the second book.[63] The families of Perieres, Deion and Sisyphus (in that order) were most likely found in the 2nd book because there does not appear to be enough room left in book 1 to accommodate them as a group after the children of Neleus and Pelias.[64] It was once thought that the Ehoie ofAtalanta opened the book, but recently published evidence casts doubt upon this view (seeBook 3, below).
Perieres' family was centered aroundMessene.[65] His sonLeucippus had several daughters, but Arsinoe was singled out for extensive treatment.[66] To Apollo she boreAsclepius, whom Zeus killed. In a rage Apollo killed theCyclopes, after which Zeus was about to hurl him intoTartarus whenLeto interceded and arranged for Apollo to serve as a laborer forAdmetus instead.[67] Directly following the Asclepius affair comes the Ehoie ofAsterodeia, the daughter ofDeion.[68] She boreCrisus andPanopeus toPhocus; the brothers did not get along, quarreling while still in the womb.[69] Another daughter of Deion,Philonis, borePhilammon to Apollo andAutolycus to Hermes.[70] Philammon siredThamyris;[71] Autolycus, the grandfather ofOdysseus, was a master thief who could change the appearance of his booty to avoid detection.[72] Autolycus' daughterPolymele, the mother ofJason, is apparently born directly preceding the Ehoie of Mestra, the daughter ofErysichthon.[73]
Mestra's story is one of the best preserved and most studied sections of theCatalogue.[74] She had the ability to change her shape at will, a skill which her father Erysichthon exploited in service of a ravening hunger with which he had been cursed and for which reason the people had nicknamed him Aethon (Αἴθων,Aithon, "Blazing").[75] He would marry off Mestra for thebride prices she garnered, only to have the girl return home in some different form.[76] The most notable victim of this plot wasSisyphus, who, despite his characteristic cunning, could never retain custody of his would-be daughter-in-law.[77] Strife arose between Sisyphus and Erysichthon which no mortal could resolve, and the case was handed over to another authority.[78] The text is damaged at this point, and identity of the mediator is a matter of dispute, as is the nature of the verdict rendered.[79] Exactly how this judgement resolves the quarrel over Mestra is obscure,[d] but Sisyphus ultimately comes out on the losing end, for Mestra does not bear children to Glaucus.[80] Instead Poseidon whisks her off toKos, where she bearsEurypylus to the god.[81] Eurypylus' descendants rule the island, which is sacked by Heracles in a brief allusion to the great hero's adventures. On his way home from attacking Troy for the horses ofLaomedon, he assaulted Kos before going on to participate in thegigantomachy.[82]
The Ehoie of Mestra closes with her returning to Athens to care for her father,[83] but the poet's attention stays with Sisyphus, as he and his son are the male subjects of the Ehoie ofEurynome which immediately follows. She was wise and beautiful, having been taught womanly arts by Athena.[84] Sisyphus attempted to cheat her of her cattle, but Zeus intervened.[85] Although he did not get what he was after, Sisyphus did accomplish with Eurynome what he could not with Mestra: a marriage for Glaucus. The gods again got in the way, though, and she boreBellerophontes to Poseidon, who gave his son the winged horsePegasus with which Bellerophontes slew theChimera.[86] In theIliad this task was presented as the order of Proetus' father-in-lawIobates,[87] and in theCatalogue it appears to be followed immediately by the marriage of Bellerophontes and a daughter of the Lycian king.[88]
In theBibliotheca the descendants ofInachus followed Deucalion's,[89] and theCatalogue appears to have followed the same order, likely introducing the Inachids via the Ehoie ofNiobe, the river god's granddaughter.[90] To Zeus she boreArgus, the eponym ofArgos, who in turn sired Peiren, the father ofIo.[91] Zeus's affair with Io had a place in theCatalogue, for ancient authors cite the poem's version of this myth when quoting anaition for the fact that "all's far in love ...", at least:[92]
Zeus and Io's "clandestine deeds" produced a son,Epaphus, who was the father ofLibya.[93] The families of her two sonsAgenor andBelus were covered in depth: the former's line in book 3, the latter's following his birth. Belus had a daughter,Thronia, who bore Arabus (the eponym ofArabia) to Hermes;[94] Belus' sons wereAegyptus andDanaus.[95]
