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The vocabulary ofancient Roman religion was highly specialized. Its study affords important information about the religion, traditions and beliefs of the ancient Romans. This legacy is conspicuous in European cultural history in its influence on later juridical and religious vocabulary in Europe, particularly of theChristian Church.[1] This glossary provides explanations of concepts as they were expressed inLatin pertaining toreligious practices and beliefs, with links to articles on major topics such as priesthoods, forms of divination, and rituals.
Fortheonyms, or the names andepithets of gods, seeList of Roman deities. For public religious holidays, seeRoman festivals. For temples see theList of Ancient Roman temples. Individual landmarks of religioustopography in ancient Rome are not included in this list; seeRoman temple.
The verbabominari ("to avert an omen", fromab-, "away, off," andominari, "to pronounce on an omen") was a term ofaugury for an action that rejects or averts an unfavourable omen indicated by asignum, "sign". The noun isabominatio, from which English "abomination" derives. At the taking of formally solicited auspices (auspicia impetrativa), the observer was required to acknowledge any potentially bad sign occurring within thetemplum he was observing, regardless of the interpretation.[2] He might, however, take certain actions in order to ignore thesigna, including avoiding the sight of them, and interpreting them as favourable. The latter tactic required promptness, wit and skill based on discipline and learning.[3] Thus the omen had no validity apart from the observation of it.[4]
Theaedes was the dwelling place of a god.[5] It was thus a structure that housed the deity's image, distinguished from thetemplum or sacred district.[6]Aedes is one of several Latin words that can be translated as "shrine" or "temple"; see alsodelubrum andfanum. For instance, theTemple of Vesta, as it is called in English, was in Latin anaedes.[7] See also thediminutiveaedicula, a small shrine.
In his workOn Architecture,Vitruvius always uses the wordtemplum in the technical sense of a space defined throughaugury, withaedes the usual word for the building itself.[8] The design of a deity'saedes, he writes, should be appropriate to the characteristics of the deity. For a celestial deity such asJupiter,Coelus,Sol orLuna, the building should be open to the sky; anaedes for a god embodyingvirtus (valour), such asMinerva,Mars, orHercules, should beDoric and without frills; theCorinthian order is suited for goddesses such asVenus,Flora,Proserpina and theLymphae; and theIonic is a middle ground between the two forJuno,Diana, andFather Liber. Thus in theory, though not always in practice, architectural aesthetics had a theological dimension.[9]
The wordaedilis (aedile), apublic official, is related byetymology; among the duties of the aediles was the overseeing ofpublic works, including the building and maintenance of temples.[10] The temple(aedes) of Flora, for instance, was built in 241 BC by two aediles acting onSibylline oracles. Theplebeian aediles had their headquarters at theaedes ofCeres.[11]
In religious usage,ager (territory, country, land, region) was terrestrial space defined for the purposes of augury in relation toauspicia. There were five kinds ofager:Romanus, Gabinus, peregrinus, hosticus andincertus. Theager Romanus originally included the urban space outside thepomerium and the surrounding countryside.[12] According toVarro, theager Gabinus pertained to the special circumstances of theoppidum ofGabii, which was the first to sign a sacred treaty(pax) with Rome.[13] Theager peregrinus[14] was other territory that had been brought under treaty(pacatus).Ager hosticus meant foreign territory;incertus, "uncertain" or "undetermined," that is, not falling into one of the four defined categories.[15] The powers and actions ofmagistrates were based on and constrained by the nature of theager on which they stood, andager in more general usage meant a territory as defined legally or politically. Theager Romanus could not be extended outside Italy(terra Italia).[16]
The focal point of sacrifice was thealtar (ara, pluralarae). Most altars throughout the city of Rome and in the countryside would have been simple, open-air structures; they may have been located within a sacred precinct (templum), but often without anaedes housing a cult image.[17] An altar that received food offerings might also be called amensa, "table."[18]
Perhaps the best-known Roman altar is the elaborate and Greek-influencedAra Pacis, which has been called "the most representative work ofAugustan art."[19] Other major public altars included theAra Maxima.
Some trees werefelix and othersinfelix. A tree(arbor) was categorized asfelix if it was under the protection of the heavenly gods(di superi). The adjectivefelix here means not only literally "fruitful" but more broadly "auspicious".Macrobius[20] listsarbores felices (plural) as the oak (four species thereof), the birch, the hazelnut, the sorbus, the white fig, the pear, the apple, the grape, the plum, the cornus and the lotus. The oak was sacred toJupiter, and twigs of oak were used by theVestals to ignite the sacred fire in March every year. Also among thefelices were the olive tree, a twig of which was affixed to the hat of theFlamen Dialis, and the laurel and the poplar, which crowned theSalian priests.[21]
Arbores infelices were those under the protection ofchthonic gods or those gods who had the power of turning away misfortune (avertentium). As listed byTarquitius Priscus in his lostostentarium on trees,[22] these werebuckthorn,red cornel,fern,black fig, "those that bear a black berry and black fruit,"holly,woodland pear,butcher's broom,briar, andbrambles."[23]
The verbattrectare ("to touch, handle, lay hands on") referred in specialized religious usage to touching sacred objects while performing cultic actions.Attrectare had a positive meaning only in reference to the actions of thesacerdotes populi Romani ("priests of the Roman people"). It had the negative meaning of "contaminate" (=contaminare) or pollute when referring to the handling of sacred objects by those not authorized, ordained, or ritually purified.[24]
An augur (Latin pluralaugures) was an official and priest who solicited and interpreted the will of the gods regarding a proposed action. The augur ritually defined atemplum, or sacred space, declared the purpose of his consultation, offered sacrifice, and observed the signs that were sent in return, particularly the actions and flight of birds. If the augur received unfavourable signs, he could suspend, postpone or cancel the undertaking (obnuntiatio). "Taking the auspices" was an important part of all major official business, including inaugurations, senatorial debates, legislation, elections and war, and was held to be an ancient prerogative ofRegal andpatricianmagistrates. Under theRepublic, this right was extended to other magistrates. After 300 BC,plebeians could become augurs.
Thesolicitation of formal auspices required the marking out of ritual space (auguraculum) from within which theaugurs observed thetemplum, including the construction of an augural tent or hut (tabernaculum). There were three such sites in Rome: on the citadel (arx), on theQuirinal Hill, and on thePalatine Hill.Festus said that originally theauguraculum was in fact thearx. It faced east, situating the north on the augur's left or lucky side.[25] Amagistrate who was serving as a military commander also took daily auspices, and thus a part ofcamp-building while oncampaign was the creation of atabernaculum augurale. This augural tent was the center of religious and legal proceedings within the camp.[26]
Augurium (pluralauguria) is an abstract noun that pertains to theaugur. It seems to mean variously: the "sacral investiture" of the augur;[27] the ritual acts and actions of the augurs;[28] augural law(ius augurale);[29] and recorded signs whose meaning had already been established.[30] The word is rooted in theIE stem*aug-, "to increase," and possibly an archaic Latin neuter noun*augus, meaning "that which is full of mystic force." As the sign that manifests the divine will,[31] theaugurium for amagistrate was valid for a year; a priest's, for his lifetime; for a temple, it was perpetual.[32]
The distinction betweenaugurium andauspicium is often unclear.Auspicia is the observation of birds as signs of divine will, a practice held to have been established byRomulus, firstking of Rome, while the institution of augury was attributed to his successorNuma.[33] ForServius, anaugurium is the same thing asauspicia impetrativa, a body of signs sought through prescribed ritual means.[34] Some scholars thinkauspicia would belong more broadly to themagistracies and thepatres[35] while theaugurium would be limited to therex sacrorum and the major priesthoods.[36]
Ancient sources record threeauguria: theaugurium salutis in which every year the gods were asked whether it wasfas (permissible, right) to ask for the safety of theRoman people (August 5); theaugurium canarium, a dog sacrifice (see alsosupplicia canum) to promote the maturation of grain crops, held in the presence of thepontiffs as well as the augurs "when ears of wheat have already formed but are still in the sheaths";[37] and thevernisera auguria mentioned byFestus, which should have been a springtime propitiary rite held at the time of the harvest (auguria messalia).
Theauspex, pluralauspices, is a diviner who readsomens from the observed flight of birds (avi-, fromavis, "bird", with-spex, "observer", fromspicere). Seeauspicia following andauspice.
Theauspicia (au- =avis, "bird";-spic-, "watch") were originally signs derived from observing the flight of birds within thetemplum of the sky. Auspices are taken by anaugur. Originally they were the prerogative of thepatricians,[38] but thecollege of augurs was opened toplebeians in 300 BC.[39] Onlymagistrates were in possession of theauspicia publica, with the right and duty to take the auspices pertaining to theRoman state.[40] Favorable auspices marked a time or location as auspicious, and were required for important ceremonies or events, including elections, military campaigns and pitched battles.
According toFestus, there were five kinds ofauspicia to which augurs paid heed:ex caelo, celestial signs such as thunder and lightning;ex avibus, signs offered by birds;ex tripudiis, signs produced by the actions of certainsacred chickens;ex quadrupedibus, signs from the behavior of four-legged animals; andex diris, threatening portents.[41] In official state augury at Rome, only the auspiciaex caelo andex avibus were employed.
The taking of the auspices required ritual silence(silentium). Watching for auspices was calledspectio orservare de caelo. The appearance of expected signs resulted innuntiatio, or if they were unfavourableobnuntiatio. If unfavourable auspices were observed, the business at hand was stopped by the official observer, who declaredalio die ("on another day").[42]
The practice of observing bird omens was common to many ancient peoples predating and contemporaneous with Rome, including the Greeks,[43] Celts,[44] and Germans.[citation needed]
Auspicia impetrativa were signs that were solicited under highly regulated ritual conditions (seespectio andservare de caelo) within thetemplum.[45] The type of auspices required for convening public assemblies wereimpetrativa,[46] andmagistrates had the "right and duty" to seek these omens actively.[47] These auspices could only be sought from anauguraculum, a ritually constructed augural tent or "tabernacle" (tabernaculum).[48] Contrastauspicia oblativa.
The right of observing the "greater auspices" was conferred on aRoman magistrate holdingimperium, perhaps by aLex curiata de imperio, although scholars are not agreed on the finer points oflaw.[49] Acensor hadauspicia maxima.[50] It is also thought that theflamines maiores were distinguished from theminores by their right to take theauspicia maiora; seeFlamen.
Signs that occurred without deliberately being sought through formalaugural procedure wereauspicia oblativa. These unsolicited signs were regarded as sent by a deity or deities to express either approval or disapproval for a particular undertaking. The prodigy (prodigium) was one form of unfavourableoblativa.[51] Contrastauspicia impetrativa.