The myth of the mass-wedding of Aegyptus' fifty sons andDanaus' fifty daughters came at this point,[96] but little survives of the narrative in theCatalogue. Danaus and his daughters fled to Argos and introduced the practice of digging wells, "making waterless Argos well-watered Argos" (Ἄργος ἄνυδρον ἐὸν Δανααὶ θέσαν Ἄργος ἔνυδρον).[97] Aegyptus' sons followed the Danaids to Greece in order to compel them to marry,[96] and, as in the predominant version of the myth,Hypermestra alone consummated her union withLynceus and boreAbas, whose sons wereAcrisius andProetus.[98] The daughters of Proetus offended Hera or Dionysus or both in some way, and were cursed with leprosy or madness which could only be cured byMelampous, a service which Abas rewarded by granting the seer and his brother Bias shares of Argos to rule.[99] Acrisius' daughter wasDanaë. Her golden liaison with Zeus, the birth ofPerseus, and mother and son's involuntary exile in thelarnax are quickly recounted, and Perseus' siring ofAlcaeus,Sthenelus andElectryon byAndromeda also comes in quick succession.[100]
The division between books 2 and 3 presents a special problem for the reconstruction of theCatalogue.[101] Ascholion toTheocritus,Idyll 3.40 appears to attribute the story ofAtalanta to "Hesiod in book 3", a method of citation that almost certainly refers to the present poem.[102] One papyrus concludes with what appears to be the beginning of the first line of Atalanta's Ehoie followed by a forkedparagraphos and blank space, suggesting that it is areclamans;[103] another papyrus (pictured) clearly transmits the ends of the first few lines of her section preceded by blank space, giving the possibility that it was the beginning of a book.[104] These two fragments would combine to give:[105]
The account that follows is one of the most extensive and exciting episodes of theCatalogue to survive from antiquity.[106] Atalanta wished to avoid marriage, but a throng of suitors gathered because of her beauty.[107] Her father Schoeneus promised her hand to the one who could beat his swift daughter in a footrace, with one further condition: any who accepted the challenge and lost would be put to death.[108] Aphrodite had given one of the contestants,Hippomenes, three golden apples with which to temp the girl off course; these he threw as he ran and begged Atalanta to have pity upon him.[109] The toss of the third apple finally accomplished its aim, but the couple did not live happily after: through the will of Zeus Atalanta was transformed into lion because she had seen "what it is not lawful to see," which presumably means that she had unlawfully entered a holy precinct.[110] This is where the evidence for Atalanta leaves off, and it remains unknown just where and how the passage fit in theCatalogue.It is possible that the attribution to book three was simply incorrect, and Atalante's Ehoie came within the family of Athamas in books one or two. Another possibility is that she was introduced in the context of her mother's family.[111] Her identity in theCatalogue is unknown, but this hypothesis could allow for Atalanta to appear within the Inachid stemma, following the Danae-Ehoie within the extended family of Belus.[112]
In theCatalogue and later mythographic tradition, the family ofBelus' brotherAgenor was something "like a repository for aliens and displaced persons."[113] His sonPhoenix was the eponym ofPhoenicia, and ifCepheus andCadmus were also his sons, theAgenorids would have been present inAethiopia andThebes as well.[114] By oneAlphesiboea Phoenix siredAdonis.[115]Cassiepeia bore to himPhineus; she was perhaps also the mother of Phoenix's daughterEuropa, but the girl's mother might have beenTelephaassa, as inMoschus'Europa.[116]
Europa's tale, well known in later classical literature and beyond, appears in a largely familiar form in theCatalogue. She caught Zeus's eye while she and some friends were gathering flowers in a meadow.[117] The god transformed into a bull with breath smelling of saffron, in the guise of which he abducted Europa, carrying her upon his back toCrete.[118] There she boreMinos,Rhadamanthys andSarpedon to Zeus, and he gave her a necklace made by Hephaestus that would figure in Theban saga as theNecklace of Harmonia.[119] Sarpedon ruledLycia, and was apparently granted a lifespan equal to three generations of men by Zeus.[120] His death at Troy and the rain of blood it inspired Zeus to send is briefly described.[121] Minos ruled Crete, succeeding his stepfatherAsterion.[117] Poseidon sent up from the sea a bull which had sex with Minos' wifePasiphae, siring theMinotaur.[122] To Minos she also boreDeucalion,Catreus,Androgeos and Eurygyes, though it is equally possible that these last two names referred to a single son.[123] At least one daughter,Ariadne, was surely present, for the myth of Androgeos–Eurygyes' death in Athens and the subsequent sacrifice of Athenian youths to the Minotaur will presuppose Theseus' expedition to Crete and Ariadne's complicity in slaying the beast.[124]
Phineus was even better-traveled than his sister Europa, and his biography in theCatalogue was apparently a "pièce de résistance" meant to conclude the geographically diverse Inachid stemma with an appropriate flourish.[124] He ruled inThrace, but was kidnapped by theHarpies.[125] Zetes and Calais, theBoreads, pursued the tormentors and tormented to the ends of the earth.[126] The poet catalogued many far-flung and remarkable races encountered during the chase, including: the Katoudaioi ("Subterranean Men"),Pygmies, Melanes ("Black Men"),Aethiopians,Libyans, "horse-milking"Scythians, Hemikynes ("Half-Dogs") and theMakrokephaloi, as well asgriffins.[127]Ephorus called the episode theGês Períodos (Γῆς Περίοδος, "Journey Around the World"), and it was once thought that this title referred to an independent work, one erroneously attributed to Hesiod.[128] This view was disproved conclusively in 1911 with the publication of an extensive papyrus fragment (pictured) of the episode which derived from the same bookroll that contained the myth of Europa described above.
It is likely that the section describing theArcadian descendants ofPelasgus andArcas followed that of the Inachids.[129] Pelasgus wasautochthonous; he siredLycaon either by theOceanid Meliboea or byCyllene, theoread of anArcadian mountain which still bears her name.[130] Lycaon's fifty impious sons drew the ire of Zeus and were all destroyed, saveNyctimus.[131] The majority of the subsequently covered Arcadian figures descend from Arcas, who was the son of Zeus andCallisto, a localnymph.[132] A familiar version of her catasterism is attributed to "Hesiod" byPseudo-Eratosthenes, but the Hesiodic work intended in this citation might have been theAstronomia.[133] Arcas had at least two sons:Elatus andApheidas.[134] Elatus siredAepytus, the father of Tlesenor and Peirithous; Apheidas was the father of Stheneboea, the wife of Proetus, andAleus.[134] Aleus' daughterAuge was for some reason entrusted to the care ofTeuthras inMysia, where she lay with Heracles and boreTelephus.[135] Telephus was on the Mysian throne when the Greek expedition to Troy accidentally landed there and found themselves fighting fellow "Achaeans."[136]
In theBibliotheca, the Arcadian genealogies are immediately followed by the Atlantids, and this progression is known to mirror the structure of theCatalogue because other fragments of the papyrus roll that transmits the Telephus myth cover families ofAtlas' daughters:Taygete,Electra,Alcyone,Sterope,Celaeno,Maia andMerope. Maia bore Hermes to Zeus on Mount Cyllene.[137] Taygete also slept with Zeus, becoming the mother ofLacedaemon, through whom much of the Spartan line was traced, includingTyndareos, the father ofHelen, andPenelope, the wife ofOdysseus.[138] To Zeus yet again Electra boreDardanus, the progenitor of the Trojan line, andEetion, who was killed for sleeping withDemeter.[139] Dardanus' sons wereErichthonius andIlus.[140]Hyrieus and Hyperes were Poseidon's children by Alcyone. Her section included the Ehoie of Hyrieus' daughterAntiope, who boreAmphion and Zethus to Zeus.[141] Hyperes' daughter Arethusa slept with Poseidon and was changed to a spring inEuboea, but not before bearingAbas, the eponym of theAbantes.[142] His line is traced down toElephenor, leader of the Abantes in the Trojan War.[143] Sterope lay with Ares and boreOenomaus, but it is possible that this union was delayed to book four as part of the section treating the family ofPelops and Oenomaus' daughterHippodameia.[144]