Private and domestic religion was linked to divine signs as state religion was. It was customary inpatrician families to take theauspices for any matter of consequence such as marriages, travel, and important business.[52] The scant information aboutauspicia privata in ancient authors[53] suggests that the taking of private auspices was not different in essence from that of public auspices: absolute silence was required,[54] and the person taking the auspices could ignore unfavourable or disruptive events by feigning not to have perceived them.[55] In matters pertaining to the family or individual, both lightning[56] andexta (entrails)[57] might yield signs forprivati, private citizens not authorized to take official auspices. Among his other duties, thePontifex Maximus advisedprivati as well as the official priests about prodigies and their forestalling.[58] By the time of Cicero, the taking of private auspices was falling into disuse.[59]
In pontifical usage, the verbaverruncare, "to avert," denotes a ritual action aimed at averting a misfortune intimated by an omen. Bad omens(portentaqueprodigiaque mala) are to be burnt, using trees that are in thetutelage of underworld or "averting" gods (seearbores infelices above).[60]Varro says that the god who presides over the action of averting isAverruncus.[61]
A "just war" was a war considered justifiable by the principles offetial law(ius fetiale).[62] Because war could bring about religious pollution, it was in itselfnefas, "wrong," and could incur the wrath of gods unlessiustum, "just".[63] The requirements for a just war were both formal and substantive. As a formal matter, thewar had to be declared according to the procedures of theius fetiale. On substantive grounds, a war required a "just cause," which might includererum repetitio, retaliation against another people for pillaging, or a breach of or unilateral recession from a treaty; or necessity, as in the case of repelling an invasion.[64] See alsoJus ad bellum.
The English word "ceremony" derives from the Latincaerimonia orcaeremonia, a word of obscureetymology first found in literature and inscriptions from the time ofCicero (mid-1st century BC), but thought to be of much greater antiquity. Its meaning varied over time. Cicero usedcaerimonia at least 40 times, in three or four different senses: "inviolability" or "sanctity", a usage also ofTacitus; "punctilious veneration", in company withcura (carefulness, concern); more commonly in the pluralcaerimoniae, to mean "ritual prescriptions" or "ritual acts." The plural form is endorsed by Roman grammarians.
Hendrik Wagenvoort maintained thatcaerimoniae were originally the secret ritual instructions laid down byNuma, which are described asstatae et sollemnes, "established and solemn."[65] These were interpreted and supervised by theCollege of Pontiffs,flamens,rex sacrorum and theVestals. Later,caerimoniae might refer also to other rituals, including foreigncults.[66] These prescribed rites "unite the inner subject with the external religious object", binding human and divine realms. The historianValerius Maximus makes clear that thecaerimoniae require those performing them to attain a particular mental-spiritual state (animus, "intention"), and emphasizes the importance ofcaerimoniae in the dedication and first sentence of his work. In Valerius's version of theGallic siege of Rome, the Vestals and theFlamen Quirinalis rescue Rome's sacred objects (sacra) by taking them toCaere; thus preserved, the rites take their name from the place.[67] Although this etymology makes a meaningful narrative connection for Valerius,[68] it is unlikely to be correct in terms of modern scientificlinguistics. AnEtruscan origin has sometimes been proposed. Wagenvoort thought thatcaerimonia derived fromcaerus, "dark" in the sense of "hidden", hence meaning "darknesses, secrets."[69]
In hisEtymologiae,Isidore of Seville says that the Greek equivalent isorgia, but derives the word fromcarendo, "lacking", and says that some thinkcaerimoniae should be used ofJewish observances, specifically thedietary law that requires abstaining from or "lacking" certain foods.[70]
Thecalatores were assistants who carried out day-to-day business on behalf of the senior priests of the state such as theflamines maiores. Acalator was apublic slave.[71]Festus derives the word from the Greek verbkalein, "to call."
At the traditional public rituals of ancient Rome, officiants prayed, sacrificed, offeredlibations, and practicedaugurycapite velato,[72] "with the head covered" by a fold of thetoga drawn up from the back. This covering of the head is a distinctive feature of Roman rite in contrast withEtruscan practice[73] orritus graecus, "Greek rite."[74] In Roman art, the covered head is a symbol ofpietas and the individual's status as apontifex,augur or other priest.[75]
It has been argued that the Roman expression of pietycapite velato influencedPaul's prohibition against Christian men praying with covered heads: "Any man who prays or prophesies with his head covered dishonors his head."[76]
In classical Latin,carmen usually means "song, poem, ode." Inmagico-religious usage, acarmen (pluralcarmina) is a chant,hymn,spell, or charm. In essence "a verbal utterance sung for ritualistic purposes", thecarmen is characterized by formulaic expression, redundancy, and rhythm.[77] Fragments from two archaic priestly hymns are preserved, theCarmen Arvale of the Arval Brethren and theCarmina Saliaria of theSalii. TheCarmen Saeculare ofHorace, though self-consciously literary in technique, was also a hymn, performed by a chorus at theSaecular Games of 17 BC and expressing the Apollonian ideology ofAugustus.[78]
Acarmen malum ormaleficum is a potentially harmful magic spell. A fragment of theTwelve Tables readingsi malum carmen incantassit ("if anyone should chant an evil spell") shows that it was a longstanding concern of Roman law to suppress malevolent magic.[79] Acarmen sepulchrale is a spell that evokes the dead from their tombs; acarmen veneficum, a "poisonous" charm.[80] Through magical practice, the wordcarmen comes to mean also the object on which a spell is inscribed, hence acharm in the physical sense.[81]
Castus is an adjective meaning morally pure or guiltless (English "chaste"), hence pious or ritually pure in a religious sense.Castitas is the abstract noun. Various etymologies have been proposed, among them two IE stems: *k'(e)stos[82] meaning "he who conforms to the prescriptions of rite"; or *kas-, from which derives the verbcareo, "I defice, am deprived of, have none..." i.e.vitia.[83] In Roman religion, the purity of ritual and those who perform it is paramount: one who is correctly cleansed andcastus in religious preparation and performance is likely to please the gods. Ritual error is a pollutant; itvitiates the performance and risks the gods' anger.Castus andcastitas are attributes of thesacerdos (priest),[84] but substances and objects can also be rituallycastus.[85]
Thecinctus Gabinus ("Gabine cinch") was a way of wearing thetoga thought to have originated in theLatin town ofGabii.[86][87] It was also later claimed[by whom?] to have been part ofEtruscan priestly dress.[88] The cinch allowed free use of both arms,[89][90] essential when the toga was still worn during combat and later important in somereligious contexts, particularly those involving use of the toga to cover the head (capite velato).[91] The style's ancient martial associations caused it to be worn during Romandeclarations of war. It was also used by the priest or official charged with guiding the plow creating thesulcus primigenius during the rituals attending the foundation of newcolonies.[91] In Latin,cinctus Gabinus could refer to the cinch itself or to the entire toga thus worn. In religious contexts, such a toga was also said to be wornritu Gabino ("in the Gabine rite").
Clavum figere ("to nail in, to fasten or fix the nail") was an expression that referred to the fixing or "sealing" of fate.[92] A nail was one of the attributes of the goddessNecessitas[93] and of the Etruscan goddess Athrpa (GreekAtropos). According toLivy, every year in the temple ofNortia, the Etruscan counterpart ofFortuna, a nail was driven in to mark the time. In Rome, the senior magistrate[94] on the Ides of September drove a nail called theclavus annalis ("year-nail")[95] into the wall of theTemple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. The ceremony occurred on thedies natalis ("birthday" or anniversary of dedication) of the temple, when a banquet for Jupiter(Epulum Jovis) was also held. The nail-driving ceremony, however, took place in atemplum devoted toMinerva, on the right side of theaedes of Jupiter, because the concept of "number" was invented by Minerva and the ritual predated the common use of written letters.[96]
The importance of this ritual is lost in obscurity, but in the early Republic it is associated with the appointment of adictator clavi figendi causa, "dictator for the purpose of driving the nail,"[97] one of whom was appointed for the years 363, 331, 313, and 263 BC.[98] Livy attributes this practice toreligio, religious scruple or obligation. It may be that in addition to an annual ritual, there was a "fixing" during times of pestilence or civil discord that served as apiaculum.[99] Livy says that in 363, a plague had been ravaging Rome for two years. It was recalled that a plague had once been broken when a dictator drove a ritual nail, and the senate appointed one for that purpose.[100] The ritual of "driving the nail" was among those revived and reformed by Augustus, who in 1 AD transferred it to the newTemple of Mars Ultor. Henceforth acensor fixed the nail at the end of his term.[101]
Acollegium ("joined by law"), pluralcollegia, was any association with alegal personality. The priestly colleges oversaw religious traditions, and until 300 BC onlypatricians were eligible for membership. Whenplebeians began to be admitted, the size of the colleges was expanded. By theLate Republic, threecollegia wielded greater authority than the others, with a fourth coming to prominence during the reign ofAugustus. The four great religious corporations (quattuor amplissima collegia) were:
Augustus was a member of all fourcollegia, but limited membership for any othersenator to one.[102]
In Roman society, acollegium might also be a trade guild or neighborhood association; seeCollegium (ancient Rome).
Thecomitia calata ("calate assemblies") were non-votingassemblies(comitia) called for religious purposes. The verbcalare, originally meaning "to call," was a technical term of pontifical usage, found also incalendae (Calends) andcalator. According toAulus Gellius,[103] thesecomitia were held in the presence of thecollege of pontiffs in order to inaugurate therex (theking in theRegal Period or therex sacrorum in theRepublic)[104] or theflamines. Thepontifex maximus auspiciated and presided; assemblies over whichannually elected magistrates presided are nevercalata, nor are meetings for secular purposes or other elections even with a pontiff presiding.[105]
Thecomitia calata were organized bycuriae orcenturiae.[106] The people were summoned tocomitia calata to witness the reading of wills, or the oath by whichsacra were renounced (detestatio sacrorum).[107] They took no active role and were only present to observe as witnesses.[108]
Mommsen thought the calendar abbreviationQRCF, given once asQ. Rex C. F.[109] and taken asQuando Rex ComitiavitFas, designated a day when it was religiously permissible for therex to "call" for acomitium, hence thecomitia calata.[110]
TheCommentaries of the Augurs were written collections probably of thedecreta andresponsa of thecollege ofaugurs. Some scholarship, however, maintains that thecommentarii were preciselynot thedecreta andresponsa.[111] The commentaries are to be distinguished from the augurs'libri reconditi, texts not for public use.[112] The books are mentioned byCicero,[113]Festus,[114] andServius Danielis.[115]Livy includes several examples of the augurs'decreta andresponsa in his history, presumably taken from thecommentarii.[116]
TheCommentaries of the Pontiffs contained a record of decrees and official proceedings of theCollege of Pontiffs. Priestly literature was one of the earliest written forms ofLatin prose, and included rosters, acts (acta), and chronicles kept by the variouscollegia,[117] as well as religious procedure.[118] It was oftenoccultum genus litterarum,[119] an arcane form of literature to which by definition only priests had access. Thecommentarii, however, may have been available for public consultation, at least bysenators,[120] because the rulings on points of law might be cited as precedent.[121] The public nature of thecommentarii is asserted byJerzy Linderski in contrast tolibri reconditi, the secret priestly books.[122]
Thecommentarii survive only through quotation or references in ancient authors.[123] These records are not readily distinguishable from thelibri pontificales; some scholars maintain that the termscommentarii andlibri for the pontifical writings are interchangeable. Those who make a distinction hold that thelibri were the secret archive containing rules and precepts of theius sacrum (holy law), texts of spoken formulae, and instructions on how to perform ritual acts, while thecommentarii were theresponsa (opinions and arguments) anddecreta (binding explications of doctrine) that were available for consultation. Whether or not the terms can be used to distinguish two types of material, the priestly documents would have been divided into those reserved for internal use by the priests themselves, and those that served as reference works on matters external to the college.[124] Collectively, these titles would have comprised all matters of pontifical law, ritual, and cult maintenance, along withprayer formularies[125] and temple statutes.[126] See alsolibri pontificales andlibri augurales.