Before the papyri began to accrue, the longest extant passage of theCatalogue was known from theShield of Heracles, the first 56 lines of which were borrowed from book 4 according to an ancient hypothesis to theShield.[145] This passage, the Ehoie ofAlcmene, recounts how she went to Thebes with her husbandAmphitryon, who could not consummate the marriage until he had avenged the deaths of her brothers at the hands of theTaphians andTeleboans.[146] As Amphitryon returned having accomplished this feat, Zeus lay with Alcmene; upon his return that very night, so too did Amphitryon.[147] To the god Alcmene boreHeracles and to the hero she boreIphicles.[148]
Alcmene belongs to the Pelopid line—her motherLysidice was a daughter of Pelops and Hippodameia—, and the passages preceding her Ehoie also concern Pelopids. Three of Pelops' daughters married sons of Perseus: Lysidice marriedElectryon,Nicippe wedSthenelus, andAstydameia wedAlcaeus.[149] Nicippe and Sthenelus' daughterAstymedusa marriedOedipus, and at the funeral games in his honor his sonPolynices caught the eye of his future wifeArgeia, the daughter ofAdrastus.[150] Pelops' sonAtreus was the father ofPleisthenes who, contrary to the better known genealogy, was the father ofAgamemnon andMenelaus.[151] Their mother wasAerope, the daughter ofCatreus, and their births were reported in the verses directly preceding the Ehoie of Alcmene.[152]
Besides the Pelopid line, and whatever remained of the Atlantid stemmata among which it ultimately belongs, little is known for certain about the further content of book 4.[153] It is possible that an Athenian section including the various autochthonous kings of Athens and the daughters ofCecrops was found here.[154] A family springing from the riverAsopus has also been proposed for this region based on the presence of "several persons or families that other sources represent as descended from daughters of Asopos."[155] The most notable family that would belong to this section is that of Asopus' daughterAegina, the nymph of theisland that bears her name who slept with Zeus and boreAeacus.[156] Fearing that Aeacus would be lonely on his island, Zeus changed all of Aegina's ants into men, spawning the tribe ofMyrmidons, a play upon their name and the Greek word for "ant",μύρμηξ,mýrmēx.[156] This is the family to whichAchilles belongs, the most notable hero in the Trojan saga, as well as his fatherPeleus and unclesTelamon andMenoetius.[157]
The final book was different in that it apparently left behind the genealogical structure of the first four books. Book five opened with a nearly 200-line catalogue of the suitors ofHelen, similar in style to theCatalogue of Ships inIliad book 2.[158] Although it is likely that the entire catalogue included twenty-five to thirty suitors,[159] only twelve are attested by name. From ArgosAmphilochus andAlcmaeon, the sons ofAmphiaraus, attempted to win Helen, but were perhaps never able to join in the contest because of their punishment for the matricide ofEriphyle.[160] Ever shrewd,Odysseus did not give gifts but simply sent envoys to Castor and Polydeuces, because he knew that Menelaus would ultimately prevail.[161]Thoas was not so wise and gave many sheep and cows in the hope of winning Helen.[162] FromPhylace, many gifts were given byPodarces andProtesilaus, who were cousins in theCatalogue, not brothers as in the Catalogue of Ships.[163] AthenianMenestheus gave many gold cauldrons and tripods, confident that he was the wealthiest of all the heroes.[164]Ajax wooed Helen fromSalamis, promising to pillage the surrounding lands and give their possession as part of his gift.[165]Idomeneus made the long journey fromCrete himself, aware of Helen's beauty only from secondhand accounts.[166]
Before giving his decision, Tyndareus bound all the suitors to his fateful oath: should anyone ever take his daughter by force, all those who had wooed her must exact vengeance upon her abductor. To this all the suitors readily agreed, each believing that he would be given Helen's hand.[167] At this point the Catalogue of Suitors has come to a close, but even as Menelaus' success is reported, the poet introducesAchilles because of his status as the greatest hero of the Trojan saga and his central role in Zeus's plan to bring the Heroic Age to a close.[168] With the aid of Agamemnon, Menelaus had given the most bride prices, but were Achilles already of age, he would surely have won Helen's hand, "for neither warlike Menelaus nor any other human on earth would have defeated him".[169] But Achilles was not present, and Menelaus won Helen, who boreHermione to him.[170]
The marriage of Helen and Menelaus precipitates the Trojan War, the event that ultimately brings the heroic age to an end, but the circumstances surrounding this transition in theCatalogue are unclear. Directly following the birth of Hermione strife arises among the gods, and Zeus hatches a plan to stir up trouble among mankind.[171] The exact meaning of this plan is obscure because of deficiencies in the text, and several interpretations have been proposed, the most commonly accepted being that Zeus plans to destroy a great number of men by causing the war, ultimately removing the heroes to a life lived in conditions resembling the Golden Age.[172] Another possibility is that Zeus intends to destroy the race of heroes and return the world to its former order, when gods slept with each other, not mortals.[173] In any event, a great change is coming, and as the final placed fragment of theCatalogue breaks off, several enigmatic scenes are sketched. A great storm arises which dwindles the strength of mankind:[174]
These lines, described by West as "the finest passage of poetry yet known from theCatalogue",[175] might parallelCalchas' prophecy inIliad 2, which presages the first nine fruitless years of the Trojan War via the image of a snake devouring nine sparrows.[176] Here the "hairless one," a kenning for a snake, gives birth to what appears to be the first of three sets of triplets, and as the remains of the papyrus become more meager, the snake sloughs its skin, representing the regeneration that will come once the heroic age comes to an end and the world is given over to mortals.[177]
Many fragments that are securely attributed to theCatalogue, some of which are relatively substantial, cannot be placed within the poem because their content is either too obscure or could be assigned to different individuals or genealogies which are themselves difficult to locate within the five books.[178]
The place ofCyrene within the poem has implications beyond the level of content, for if her narrative is to be connected to the city ofCyrene in Libya, theterminus post quem for the composition of theCatalogue would be 631 BC, the approximate year of that city's foundation.[179] Pindar,Pythian 9 tells how Apollo saw Cyrene hunting in her nativeThessaly and was immediately enamored of thetomboy. The god goes to the cave of the wisecentaur Chiron and asks who she is and whether it would be wise to consort with her. Chiron then prophesies that it is fated for Cyrene and Apollo to mate, and that he will bring her across the sea to Libya, where she will be queen of a portion of the land and bear to him a son,Aristaeus. Ascholium on the ode states that "Pindar took the story from an Ehoie of Hesiod's" (ἀπὸ δὲ ἨοίαςἩσιόδου τὴν ἱστορίαν ἔλαβεν ὁ Πίνδαρος) and relates the opening lines of the section (Cat. fr. 215):
Richard Janko, who believes that theCatalogue was composed c. 690, argues that the extent to which Pindar relied upon the Hesiodic text is unknown and that, even if Apollo did carry Cyrene to Libya, this does not presuppose an aetiology of the city.[180] Others have argued that the citation is also vague regarding just which Hesiodic poem included the Cyrene-Ehoie, theCatalogue or theMegalai Ehoiai: the latter might have included a narrative similar to Pindar's, with the former presenting a different version of the myth, if indeed theCatalogue treated Cyrene at all.[181] The complete removal of Cyrene would not, however, be easily accommodated by related evidence—it would presumably also involve transferring two fragments concerning Aristaeus which have traditionally been attributed to theCatalogue, and his sonActaeon certainly appeared in the poem.[182]