Coniectura is the reasoned but speculative interpretation of signs presented unexpectedly, that is, ofnovae res, "novel information." These "new signs" are omens or portents not previously observed, or not observed under the particular set of circumstances at hand.Coniectura is thus the kind of interpretation used forostenta andportenta as constituting one branch of the "Etruscan discipline"; contrastobservatio as applied to the interpretation offulgura (thunder and lightning) andexta (entrails). It was considered anars, a "method" or "art" as distinguished fromdisciplina, a formal body of teachings which required study or training.[127]
Theorigin of the Latin wordconiectura suggests the process of making connections, from the verbconicio,participleconiectum (con-, "with, together", andiacio, "throw, put").Coniectura was also a rhetorical term applied to forms of argumentation, including court cases.[128] The English word "conjecture" derives fromconiectura.
Consecratio was the ritual act that resulted in the creation of anaedes, a shrine that housed a cult image, or anara, an altar.Jerzy Linderski insists that theconsecratio should be distinguished from theinauguratio, that is, the ritual by which theaugurs established a sacred place (locus) ortemplum (sacred precinct).[129] The consecration was performed by a pontiff reciting a formula from thelibri pontificales, the pontifical books.[130] One component of consecration was thededicatio, or dedication, a form ofius publicum (public law) carried out by amagistrate representing the will of theRoman people.[131] The pontiff was responsible for the consecration proper.[132]
Cicero definedreligio ascultus deorum, "the cultivation of the gods."[133] The "cultivation" necessary to maintain a specific deity was that god'scultus, "cult," and required "the knowledge of giving the gods their due"(scientia colendorum deorum).[134] The nouncultus originates from thepast participle of the verbcolo, colere, colui, cultus, "to tend, take care of, cultivate," originally meaning "to dwell in, inhabit" and thus "to tend, cultivateland(ager); to practice agriculture," an activity fundamental to Roman identity even when Rome as a political center had become fully urbanized.Cultus is often translated as "cult", without the negative connotations the word may have in English, or with theAnglo-Saxon word "worship", but it implies the necessity of active maintenance beyond passive adoration.Cultus was expected to matter to the gods as a demonstration of respect, honor, and reverence; it was an aspect of the contractual nature of Roman religion (do ut des).[135]St. Augustine echoes Cicero's formulation when he declares that "religio is nothing other than thecultus ofGod."[136]
Decreta (plural) were the binding explications of doctrine issued by the official priests on questions of religious practice and interpretation. They were preserved in written form and archived.[137] Compareresponsum.
Adelubrum was a shrine.Varro says it was a building that housed the image of adeus, "god",[138] and emphasizes the human role in dedicating the statue.[139] According to Varro,[140] thedelubrum was the oldest form of anaedes, a structure that housed a god. It is an ambiguous term for both the building and the surrounding areaubi aqua currit ("where water runs"), according to the etymology of the antiquarianCincius.[141]Festus gives the etymology ofdelubrum asfustem delibratum, "stripped stake," that is, a tree deprived of its bark(liber) by a lightning bolt, as such trees in archaic times were venerated as gods. The meaning of the term later extended to denote the shrine built to house the stake.[142] Compareaedes,fanum, andtemplum.
Isidore connected thedelubrum with the verbdiluere, "to wash", describing it as a "spring-shrine", sometimes with annexed pool, where people would wash before entering, thus comparable to a Christianbaptismal font.[143]
When a person passed from onegens to another, as for instance byadoption, he renounced the religious duties(sacra) he had previously held in order to assume those of the family he was entering.[144] The ritual procedure ofdetestatio sacrorum was enacted before acalate assembly.[145]
Deus, "god";dea, "goddess", pluraldeae;di ordii, "gods", plural, or "deities", of mixed gender. The Greek equivalent istheos, which the Romans translated withdeus.Servius says[146] thatdeus ordea is a "generic term"(generale nomen) for all gods.[147] In his lost workAntiquitates rerum divinarum, assumed to have been based on pontifical doctrine,[148]Varro classifieddii ascerti, incerti, praecipui orselecti, i.e. "deities whose function could be ascertained",[149] those whose function was unknown or indeterminate, main or selected gods.[150] Comparedivus. For etymological discussion, seeDeus andDyeus. See alsoList of Roman deities.
Thedevotio was an extreme form ofvotum in which a Roman general vowed to sacrifice his own life in battle along with the enemy tochthonic deities in exchange for a victory. The most extended description of the ritual is given byLivy, regarding the self-sacrifice ofDecius Mus.[151] The English word "devotion" derives from the Latin. For anothervotum that might be made in the field by a general, seeevocatio.
ARoman emperor'sdies imperii was the date on which he assumedimperium, that is, the anniversary of his accession as emperor. The date was observed annually with renewed oaths of loyalty andvota pro salute imperatoris, vows and offerings for the wellbeing(salus) of the emperor. Observances resembled those on January 3, which had replaced the traditional vows made for thesalus of therepublic after the transition to one-man rule underAugustus. Thedies imperii was a recognition that succession during the Empire might take place irregularly through the death or overthrow of an emperor, in contrast to the annual magistracies of the Republic when the year was designated by the names ofconsuls serving their one-year term.[152]
Thedies Augusti ordies Augustus was more generally any anniversary pertaining to the imperial family, such as birthdays or weddings, appearing on official calendars as part ofImperial cult.[153] References to adies Caesaris are also found, but it is unclear whether or how it differed from thedies Augusti.[154]
Thedies lustricus ("day of purification") was a rite carried out for the newborn on the eighth day of life for girls and the ninth day for boys. Little is known of the ritual procedure, but the child must have received its name on that day; funerary inscriptions for infants who died before theirdies lustricus are nameless.[155] The youngest person found commemorated on a Roman tombstone by name was a male infant nine days old (or 10 days in Romaninclusive counting).[156] Because of the rate ofinfant mortality, perhaps as high as 40 percent,[157] the newborn in its first few days of life was held as in aliminal phase, vulnerable to malignant forces (seeList of Roman birth and childhood deities). Socially, the child did not exist.[158] Thedies lustricus may have been when the child received thebulla, the protective amulet that was put aside when aboy passed into adulthood.[159]
Adies natalis was a birthday ("natal day"; see alsodies lustricus above) or more generally the anniversary of a founding event. The Romans celebrated an individual's birthday annually, in contrast to the Greek practice of marking the date each month with a simplelibation. The Romandies natalis was connected with thecult owed to theGenius.[160] A public figure might schedule a major event on his birthday:Pompeius Magnus ("Pompey the Great") waited seven months after he returned from his military campaigns in the East before he staged histriumph, so he could celebrate it on his birthday.[161] The coincidence of birthdays and anniversaries could have a positive or negative significance: news ofDecimus Brutus'svictory at Mutina was announced at Rome on his birthday, whileCaesar's assassinCassius suffereddefeat at Philippi on his birthday and committed suicide.[162] Birthdays were one of the dates on which the dead were commemorated.[163]
The date when a temple was founded, or when it was rededicated after a major renovation or rebuilding, was also adies natalis, and might be felt as the "birthday" of the deity it housed as well. The date of such ceremonies was therefore chosen by the pontiffs with regard to its position on the religious calendar. The "birthday" orfoundation date of Rome was celebrated April 21, the day of theParilia, an archaic pastoral festival.[164] As part of a flurry of religious reforms and restorations in the period from 38 BC to 17 AD, no fewer than fourteen temples had theirdies natalis moved to another date, sometimes with the clear purpose of aligning them with new Imperial theology after the collapse of the Republic.[165]
The birthdays of emperors were observed with public ceremonies as an aspect ofImperial cult. TheFeriale Duranum, a military calendar of religious observances, features a large number of imperial birthdays.Augustus shared his birthday (September 23) with the anniversary of the Temple of Apollo in theCampus Martius, and elaborated on his connection withApollo in developing his special religious status.[162]
A birthday commemoration was also called anatalicium, which could take the form of a poem. Early Christian poets such asPaulinus of Nola adopted thenatalicium poem for commemorating saints.[166] The day on whichChristian martyrs died is regarded as theirdies natalis; seeCalendar of saints.