The myth ofActaeon is known to have been narrated in theCatalogue by virtue of a paraphrase found in a fragmentary dictionary of metamorphoses.[183] According to the dictionary, theCatalogue included a variant of the myth in which Actaeon was changed into a stag by Artemis and then killed by his own hounds because he attempted to takeSemele as his wife, thus angering Zeus, who had designs upon the woman.[184] Before this testimonium appeared, another papyrus containing 21 hexameters related to the Actaeon myth was published byEdgar Lobel, who tentatively attributed the text to theCatalogue.[185] As the fragment opens, Actaeon has already been torn apart by his dogs, and a goddess—Athena or, less likely, Artemis[e]—arrives atChiron's cave. She prophesies to the centaur that Dionysus will be born to Semele and that Actaeon's dogs will roam the hills with him until his apotheosis, after which they will return to stay with Chiron. At this point the papyrus is damaged, but it is clear that the dogs are delivered from a "madness" (λύσσα,lussa, line 15) and begin to mourn their master as the goddess returns to Olympus. Merkelbach and West did not include this papyrus in their edition of the fragment, the latter calling it an "incoherent epic pastiche" which would cause the author of theCatalogue to "turn in his grave if he knew that it had been attributed to him."[186] According toGlenn Most, some scholars believe that the text is Hellenistic,[187] but it is demonstrably archaic, and at least a few classicists today consider it to be part of theCatalogue.[188][f]
During antiquity theCatalogue was almost universally considered the work of Hesiod.[189]Pausanias reports, however, that theBoeotians living aroundMount Helicon during his day believed that the only genuine Hesiodic poem was theWorks and Days and that even the first 10 lines of that poem (the so-called "hymn to Zeus") were spurious.[190] The only other surviving expression of doubt is found inAelian, who cites "Hesiod" for the number ofNiobe's children, but qualifies his citation with "unless these verses are not by Hesiod, but have been passed off falsely as his, like many other passages."[191] But Aelian's skepticism could have stemmed from the belief, still common today, that Hesiodic poetry was especially susceptible tointerpolation,[192] and it is impossible to tell whether he regarded the entireCatalogue as spurious or not.[g] These two passages are, in any event, isolated, and more discerning critics likeApollonius of Rhodes,Aristophanes of Byzantium andCrates of Mallus apparently found no reason to doubt the attribution to Hesiod, going so far as to cite theCatalogue in arguments concerning the content and authenticity of other Hesiodic poems.[193]
Modern scholars have not shared the confidence of their Hellenistic counterparts, and today theCatalogue is generally considered to be a post-Hesiodic composition. Since Hesiod is supposed to have lived around the turn of the seventh century BCE, theCyrene-Ehoie alone could guarantee that the poem was not his.[194]Richard Janko's survey of epic language, on the other hand, suggests that theCatalogue is very early, nearly contemporary with Hesiod'sTheogony,[195] and Janko sees no reason why theCatalogue "should not be by the same poet as theTheogony," who "calls himself Hesiod."[196] But a different critical strain, one which views the transmitted Homeric and Hesiodic poems as ultimate products ofrhapsodic recomposition within anoral tradition, would hold that from an initial Hesiodic nucleus theCatalogue arrived at its final form well after the period to which Hesiod has been assigned.[197] Such a scenario could account for perceivedanachronisms in the mythological content and in the linguistic character of the poem,[198] but would sidestep the issue of the relation between theCatalogue as it has been transmitted and the broader corpus of early Greek epic.[199]
M. L. West argues on poetic, linguistic, cultural and political grounds that an Athenian poet "compiled theCatalogue of Women and attached it to Hesiod'sTheogony, as if it were all Hesiodic," sometime between 580 and 520 BCE, and thinks it possible that this range might be narrowed to the period following 540.[200] He sees, for example, the marriage of Xuthus to a daughter of Erechtheus as a means of subordinating all of Ionia to Athens, since their union produced the eponym Ion.[201] Similarly,Sicyon is made a son of Erechtheus (fr. 224), which West takes as a reflection of the tyrantCleisthenes of Sicyon's attempts to promote Ionian–Athenian interests in the polis, which had traditionally been more closely connected toDorianArgos.[202] These and other considerations would, in West's view, establish aterminus post quem ofc. 575 BCE, but he prefers a later dating on the assumption thatTheogony 965–1020, which he assigns to the latter portion of the sixth century BCE,[203] was contemporaneous with the composition of theCatalogue.[204]