According toFestus, it was wrong(nefas) to undertake any action beyond attending to basic necessities on a day that wasreligiosus on the calendar. On these days, there were to be nomarriages, political assemblies, or battles. Soldiers were not to be enlisted, nor journeys started. Nothing new was to be started, and no religious acts(res divinae) performed.Aulus Gellius said thatdies religiosi were to be distinguished from those that werenefasti.[167]
The phrasediem vitiare ("to vitiate a day") in augural practice meant that the normal activities of public business were prohibited on a given day, presumably byobnuntiatio, because of observed signs that indicated defect(morbus; seevitium).[168] Unlike adies religiosus or adies ater ("black day," typically the anniversary of a calamity), a particular date did not become permanentlyvitiosus, with one exception. Some Roman calendars(fasti) produced underAugustus and up to the time ofClaudius[169] mark January 14 as adies vitiosus, a day that was inherently "vitiated". January 14 is the only day to be marked annually and officially by decree of theRoman senate(senatus consultum) asvitiosus.Linderski calls this "a very remarkable innovation."[170] One calendar, theFasti Verulani (c. 17–37 AD), explains the designation by noting it was thedies natalis ofMark Antony, which the Greek historian and Roman senatorCassius Dio says had been declared ἡμέρα μιαρά(hēmera miara) (=dies vitiosus) by Augustus.[171] The emperor Claudius, who was the grandson of Antony, rehabilitated the day.[172]
The adjectivedirus as applied to an omen meant "dire, awful." It often appears in thefeminine plural as asubstantive meaning "evil omens."Dirae were the worst of the five kinds of signs recognized by theaugurs, and were a type ofoblative or unsought sign that foretold disastrous consequences. The ill-fated departure ofMarcus Crassus for theinvasion of Parthia was notably attended bydirae (seeAteius Capito). In the interpretiveetymology of ancient writers,[173]dirae was thought to derive fromdei irae, the grudges or anger of a god, that is,divine wrath.Dirae is anepithet for theFuries, and can also mean curses or imprecations,[174] particularly in the context ofmagic and related todefixiones (curse tablets).[175] In explaining whyClaudius felt compelled to ban the religion of thedruids,Suetonius[176] speaks of it asdirus, alluding to the practice ofhuman sacrifice.[177]
The collective body of knowledge pertaining to the doctrine, ritual practices, laws, and science ofEtruscan religion andcosmology was known as thedisciplina Etrusca.[178] Divination was a particular feature of thedisciplina. The Etruscan texts on thedisciplina that were known to the Romans are of three kinds: thelibri haruspicini (onharuspicy), thelibri fulgurales (lightning), and thelibri rituales (ritual).[179]Nigidius Figulus, theLate Republican scholar andpraetor of 58 BC, was noted for his expertise in thedisciplina.[180] Extant ancient sources on theEtrusca disciplina includePliny the Elder,Seneca,Cicero,Johannes Lydus,Macrobius andFestus.
Theadjectivedivus, femininediva, is usually translated as "divine." As asubstantive,divus refers to a "deified" or divinized mortal. Bothdeus anddivus derive fromIndo-European*deywos,Old Latindeivos.Servius confirms[181] thatdeus is used for "perpetual deities"(deos perpetuos), butdivus for people who become divine(divos ex hominibus factos = gods who once were men). While this distinction is useful in considering the theological foundations ofImperial cult, it sometimes vanishes in practice, particularly in Latin poetry;Vergil, for instance, mostly usesdeus anddivus interchangeably.Varro and Ateius,[182] however, maintained that the definitions should be reversed.[183]
The formulado ut des ("I give that you might give") expresses the reciprocity of exchange between human being and deity, reflecting the importance of gift-giving as a mutual obligation in ancient society and the contractual nature of Roman religion. The gifts offered by the human being take the form of sacrifice, with the expectation that the god will return something of value, prompting gratitude and further sacrifices in a perpetuating cycle.[184] Thedo ut des principle is particularly active in magic and private ritual.[185]Do ut des was also a judicial concept ofcontract law.[186]
InPauline theology,do ut des was viewed as a reductive form of piety, merely a "business transaction", in contrast toGod's unilateralgrace (χάρις,charis).[187]Max Weber, inThe Sociology of Religion, saw it as "a purely formalistic ethic."[188] InThe Elementary Forms of Religious Life, however,Émile Durkheim regarded the concept as not merelyutilitarian, but an expression of "the mechanism of the sacrificial system itself" as "an exchange of mutually invigorating good deeds between the divinity and his faithful."[189]
The verbeffari,past participleeffatus, means "to create boundaries(fines) by means offixed verbal formulas."[190]Effatio is theabstract noun. It was one of the three parts of theceremony inaugurating atemplum (sacred space), preceded by the consulting ofsigns and theliberatio which "freed" the space from malign or competing spiritual influences and human effects.[191] A siteliberatus et effatus was thus "exorcized and available."[31] The result was alocus inauguratus ("inaugurated site"), the most common form of which was thetemplum.[192] The boundaries had permanent markers (cippi ortermini), and when these were damaged or removed, theireffatio had to be renewed.[193]
The "calling forth" or "summoning away" of a deity was anevocatio, fromevoco, evocare, "summon." The ritual was conducted in a military setting either as a threat during asiege or as a result of surrender, and aimed at diverting the favor of atutelary deity from the opposing city to the Roman side, customarily with a promise of a better-endowed cult or a more lavish temple.[194] As atactic ofpsychological warfare,evocatio undermined the enemy's sense of security by threatening the sanctity of its city walls (seepomerium) and other forms of divine protection. In practice,evocatio was a way to mitigate otherwise sacrilegious looting of religious images from shrines.[195]
Recorded examples of evocations include the transferral ofJuno Regina ("Juno the Queen", originallyEtruscanUni) fromVeii in 396 BC;[196] the ritual performed byScipio Aemilianus in 146 BC at the defeat of Carthage, involvingTanit (Juno Caelestis);[197] and the dedication of a temple to an unnamed, gender-indeterminate deity atIsaura Vetus inAsia Minor in 75 BC.[198] Some scholars think thatVortumnus (EtruscanVoltumna) was brought by evocation to Rome in 264 BC as a result ofM. Fulvius Flaccus's defeat of theVolsinii.[199] In Roman myth, a similar concept motivates the transferral of thePalladium fromTroy to Rome, where it served as one of thepignora imperii, sacred tokens of Roman sovereignty.[200] Compareinvocatio, the "calling on" of a deity.
Formal evocations are known only during theRepublic.[201] Other forms of religious assimilation appear from the time ofAugustus, often in connection with the establishment of theImperial cult in theprovinces.[202]
Evocatio, "summons", was also a term ofRoman law without evident reference to its magico-religious sense.[203]
A site that had been inaugurated(locus inauguratus), that is, marked out through augural procedure, could not have its purpose changed without a ceremony of reversal.[204] Removing a god from the premises required the correct ceremonial invocations.[205] WhenTarquin rebuilt the temple district on theCapitoline, a number of deities were dislodged byexauguratio, thoughTerminus andJuventas "refused" and were incorporated into the new structure.[206] A distinction between theexauguratio of a deity and anevocatio can be unclear.[207] The procedure was in either case rare, and was required only when a deity had to yield place to another, or when the site was secularized. It was not required when a site was upgraded, for instance, if an open-air altar were to be replaced with a temple building to the same god.[208]
The term could also be used for removing someone from a priestly office(sacerdotium).[209] Compareinauguratio.
Anadjective, "choice, select," used to denote the high quality required of sacrificial victims: "Victims(hostiae) are called 'select'(eximiae) because they are selected(eximantur) from the herd and designated for sacrifice, or because they are chosen on account of their choice(eximia) appearance as offerings to divine entities(numinibus)."[210] The adjective here is synonymous withegregius, "chosen from the herd(grex, gregis)."[211]Macrobius says it is specifically asacerdotal term and not a "poeticepithet"(poeticum ἐπίθετον).
Theexta were the entrails of asacrificed animal, comprising inCicero's enumeration the gall bladder (fel), liver (iecur), heart (cor), and lungs (pulmones).[212] Theexta were exposed forlitation (divine approval) as part of Roman liturgy, but were "read" in the context of thedisciplina Etrusca. As a product of Roman sacrifice, theexta and blood are reserved for the gods, while the meat(viscera) is shared among human beings in a communal meal. Theexta of bovine victims were usually stewed in a pot (olla oraula), while those of sheep or pigs were grilled on skewers. When the deity's portion was cooked, it was sprinkled withmola salsa (ritually prepared salted flour) and wine, then placed in the fire on the altar for the offering; the technical verb for this action wasporricere.[213]
Fanaticus means "belonging to afanum," a shrine or sacred precinct.[214]Fanatici as applied to people refers to temple attendants or devotees of a cult, usually one of theecstatic ororgiastic religions such as that ofCybele (in reference to theGalli),[215]Bellona-Ma,[216] or perhapsSilvanus.[217] Inscriptions indicate that a person making a dedication might label himselffanaticus, in the neutral sense of "devotee".[218]Tacitus usesfanaticus to describe the troop ofdruids who attended on theIcenian queenBoudica.[219] The word was often used disparagingly by ancient Romans in contrasting these more emotive rites to the highly scripted procedures of public religion,[220] and later by early Christians to deprecate religions other than their own; hence the negative connotation of "fanatic" in English.
Festus says that a tree struck by lightning is calledfanaticus,[221] a reference to the Romano-Etruscan belief in lightning as a form of divine sign.[222] TheGallicbishopCaesarius of Arles, writing in the 5th century, indicates that such trees retained their sanctity even up to his own time,[223] and urged the Christian faithful to burn down thearbores fanaticae. These trees either were located in and marked afanum or were themselves considered afanum. Caesarius is somewhat unclear as to whether the devotees regarded the tree itself as divine or whether they thought its destruction would kill thenumen housed within it. Either way, even scarcity of firewood would not persuade them to use the sacred wood for fuel, a scruple for which he mocked them.[224]
Afanum is a plot of consecrated ground, a sanctuary,[225] and from that a temple or shrine built there.[226] Afanum may be a traditional sacred space such as thegrove (lucus) ofDiana Nemorensis, or a sacred space or structure for non-Roman religions, such as an Iseum (temple ofIsis) orMithraeum.Cognates such asOscanfíísnú,[227]Umbrianfesnaf-e,[228] andPaelignianfesn indicate that the concept is shared byItalic peoples.[229] The Greektemenos was the same concept. By theAugustan period,fanum,aedes,templum, anddelubrum are scarcely distinguishable in usage,[230] butfanum was a more inclusive and general term.[231]
Thefanum,Romano-Celtic temple, orambulatory temple ofRoman Gaul was often built over an originallyCeltic religious site, and its plan was influenced by the ritual architecture of earlier Celtic sanctuaries. The masonry temple building of theGallo-Roman period had a central space (cella) and a peripheral gallery structure, both square.[232] Romano-Celticfana of this type are found also inRoman Britain.[233][better source needed]
The English word "profane" ultimately derives from Latinpro fano,[234] "before, i.e. outside, the temple", "In front of the sanctuary," hence not within sacred ground.
Fata deorum or the contracted formfata deum are the utterances of the gods; that is, prophecies.[235] These were recorded in written form, and conserved by the state priests of Rome for consultation. Thefata are both "fate" as known and determined by the gods, or the expression of the divine will in the form of verbal oracles.[236]Fata deum is a theme of theAeneid,Virgil's national epic of Rome.[237]
TheSibylline Books(Fata Sibyllina orLibri Fatales), composed in Greek hexameters, are an example of writtenfata. These were not Roman in origin but were believed to have been acquired in only partial form byLucius Tarquinius Superbus. They were guarded by the priesthood of thedecemviri sacris faciundis "ten men for carrying out sacred rites", later fifteen in number:quindecimviri sacris faciundis. No one read the books in their entirety; they were consulted only when needed. A passage was selected at random and its relevance to the current situation was a matter of expert interpretation.[238] They were thought to containfata rei publicae aeterna, "prophecies eternally valid for Rome".[239] They continued to be consulted throughout the Imperial period until the time of Christian hegemony.Augustus installed the Sibylline books in a special golden storage case under the statue of Apollo in theTemple of Apollo Palatinus.[240] The emperorAurelian chastised the senate for succumbing to Christian influence and not consulting the books.[241]Julian consulted the books regarding his campaign against Persia, but departed before he received the unfavorable response of the college; Julian was killed and the Temple of Apollo Palatinus burned.[242]
Fas is a central concept in Roman religion. Although translated in some contexts as "divine law,"[243]fas is more precisely that which is "religiously legitimate,"[244] or an action that is lawful in the eyes of the gods.[245] In public religion,fas est is declared before announcing an action required or allowed by Roman religious custom and by divine law.[246]Fas is thus both distinguished from and linked toius (pluraliura), "law, lawfulness, justice," as indicated byVergil's often-cited phrasefas et iura sinunt, "fas andiura allow (it)," whichServius explains as "divine and human laws permit (it), forfas pertains to religion,iura to the human being."[247]
InRoman calendars, days markedF aredies fasti, when it isfas to attend to the concerns of everyday life.[248] In non-specialized usage,fas est may mean generally "it is permissible, it is right."
Theetymology offas is debated. It is more commonly associated with thesemantic field of the verbfor, fari, "to speak,"[249] an origin pressed byVarro.[250] In other sources, both ancient and modern,fas is thought to have its origin in anIndo-European root meaning "to establish," along withfanum andferiae.[251] See alsoFasti andnefas.
A record or plan of official and religiously sanctioned events. All state and societal business must be transacted ondies fasti, "allowed days". Thefasti were the records of all details pertaining to these events. The word was used alone in a general sense or qualified by an adjective to mean a specific type of record. Closely associated with thefasti and used to mark time in them were the divisions of theRoman calendar.
TheFasti is also the title of a six-book poem byOvid based on the Roman religious calendar. It is a major source for Roman religious practice, and was translated into English byJ. G. Frazer.
In its religious sense,felix means "blessed, under the protection or favour of the gods; happy." That which isfelix has achieved thepax divom, a state of harmony or peace with the divine world.[252] It is rooted inIndo-European*dhe(i)l, meaning "happy, fruitful, productive, full of nourishment." Related Latin words includefemina, "woman" (a person who provides nourishment or suckles);felo, "to suckle"; andfilius, "son" (a person suckled).[253] See alsoFelicitas, both an abstraction that expressed the quality of beingfelix and a deity of Roman state religion.
Aferia on theRoman calendar is a "free day", that is, a day in which no work was done. No court sessions were held, nor was any public business conducted. Employees were entitled to a day off, and even slaves were not obliged to work. These days were codified into a system of legal public holidays, theferiae publicae, which could be
In the ChristianRoman Rite, aferia is a day of the week other than Saturday or Sunday.[254] The custom throughout Europe of holding markets on the same day gave rise to the word "fair" (SpanishFeria, ItalianFiera, CatalanFira).
In theRoman calendar, adies festus is a festive or holy day, that is, a day dedicated to a deity or deities. On such days it was forbidden to undertake any profane activity, especially official or public business. Alldies festi were thusnefasti. Some days, however, were notfesti and yet might not be permissible as business days(fasti) for other reasons. The days on which profane activities were permitted areprofesti.[255]
Thefetiales, or fetial priests.
Thefinis (limit, border, boundary), pluralfines, was an essential concept inaugural practice, which was concerned with the definition of thetemplum. Establishingfines was an important part of amagistrate's duties.[256] Most scholars regard thefinis as having been defined physically by ropes, trees, stones, or other markers, as were fields and property boundaries in general. It was connected with the godTerminus and his cult.[257]
The fifteenflamines formed part of theCollege of Pontiffs. Each flamen served as the high priest to one of the official deities of Roman religion, and led the rituals relating to that deity. Theflamines were regarded as the most ancient among thesacerdotes, as many of them were assigned to deities who dated back to the prehistory of Latium and whose significance had already become obscure by classical times.
The archaic nature of the flamens is indicated by their presence amongLatin tribes. They officiated at ceremonies with their head covered by avelum and always wore afilamen, thread, in contrast to public rituals conducted by Greek rite(ritus graecus) which were established later. Ancient authors derive the wordflamen from the custom of covering the head with thefilamen, but it may becognate toVedicbrahmin. The distinctive headgear of the flamen was theapex.
The "Brothers of the Field" were acollege of priests whose duties were concerned with agriculture and farming. They were the most ancient religioussodalitas: according to tradition they were created byRomulus, but probably predated thefoundation of Rome.[citation needed]
The adjectivegabinus describes an element of religion that the Romans attributed to practices fromGabii, a town ofLatium withmunicipal status about 12 miles from Rome. The incorporation of Gabinian traditions indicates their special status under treaty with Rome. Seecinctus gabinus andager gabinus.[89]
Thehostia was the offering, usually ananimal, in a sacrifice. The word is used interchangeably withvictima byOvid and others, but some ancient authors attempt to distinguish between the two.[258]Servius says[259] that thehostia is sacrificed before battle, thevictima afterward, which accords with Ovid'setymology in relating the "host" to the "hostiles" or enemy (hostis), and the "victim" to the "victor."[260]
The difference between thevictima andhostia is elsewhere said to be a matter of size, with thehostia smaller (minor).[261]Hostiae were also classified by age:lactentes were young enough to be still taking milk, but had reached the age to bepurae;bidentes had reached two years of age[262] or had the two longer(bi-)incisor teeth(dentes) that are an indication of age.[263]
Hostiae could be classified in various ways. Ahostia consultatoria was an offering for the purpose of consulting with a deity, that is, in order to know the will of a deity; thehostia animalis, to increase the force (mactare) of the deity.[264]
The victim might also be classified by occasion and timing. Thehostia praecidanea was an "anticipatory offering" made the day before a sacrifice.[265] It was an advance atonement "to implore divine indulgence" should an error be committed on the day of the formal sacrifice.[266] A preliminary pig was offered as apraecidanea the day before the harvest began.[267] Thehostia praecidanea was offered toCeres a day in advance of a religious festival (sacrum, before the beginning of the harvest) in expiation for negligences in the duties of piety towards the deceased.[clarification needed] Thehostia praesentanaea was a pig offered to Ceres during a part of thefuneral rites conducted within sight of the deceased, whose family was thereby ritually absolved.[268] Ahostia succidanea was offered at any rite after the first sacrifice had failed owing to a ritual impropriety (vitium).[269] Comparepiaculum, an expiatory offering.
Hostia is the origin of the word "host" for theEucharistic sacrament of theWestern Church; seeSacramental bread: Catholic Church. See alsovotum, a dedication or a vow of an offering to a deity as well as that which fulfilled the vow.
A rite performed byaugurs by which the concerned person received the approval of the gods for his appointment or their investiture. The augur would ask for the appearance of certain signs(auspicia impetrativa) while standing beside the appointee on theauguraculum. In theRegal period,inauguratio concerned theking and the majorsacerdotes.[270] After the establishment of theRepublic, therex sacrorum,[271] the threeflamines maiores,[272] the augurs, and thepontiffs[273] all had to be inaugurated.
The term may also refer to the ritual establishing of the auguraltemplum and the tracing of the wall of a new city.[citation needed]
Theindigitamenta were lists of gods maintained by theCollege of Pontiffs to assure that the correctdivine names were invoked for public prayers. It is sometimes unclear whether these names represent distinct minor entities, orepithets pertaining to an aspect of a major deity's sphere of influence, that is, anindigitation, or name intended to "fix" or focalize the local action of the god so invoked.[274]Varro is assumed to have drawn on direct knowledge of the lists in writing his theological books, as evidenced by the catalogues of minor deities mocked by theChurch Fathers who used his work[275] as a reference.[276] Another source is likely to have been the non-extant workDe indigitamentis ofGranius Flaccus, Varro's contemporary.[277] Not to be confused with thedi indigetes.
The addressing of a deity in aprayer or magic spell is theinvocatio, frominvoco, invocare, "to call upon" the gods or spirits of the dead.[278] The efficacy of theinvocatio depends on the correct naming of the deity, which may includeepithets, descriptive phrases, honorifics or titles, and arcane names. The list of names (nomina) is often extensive, particularly in magic spells; many prayers andhymns are composed largely of invocations.[279] The name is invoked in either thevocative[280] or theaccusativecase.[281] In specialized usage pertaining toaugural procedure,invocatio is a synonym forprecatio, but specifically aimed at avertingmala, evil occurrences.[282] Compareevocatio.
The equivalent term inancient Greek religion isepiklesis.[283]Pausanias distinguished among the categories oftheonym proper, poeticepithet, theepiclesis of local cult, and anepiclesis that might be used universally among the Greeks.[284]Epiclesis remains in use by some Christian churches for theinvocation of theHoly Spirit during theEucharistic prayer.
Ius is the Latin word for justice, right, equity, fairness and all which came to be understood as the sphere oflaw. It is defined in the opening words of theDigesta with the words of Celsus as "the art of that which is good and fair" and similarly by Paulus as "that which is always just and fair".[285] The polymathVarro and the juristGaius[286] consider the distinction between divine and humanius essential[287] but divine order is the source of all laws, whether natural or human, so thepontifex is considered the final judge (iudex) and arbiter.[288] The juristUlpian definesjurisprudence as "the knowledge of human and divine affairs, of what is just and unjust".[289]
"Sacred law"[290] or "divine law", particularly in regard to the gods' rights pertaining to their "property", that which is rightfully theirs.[291] Recognition of theius divinum was fundamental to maintaining right relations between human beings and their deities. The concern for law and legal procedure that was characteristic of ancient Roman society was also inherent in Roman religion.[292] See alsopax deorum.
Pontifical law governing Roman religion coveredsacra, rites;vota, pledges;feriae, holy days; andsepulchra, graves.[293] Cicero describes it asabsconditum, secret.[294] A book on pontifical law, probably the one written in the mid-2nd century BC byFabius Pictor, was consulted byAulus Gellius in the 2nd century AD as a source on theflamen andflaminica Dialis.[295]
The bathing of the cult image of a deity, particularly goddesses, might be prescribed in an annual ritual. Alavatio was an especial part of the imported cult ofCybele, whose statue and associated objects were carried in procession for bathing in the riverAlmo.[296] Ovid says that the statue ofVenus Verticordia was bathed as part of theVeneralia on thefirst of April, but the absence of thislavatio in any other source may indicate that since it was meant to be conducted by women, themagistrates did not attend.[297]
Thelectisternium was a propitiatory ceremony that took the form of a meal offered to divinities, as if seated for banqueting on a couch(lectus).