West's arguments have been highly influential,[205] but other scholars have arrived at different conclusions using the same evidence. Fowler thinks that the Sicyon genealogy would more likely reflect a composition before Cleisthenes' death (c. 575 BCE) and dates the poem to the period closely following theFirst Sacred War (595–585 BCE), connecting its content to the growing influence of theAmphictyonic League and placing its author inAeolianThessaly because of the Aeolid family-trees centered around that region which dominate the earlier portions of the poem.[206] Hirschberger, on the other hand, takes this focus upon the Aeolids and theCatalogue poet's perceived interest in eastern peoples to be indicative of a poet fromAeolis in Asia Minor; she proposes that theCatalogue was composed there between 630 and 590 BCE, viewing the composition of theShield of Heracles and an apparent allusion to the poem byStesichorus (died c. 555 BCE) as providing the ultimateterminus ante quem.[207]
TheCatalogue's greatest influence was felt during theHellenistic period, when the poem was used as an extra-Homeric touchstone for the poets of the era who favored recondite and antiquarian references over direct engagement with the more prominent members of the canon.[208] The most famous Hellenistic allusion to theCatalogue is found inHermesianax'sLeontion, which included a catalogue of great literary figures and their loves, beginning withOrpheus and Agriope (more commonly known asEurydice) and proceeding down to the poet's contemporaries, including his teacherPhilitas of Cos. Many of the entries engage playfully with their subjects' work: Homer, for example, is portrayed as pining forPenelope. Directly preceding that lovestruck bard comes Hesiod's blurb:[209]
Here theē' hoiē-formula is styled as the name of a woman, cleverly rendered "Anne Other" by Helen Asquith, and the grumpy Hesiod who reviled his home inAscra atWorks and Days 639–40 becomes a discomfited lover-boy in the village.[210]Phanocles, a near contemporary of Hermesianax, composed anelegiac catalogue of mythologicalpederastic relationships entitled theLoves orBeautiful Boys in which each story was introduced by the formulaē' hōs (ἠ' ὡς), "or like".[211]Nicaenetus of Samos, a later Hellenistic poet, wrote his ownCatalogue of Women and the otherwise unknown Sosicrates (or Sostratus) ofPhanagoria was said to have written anEhoioi (Ἠοῖοι), themasculine equivalent of "Ehoiai".[212] While allusions to the ehoie-formula and catalogue structure of the poem are most easily recognized, interaction with theCatalogue in Hellenistic poetry was not limited to plays upon these aspects: direct engagement with the myths found in theCatalogue were a popular way for the Alexandrians to show their Hesiodic affiliations.[213]
At Rome the poets of theLate Republic andAugustan age continued the Hellenistic period's allusive engagement with theCatalogue.Catullus, a poet who made plain his Callimachean affiliations, is the earliest Roman author who can be seen to engage with theCatalogue.[214] In hisepyllion on the wedding of Peleus and Thetis, Catullus alludes to thetheoxeny that the proem to theCatalogue presented as a defining characteristic of the heroic age and to theepithalamium of the couple that was sung in a later book.[215] In theAeneidVergil closes his catalogue of combatants with the swift female warriorCamilla, alluding to the Hesiodic account of Iphiclus' speed in "a remarkably subtle nod to tradition in the best Alexandrian style."[216]Ovid picked up on Vergil's allusion in theMetamorphoses with his treatment ofAtalanta, which recast's his Roman forebear's allusion to Iphiclus in such a way that it highlights the Hesiodic character of his own poem in contrast with the Homeric character of theAeneid.[217]