The wordlex (pluralleges) derives from theIndo-European root*leg, as do the Latin verbslego, legare, ligo, ligare ("to appoint, bequeath") andlego, legere (" to gather, choose, select, discern, read": cf. also Greek verblegein "to collect, tell, speak"), and the abstract nounreligio.[298] Parties to legal proceedings and contracts bound themselves to observance by the offer of sacrifice to witnessing deities.[299]
Even though the wordlex underwent the frequent semantic shift in Latin towards the legal area, its original meaning of set, formulaic words was preserved in some instances. Some cult formulae areleges: anaugur's request for particular signs that would betoken divine approval in an augural rite (augurium), or in theinauguration of magistrates and somesacerdotes is namedlegum dictio.[300] The formulaquaqua lege volet ("by whatever lex, i.e. wording he wishes") allowed a cult performer discretion in his choice of ritual words.[301] Theleges templi regulated cult actions at various temples.[302][303]
In civil law, ritualised sets of words and gestures known aslegis actiones were in use as a legal procedure in civil cases; they were regulated by custom and tradition(mos maiorum) and were thought to involve protection of the performers from malign or occult influences.[304]
Libation (Latinlibatio, Greekspondai) was one of the simplest religious acts, regularly performed in daily life. At home, a Roman who was about to drink wine would pour the first few drops onto the household altar.[305] The drink offering might also be poured on the ground or at a public altar. Milk and honey, water, and oil were also used.[306]
Theliberatio (from the verbliberare, "to free") was the "liberating" of a place(locus) from "all unwanted or hostile spirits and of all human influences," as part of theceremony inaugurating thetemplum (sacred space). It was preceded by the consulting ofsigns and followed by theeffatio, the creation of boundaries(fines).[307] A siteliberatus et effatus was "exorcized and available" for its sacred purpose.[45]
The augural books (libri augurales) represented the collective, core knowledge of theaugural college. Some scholars[308] consider them distinct from thecommentarii augurum (commentaries of the augurs) which recorded the collegial acts of the augurs, including thedecreta andresponsa.[309] The books were central to the practice of augury. They have not survived, butCicero, who was an augur himself, offers a summary inDe Legibus[310] that represents "precise dispositions based certainly on an official collection edited in a professional fashion."[311]
Thelibri pontificales (pontifical books) are core texts in Roman religion, which survive as fragmentary transcripts and commentaries. They may have been partly annalistic, part priestly; different Roman authors refer to them aslibri andcommentarii (commentaries), described by Livy as incomplete "owing to the long time elapsed and the rare use of writing" and byQuintillian as unintelligibly archaic and obscure. The earliest were credited toNuma, secondking of Rome, who was thought to have codified the core texts and principles of Rome's religious and civil law (ius divinum andius civile).[312] See alsocommentarii pontificum.
Inanimal sacrifice, thelitatio followed the opening up of the body cavity for theinspection of the entrails (inspicere exta).Litatio was not a part of divinatory practice as derived from theEtruscans (seeextispicy andLiver of Piacenza), but rather a certification according to Roman liturgy of the gods' approval. The point was not that those sacrificing had to make sure that the victim was perfect inside and out; rather, the good internal condition of the animal was evidence of divine acceptance of the offering. The need for the deity to approve and accept (litare) underscores that the reciprocity of sacrifice (do ut des) was not to be taken for granted.[313]
If the organs were diseased or defective, the procedure had to be restarted with a new victim (hostia). In 176 BC[314] the presidingconsuls attempted to sacrifice an ox, only to find that its liver had been consumed by a wasting disease. After three more oxen failed to pass the test, thesenate's instructions were to keep sacrificing bigger victims untillitatio could be obtained.[315]
Thelituus is the distinctively curved staff of anaugur, frequently depicted onRoman coins and most often accompanied by a ritual jug or pitcher. The presence of thelituus indicates that either themoneyer or person honored on theobverse was an augur.
In religious usage, alucus was agrove or small wooded area considered sacred to a divinity. Entrance might be severely restricted: Paulus[316] explains that acapitalis lucus was protected from human access under penalty of death.Leges sacratae (laws for the violation of which the offender is outlawed)[317] concerning sacred groves have been found oncippi atSpoleto inUmbria andLucera inApulia.[318] See alsonemus.
Ludi were games held as part ofreligious festivals, and some were originallysacral in nature. These includedchariot racing and thevenatio, or staged animal-humanblood sport that may have had asacrificial element.
The "wolf priests", organized into twocolleges and later three, who participated in theLupercalia. The most famous person to serve as alupercus wasMark Antony.
Thelustratio is a ritual of purification that was held every five years under the jurisdiction of censors in Rome. Its original meaning was purifying by washing in water (Lat.lustrum from verbluo, "I wash in water"). The time elapsing between two subsequent lustrations being of five years the termlustrum took up the meaning of a period of five year.[319]
Manubia is a technical term of theEtruscan discipline, and refers to the power of a deity to wield lightning, represented in divine icons by a lightning bolt in the hand. It may be either aLatinized word fromEtruscan or less likely a formation frommanus, "hand," andhabere, "to have, hold."[320] It is not apparently related to the more common Latin wordmanubiae meaning "booty (taken by a general in war)."[321]Seneca uses the term in an extended discussion oflightning.[322]Jupiter, asidentified withEtruscanTinia,[323] held three types ofmanubiae[324] sent from three different celestial regions.[325] Stefan Weinstock describes these as:
Jupiter makes use of the first type of beneficial lightning to persuade or dissuade.[327] Books on how to read lightning were one of the three main forms of Etruscan learning on the subject ofdivination.[328]
One of several words for portent or sign,miraculum is a non-technical term that places emphasis on the observer's response (mirum, "a wonder, marvel").[329]Livy uses the wordmiraculum, for instance, to describe the sign visited uponServius Tullius as a child, when divine flames burst forth from his head and the royal household witnessed the event.[330] Comparemonstrum,ostentum,portentum, andprodigium.
Miraculum is the origin of the English word "miracle." Christian writers later developed a distinction betweenmiracula, the true forms of which were evidence of divine power in the world, and meremirabilia, things to be marveled at but not resulting fromGod's intervention. "Pagan" marvels were relegated to the category ofmirabilia and attributed to the work of demons.[331]
Flour mixed with salt was sprinkled on the forehead and between the horns of sacrificial victims, as well as on the altar and in the sacred fire. Thismola salsa ('salted flour') was prepared ritually from toastedwheat or emmer,spelt, orbarley by theVestals, who thus contributed to every official sacrifice in Rome.[332]Servius uses the wordspius andcastus to describe the product.[333] Themola was so fundamental to sacrifice that "to put on themola" (Latinimmolare) came to mean "to sacrifice." Its use was one of the numerous religious traditions ascribed toNuma, theSabine secondking of Rome.[334]
Amonstrum is a sign or portent that disrupts the natural order as evidence of divine displeasure.[335] The wordmonstrum is usually assumed to derive, asCicero says, from the verbmonstro, "show" (compare English "demonstrate"), but according toVarro it comes frommoneo, "warn."[336] Because a sign must be startling or deviant to have an impact,monstrum came to mean "unnatural event"[337] or "a malfunctioning of nature."[338]Suetonius said that "amonstrum is contrary to nature (or exceeds the nature) we are familiar with, like a snake with feet or a bird with four wings."[339] The Greek equivalent wasteras.[340] The English word "monster" derived from the negative sense of the word. Comparemiraculum,ostentum,portentum, andprodigium.
In one of the most famous uses of the word inLatin literature, theAugustan poetHorace callsCleopatra afatale monstrum, something deadly and outside normal human bounds.[341] Cicero callsCatilinemonstrum atque prodigium[342] and uses the phrase several times to insult various objects of his attacks as depraved and beyond the human pale. ForSeneca, themonstrum is, like tragedy, "a visual and horrific revelation of the truth."[343]
Literally "the world", also a pit supposedly dug and sealed by Romulus as part of Rome's foundation rites. Its interpretation is problematic; it was normally sealed, and was ritually opened only on three occasions during the year. Still, in the most ancient Fasti, these days were marked C(omitiales)[344] (days when theComitia met) suggesting the idea that the whole ritual was a later Greek import.[345] HoweverCato andVarro as quoted byMacrobius considered themreligiosi.[346] When opened, the pit served as a cache for offerings to underworld deities, particularlyCeres, goddess of the fruitful earth. It offered a portal between the upper and lower worlds; its shape was said to be an inversion of the dome of the upper heavens.[347]
An adjective derived fromnefas (following). The gerund of verbfari, to speak, is commonly used to form derivate or inflected forms offas. See Vergil'sfandi as genitive offas. This use has been invoked to support the derivation offas from IE root *bha, Latin fari.
Any thing or action contrary to divine law and will isnefas (in archaic legalese,ne (not) ...fas).[348]Nefas forbids a thing as religiously and morally offensive, or indicates a failure to fulfill a religious duty.[349] It might be nuanced as "a religious duty not to", as inFestus' statement that "a man condemned by the people for a heinous action issacer" — that is, given over to the gods for judgment and disposal — "it is not a religious duty to execute him, but whoever kills him will not be prosecuted".[350]
Livy records that thepatricians opposedlegislation that would allow aplebeian to hold the office ofconsul on the grounds that it wasnefas: a plebeian, they claimed, would lack the arcane knowledge of religious matters thatby tradition was a patrician prerogative. Theplebeian tribuneGaius Canuleius, whoselex it was, retorted that it was arcane because the patricians kept it secret.[351]
Usually found withdies (singular or plural), asdies nefasti, days on which official transactions were forbidden on religious grounds. See alsonefas,fasti andfas.