It is impossible to tell exactly when the last complete copy of theCatalogue was lost. Fragments of over fifty ancient copies have been found, dating from the Hellenistic period through early Byzantine times.[218] A book label from the century or so after the latestCatalogue papyrus lists the contents of a fifth- or sixth-century Hesiodiccodex as "Hesiod'sTheogony,Works and Days andShield", and it appears that by this time the Byzantine triad of Hesiod's works had become the notional corpus, to the detriment of the other poems which had traveled under the poet's name.[219] Knowledge of theCatalogue did not cease altogether with the loss of the final complete copy, however, and well into medieval times authors such asEustathius andTzetzes could cite the poem via fragments contained in other ancient authors. Other vestiges of the poem's influence are less clear: the Pseudo-ApollodoranBibliotheca, an early Roman-era handbook of Greek mythology, for example, is widely believed to have taken theCatalogue as its primary structural model, although this is not stated explicitly within that text.[220]
The collection and interpretation of the Hesiodic fragments in the modern era began during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, primarily with the editions ofHeinsius (1603) andGraevius (1667). The earliest collections simply presented ancient quotations organized by the quoting author, and it was not until the work ofLehmann (1828),Goettling (1831) andMarckscheffel (1840) that attempts at a proper reconstruction began.[221] Marckscheffel was the first to recognize that the early portions of the poem treated the descendants of Deucalion in a systematic fashion, but he regarded what were called the "Catalogue of Women" and "Ehoiai" as two initially separate works that had been joined: the former was genealogically structured, while the latter, in Marckscheffel's view, simply recounted myths involving notable Thessalian and Boeotian heroines, with each introduced by theē' hoiē-formula.[222] Since the Ehoie of Alcmene was attested for book 4, Marckscheffel proposed that books 1–3 were the "Catalogue", and books 4 and 5 were the "Ehoiai".[222]
As the nineteenth century progressed, there were several other important observations about the genealogical structure of theCatalogue. In 1860Adolf Kirchhoff noted the mass of information connected to the family of Io, a stemma which could be assigned to the third book because of an ancient citation placing Phineus, one of her descendants, there.[223] The picture of theCatalogue that was emerging began to resemble theBibliotheca in structure, butTheodor Bergk was the first to suggest explicitly (though in passing) that the poem might be reconstructed with the help of the mythographic work.[224] Bergk and his contemporaries still largely followed Marckscheffel's conclusion that theCatalogue andEhoiai were semi-distinct texts, and it was not until 1894 thatFriedrich Leo finally demonstrated that these were in fact alternate titles for a single poem.[225]
A few years before Leo's paper, the first small papyrus fragment was found, and the first half of the twentieth century would see the publication of several other pieces which added significantly to the modern text of theCatalogue.[226] Among these finds were important passages, the Catalogue of Suitors and Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis for example, but few advanced the modern understanding of the work's overall structure.[227] The appearance of the proem in 1956 actually led to a major misapprehension, for the list of gods found therein, beginning with Zeus and proceeding through the divine Heracles, led some to believe that theCatalogue was not organized in a strictly genealogical manner, but presented the unions of gods and heroines organized to some extent by amorous deity.[228] Six years later, with the publication of the 28th part of theOxyrhynchus Papyri, the corpus of papyrus witnesses to the fragmentary Hesiodic poems was nearly doubled, with the lion's share of these new texts belonging to theCatalogue.[229] The new papyri proved once and for all that the poem was organized by genealogies of the great families in a way similar to theBibliotheca, and that the poet's use of theē' hoiē-formula was not a random method of introduction but an organizing tool within an overall structure.[230]
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