Nemus, pluralnemora, was one of four Latin words that meant "forest, woodland, woods."Lucus is more strictly asacred grove,[352] as defined byServius as "a large number of trees with areligious significance",[353] and distinguished from thesilva, a natural forest;saltus, territory that is wilderness; and anemus, anarboretum that is not consecrated (but compare Celticnemeton).[354] In Latin poetry, anemus is often a place conducive to poetic inspiration, and particularly in theAugustan period takes on a sacral aura.[355]
Namednemora include:
The chief responsibility of anaugur was to observe signs(observatio) and to report the results(nuntiatio).[358] The announcement was made before anassembly. A passage inCicero states that the augur was entitled to report on the signs observed before or during an assembly and that themagistrates had the right to watch for signs(spectio) as well as make the announcement(nuntiatio) prior to the conducting of public business, but the exact significance of Cicero's distinction is a matter of scholarly debate.[359]
Obnuntiatio was a declaration of unfavourable signs by anaugur in order to suspend, cancel or postpone a proposed course of public action. The procedure could be carried out only by an official who had the right to observe omens (spectio).[360]
The only source for the term isCicero, himself an augur, who refers to it in several speeches as a religious bulwark againstpopularist politicians and tribunes. TheLex Aelia Fufia (ca. 150 BC) may have extended the right ofobnuntiatio beyond the augural college to all magistrates. Legislation byClodius astribune of the plebs in 58 BC was aimed at ending the practice,[361] or at least curtailing its potential for abuse;obnuntiatio had been exploited the previous year as an obstructionist tactic byJulius Caesar'sconsular colleagueBibulus. That the Clodian law had not deprived all augurs ormagistrates of the privilege is indicated byMark Antony's use ofobnuntatio in early 44 BC to halt the consular election.[362]
Observatio was the interpretation of signs according to the tradition of the "Etruscan discipline", or as preserved in books such as thelibri augurales. Aharuspex interpretedfulgura (thunder and lightning) andexta (entrails) byobservatio. The word has three closely related meanings in augury: the observing of signs by anaugur or other diviner; the process of observing, recording, and establishing the meaning of signs over time; and the codified body of knowledge accumulated by systematic observation, that is, "unbending rules" regarded as objective, or external to an individual's observation on a given occasion.Impetrative signs, or those sought by standard augural procedure, were interpreted according toobservatio; the observer had little or no latitude in how they might be interpreted.Observatio might also be applicable to manyoblative or unexpected signs.Observatio was considered a kind ofscientia, or "scientific" knowledge, in contrast toconiectura, a more speculative "art" or "method" (ars) as required by novel signs.[363]
An omen, pluralomina, was asign intimating the future, considered less important to the community than aprodigium but of great importance to the person who heard or saw it.[364] Omens could be good or bad. Unlikeprodigia, bad omens were never expiated by public rites but could be reinterpreted, redirected or otherwise averted (seeabominari).
One form of arcane literature was theostentarium, a written collection describing and interpreting signs (ostenta).[365]Tarquitius Priscus wrote anOstentarium arborarium, a book on signs pertaining to trees, and anOstentarium Tuscum, presumably translations of Etruscan works.[366]Pliny cites his contemporaryUmbricius Melior for anostentarium aviarium, concerning birds.[367] They were consulted until late antiquity; in the 4th century, for instance, theharuspices consulted the books of Tarquitius before the battle that proved fatal to the emperorJulian — according toAmmianus Marcellinus, because he failed to heed them.[368] Fragments ofostentaria survive as quotations in other literary works.[369]
According toVarro, anostentum is a sign so called because it shows (ostendit) something to a person.[370]Suetonius specified that "anostentum shows itself to us without possessing a solid body and affects both our eyes and ears, like darkness or a light at night."[339] In his classic work on Roman divination,Auguste Bouché-Leclercq thus tried to distinguish theoretical usage ofostenta andportenta as applying to inanimate objects,monstra to biological signs, andprodigia for human acts or movements, but in non-technical writing the words tend to be used more loosely as synonyms.[371]
The theory ofostenta,portenta andmonstra constituted one of the three branches of interpretation within thedisciplina Etrusca, the other two being the more specificfulgura (thunder and lightning) andexta (entrails).Ostenta andportenta are not the signs thataugurs are trained to solicit and interpret, but rather "new signs", the meaning of which had to be figured out throughratio (the application of analytical principles) andconiectura (more speculative reasoning, in contrast to auguralobservatio).[372]
A religious hierarchy implied by the seating arrangements of priests (sacerdotes) at sacrificial banquets. As "the most powerful", therex sacrorum was positioned next to the gods, followed by theFlamen Dialis, then theFlamen Martialis, then theFlamen Quirinalis and lastly, thePontifex Maximus.[373] Theordo sacerdotum observed and preserved ritual distinctions between divine and human power. In the human world, the Pontifex Maximus was the most influential and powerful of allsacerdotes.
Paludatus (masculine singular, pluralpaludati) is anadjective meaning "wearing thepaludamentum,"[374] the distinctive attire of the Roman military commander.Varro[375] andFestus say that any military ornament could be called apaludamentum, but other sources indicate that the cloak was primarily meant. According to Festus,paludati in theaugural books meant "armed and adorned"(armati, ornati).[376] As the commander crossed from the sacred boundary of Rome(pomerium), he waspaludatus, adorned with the attire he would wear to lead a battle and for official business.[377] This adornment was thus part of the commander's ritual investiture withimperium.[378] It followed upon the sacrifices andvows the commander offered up on the Capitol, and was concomitant with his possession of the auspices for war.[379]
Festus notes elsewhere that the "Salian virgins", whose relation to theSalian priests is unclear, performed their ritualspaludatae,[380] dressed in military garb.[381]
Pax, though usually translated into English as "peace," was a compact, bargain, or agreement.[382] In religious usage, the harmony or accord between the divine and human was thepax deorum orpax divom ("the peace of the gods" or "divine peace").[383]Pax deorum was only given in return for correctreligious practice. Religious error (vitium) and impiety led to divine disharmony andira deorum (the anger of the gods).
Apiaculum is an expiatory sacrifice, or thevictim used in the sacrifice; also, an act requiringexpiation.[384]
Because Roman religion was contractual (do ut des), apiaculum might be offered as a sort of advance payment; the Arval Brethren, for instance, offered apiaculum before entering theirsacred grove with an iron implement, which was forbidden, as well as after.[385] The pig was a common victim for apiaculum.[386] TheAugustan historianLivy saysP. Decius Mus is "like" apiaculum when he makes his vow to sacrifice himself in battle (seedevotio).[387]
Pietas, from which English "piety" derives, was the devotion that bound a person to the gods, to the Roman state, and to his family. It was the outstanding quality of the Roman heroAeneas, to whom theepithetpius is applied regularly throughout theAeneid.
In Latin and otherItalic languages,[388]pius seems to have meant "that which is in accord with divine law." Later it was used to designate actions respectful of divine law and even people who acted with respect towards gods and godly rules. Thepius person "strictly conforms his life to theius divinum."[389] "Dutiful" is often a better translation of the adjective than the English derivative "pious."[390]Pius is a regular epithet of the Romanfounding heroAeneas inVergil'sAeneid, along withpater, "father."[391] See alsopietas, the relatedabstract noun.
A verb of unknown etymology meaning "to consecrate."[392]
Thepontifex was a priest of the highest-rankingcollege. The chief among thepontifices was thePontifex Maximus. The word has been considered as related topons, bridge, either because of the religious meaning of thepons Sublicius and its ritual use[393] (which has a parallel in Thebae and in itsgephiarioi) or in the original IE meaning of way.[394] Pontifex in this case would be the "opener of the way" corresponding to the Vedicadharvayu, the only active and movingsacerdos in the sacrificial group who takes his title from the figurative designation of liturgy as a way.
Another hypothesis[395] considers the word as a loan from the Sabine language, in which it would mean a member of a college of five people, from Osco-Umbrianponte, five. This explanation takes into account that the college was established by Sabine king Numa Pompilius and the institution is Italic: the expressionspontis andpomperias found in theIguvine Tablets may denote a group or division of five or by five. The pontifex would thus be a member of a sacrificial college known aspomperia (Latinquinio).[396]
Thepopa was one of the lesser-rank officiants at a sacrifice. In depictions of sacrificial processions, he carries a mallet or axe with which to strike the animalvictim. Literary sources inlate antiquity say that thepopa was apublic slave.[397] See alsovictimarius.
The verbporricere had the specialized religious meaning "to offer as a sacrifice," especially to offer the sacrificial entrails(exta) to the gods.[398] Bothexta porricere andexta dare referred to the process by which the entrails were cooked, cut into pieces, and burnt on the altar. TheArval Brethren used the termexta reddere, "to return the entrails," that is, to render unto the deity what has already been given as due.[315]
Aportentum is a kind of sign interpreted by aharuspex, not anaugur, and by means ofconiectura rather thanobservatio.Portentum is a close but not always exact synonym ofostentum,prodigium, andmonstrum.[399]Cicero usesportentum frequently in his treatiseDe divinatione, where it seems to be a generic word for prodigies.[400] The word could also refer in non-technical usage to an unnatural occurrence without specific religious significance; for instance,Pliny calls an Egyptian with a pair of non-functional eyes on the back of his head aportentum.[401]Varro derivesportentum from the verbportendere because itportends something that is going to happen.[402]
In the schema ofA. Bouché-Leclercq,portenta andostenta are the two types of signs that appear in inanimate nature, as distinguished from themonstrum (a biological singularity),prodigia (the unique acts or movements of living beings), and amiraculum, a non-technical term that emphasizes the viewer's reaction.[403] The sense ofportentum has also been distinguished from that ofostentum by relative duration of time, with theostentum of briefer manifestation.[404]
Although the English word "portent" derives fromportentum and may be used to translate it, other Latin terms such asostentum andprodigium will also be found translated as "portent".[405]Portentum offers an example of an ancient Roman religious term modified for Christian usage; in theChristian theology of miracles, aportentum occurring by the will of theChristian God could not be regarded as contrary to nature (contra naturam), thusAugustine specified that if such a sign appeared to be unnatural, it was only because it was contrary to nature as known (nota) by human beings.[406]
Theprecatio was the formal addressing of the deity or deities in a ritual. The word is related byetymology toprex, "prayer" (pluralpreces), and usually translated as if synonymous.Pliny says that the slaughter of asacrificial victim is ineffectual withoutprecatio, the recitation of the prayer formula.[407] Priestly texts that were collections of prayers were sometimes calledprecationes.[408]
Two late examples of theprecatio are thePrecatio Terrae Matris ("The Prayer of Mother Earth") and thePrecatio omnium herbarum ("Prayer of All the Herbs"), which are charms orcarmina written metrically,[409] the latter attached to the medical writings attributed toAntonius Musa.[410]Dirae precationes were "dire" prayers, that is, imprecations or curses.[411]
Inaugural procedure,precatio is not a prayer proper, but a form of invocation(invocatio) recited at the beginning of a ceremony or after accepting anoblative sign. Theprecatio maxima was recited for theaugurium salutis, the ritual conducted by the augurs to obtain divine permission to pray for Rome's security (salus).[412]
In legal and rhetorical usage,precatio was a plea or request.[413]
Prex, "prayer", usually appears in the plural,preces. Within the tripartite structure that was often characteristic of formal ancient prayer,preces would be the final expression of what is sought from the deity, following theinvocation and a narrative middle.[414] A legitimate request is an example ofbonae preces, "good prayer."[415]Tacitae preces are silent orsotto voce prayers as might be used in private ritual or magic;preces with a negative intent are described with adjectives such asThyesteae ("Thyestean"),funestae ("deadly"),infelices (aimed at causing unhappiness),nefariae,[416] ordirae.[417]
In general usage,preces could refer to any request or entreaty. The verbal form isprecor, precari, "pray, entreat." TheUmbriancognate ispersklu, "supplication." The meaning may be "I try and obtain by uttering appropriate words what is my right to obtain." It is used often in association withquaeso in expressions such aste precor quaesoque, "I pray and beseech you", orprece quaesit, "he seeks by means of prayer."[418] InRoman law of theImperial era,preces referred to apetition addressed to theemperor by aprivate person.[419]
Prodigia (plural) were unnatural deviations from the predictable order of the cosmos. Aprodigium signaled divine displeasure at areligious offense and must be expiated to avert more destructive expressions of divine wrath. Compareostentum andportentum, signs denoting an extraordinary inanimate phenomenon, andmonstrum andmiraculum, an unnatural feature in humans.
Prodigies were a type ofauspicia oblativa; that is, they were "thrust upon" observers, not deliberately sought.[420] Suspected prodigies were reported as a civic duty. A system of official referrals filtered out those that seemed patently insignificant or false before the rest were reported to thesenate, who held further inquiry; this procedure was theprocuratio prodigiorum. Prodigies confirmed as genuine were referred to thepontiffs andaugurs for ritual expiation.[421] For particularly serious or difficult cases, thedecemviri sacris faciundis could seek guidance and suggestions from theSibylline Books.[422]
The number of confirmed prodigies rose in troubled times. In 207 BC, during one of the worst crises of thePunic Wars, the senate dealt with an unprecedented number, the expiation of which would have involved "at least twenty days" of dedicated rites.[423] Major prodigies that year included the spontaneous combustion of weapons, the apparent shrinking of the sun's disc, two moons in a daylit sky, a cosmic battle between sun and moon, a rain of red-hot stones, a bloody sweat on statues, and blood in fountains and on ears of corn. These were expiated by the sacrifice of "greater victims". The minor prodigies were less warlike but equally unnatural; sheep became goats; a hen become acock, and vice versa. The minor prodigies were duly expiated with "lesser victims". The discovery of ahermaphroditic four-year-old child was expiated by drowning[424] and a holy procession of 27 virgins to the temple ofJuno Regina, singing a hymn to avert disaster; a lightning strike during the hymn rehearsals required further expiation.[425] Religious restitution was proved only by Rome's victory.[426]
The expiatoryburial of living human victims in theForum Boarium followed Rome'sdefeat at Cannae in the same wars. In Livy's account, Rome's victory follows its discharge of religious duties to the gods.[427] Livy remarked the scarcity of prodigies in his own day as a loss of communication between gods and men. In the later Republic and thereafter, the reporting of public prodigies was increasingly displaced by a "new interest in signs and omens associated with the charismatic individual."[428]
Profanum (literally, 'in front of the shrine'), therefore not within a sacred precinct; not belonging to the gods but to humankind.
An adjective of augural terminology meaning favourable. Frompro-, "before", andpetere, "seek" but originally "fly". It indicates a pattern in the flight ofpraepetes aves, birds that make the auspices favorable by flying before the person who is taking them or by pointing in the direction of that which is wished for. A synonym issecundus, "favorable" or "following".[429]
Thepulvinar (pluralpulvinaria) was a special couch used for displaying images of the gods, that they might receive offerings at ceremonies such as thelectisternium orsupplicatio.[430] In the famouslectisternium of 217 BC, on orders of theSibylline books, sixpulvinaria were arranged, each for adivine male-female pair.[431] By extension, pulvinar can also mean the shrine or platform housing several of these couches and their images. At theCircus Maximus, the couches and images of the gods were placed on an elevatedpulvinar to "watch" the games.
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Theregina sacrorum is the wife of therex sacrorum, who served as a high priestess with her own specific religious duties.
The wordreligio originally meant an obligation to the gods, something expected by them from human beings or a matter of particular care or concern as related to the gods.[432] In this sense,religio might be translated better as "religious scruple" than with the English word "religion".[433] One definition ofreligio offered byCicero iscultus deorum, "the proper performance of rites in veneration of the gods."[434]
Religio among the Romans was not based on "faith", but on knowledge, including and especiallycorrect practice.[435]Religio (pluralreligiones) was thepious practice of Rome's traditional cults, and was a cornerstone of themos maiorum,[436] the traditional social norms that regulated public, private, and military life. To the Romans, their success was self-evidently due to their practice of proper, respectfulreligio, which gave the godswhat was owed them and which was rewarded with social harmony, peace and prosperity.
Religious law maintained the proprieties of divine honours, sacrifice and ritual. Impure sacrifice and incorrect ritual werevitia (faults, hence "vice," the English derivative); excessive devotion, fearful grovelling to deities, and the improper use or seeking of divine knowledge weresuperstitio; neglecting thereligiones owed to the traditional gods wasatheism, a charge leveled during the Empire at Jews,[438] Christians, and Epicureans.[439] Any of these moral deviations could cause divine anger (ira deorum) and therefore harm the State.[440] SeeReligion in ancient Rome.
Religiosus was something pertaining to the gods or marked out by them as theirs, as distinct fromsacer, which was something or someone given to them by humans. Hence, a graveyard was not primarily defined assacer but alocus religiosus, because those who lay within its boundaries were considered belonging to thedi Manes.[441] Places struck by lightning weretaboo[442] because they had been marked asreligiosus byJupiter himself.[443] See alsosacer andsanctus.
Res divinae were "divine affairs," that is, the matters that pertained to the gods and the sphere of the divine in contrast tores humanae, "human affairs."[444]Rem divinam facere, "to do a divine thing," simply meant to do something that pertained to the divine sphere, such as perform a ceremony or rite. The equivalentEtruscan term isais(u)na.[445]
The distinction between human and divineres was explored in the multivolumeAntiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, one of the chief works ofVarro (1st century BC). It survives only in fragments but was a major source of traditional Roman theology for theChurch Fathers. Varro devoted 25 books of theAntiquitates tores humanae and 16 tores divinae. His proportional emphasis is deliberate, as he treats cult and ritual as human constructs.[446] Varro dividesres divinae into three kinds:
The schema isStoic in origin, though Varro has adapted it for his own purposes.[447]
Res divinae is an example of ancient Roman religious terminology that was appropriated for Christian usage; forSt. Augustine,res divina is a "divine reality" as represented by asacrum signum ("sacred sign") such as asacrament.[448]
Responsa (plural) were the "responses," that is, the opinions and arguments, of the official priests on questions of religious practice and interpretation. These were preserved in written form and archived.[137] Comparedecretum.
Therex sacrorum was a senatorial priesthood[449] reserved forpatricians. Although in the historical era thePontifex Maximus was the head ofRoman state religion,Festus says[450] that in theranking of priests, therex sacrorum was of highest prestige, followed by theflamines maiores.[451]
Althoughritus is the origin of the English word "rite" viaecclesiastical Latin, inclassical usageritus meant the traditional and correct manner (of performance), that is, "way, custom".Festus defines it as a specific form ofmos: "Ritus is the proven way(mos) in the performance of sacrifices." The adverbrite means "in good form, correctly."[452] This original meaning ofritus may be compared to the concept ofṛtá ("visible order", in contrast todhāman, dhārman) inVedic religion, a conceptual pairing analogous to Latinfas andius.[453]
For Latin words meaning "ritual" or "rite", seesacra,caerimoniae, andreligiones.[454]
A small number of Roman religious practices and cult innovations were carried out according to "Greek rite"(ritus graecus), which the Romans characterized as Greek in origin or manner. A priest who conductedritu graeco wore a Greek-style fringed tunic, with his head bare(capite aperto) orlaurel-wreathed. By contrast, in most rites of Roman public religion, an officiant wore the distinctively Romantoga, specially folded to cover his head (seecapite velato). Otherwise, "Greek rite" seems to have been a somewhat indefinite category, used for prayers uttered in Greek, and Greek methods of sacrifice within otherwise conventionally Roman cult.
Roman writers record elements ofritus graecus in the cult toHercules at Rome'sAra Maxima, which according to tradition was established by the Greek kingEvander even before the city of Rome was founded at the site. It thus represented one of the most ancient Roman cults. "Greek" elements were also found in theSaturnalia held in honor of the Golden Age deitySaturn, and in certain ceremonies of theLudi saeculares. A Greek rite toCeres (ritus graecus cereris) was imported fromMagna Graecia and added to herexisting Aventine cult in accordance with theSibylline books, ancient oracles written in Greek. Official rites to Apollo are perhaps "the best illustration of theGraecus ritus in Rome."
The Romans regardedritus graecus as part of their ownmos maiorum (ancestral tradition), and not asnovus aut externus ritus, novel or foreign rite. The thorough integration and reception of rite labeled "Greek" attests to the complex, multi-ethnic origins of Rome's people and religious life.[455]
Sacellum, adiminutive fromsacer ("belonging to a god"),[456] is a shrine.Varro andVerrius Flaccus give explanations that seem contradictory, the former defining asacellum in its entirety as equivalent to acella,[457] which is specifically an enclosed space, and the latter insisting that asacellum had no roof.[458] "Thesacellum," notesJörg Rüpke, "was both less complex and less elaborately defined than a temple proper."[459] Eachcuria had its ownsacellum.[460]
Sacer describes a thing or person given to the gods, thus "sacred" to them. Human beings had no legal or moral claims on anythingsacer.Sacer could be highly nuanced; Varro associates it with "perfection".[461] Through association with ritual purity,sacer could also mean "sacred, untouchable, inviolable".
Anything notsacer wasprofanum: literally, "in front of (or outside) the shrine", therefore not belonging to it or the gods. A thing or person could be madesacer (consecrated), or could revert fromsacer toprofanum (deconsecrated), only through lawful rites(resecratio) performed by a pontiff on behalf of the state.[462] Part of thever sacrum sacrificial vow of 217 BC stipulated that animals dedicated assacer would revert to the condition ofprofanum if they died through natural cause or were stolen before the due sacrificial date. Similar conditions attached to sacrifices in archaic Rome.[463] A thing already owned by the gods or actively marked out by them as divine property was distinguished asreligiosus, and hence could not be given to them or madesacer.[464][465]
Persons judgedsacer under Roman law were placed beyond further civil judgment, sentence and protection; their lives, families and properties were forfeit to the gods. A person could be declaredsacer who harmed aplebeian tribune, failed to bear legal witness,[466] failed to meet his obligations toclients, or illicitly moved the boundary markers of fields.[467] It was not a religious duty(fas) to execute ahomo sacer, but he could be killed with impunity.[468][469]
Dies sacri ("sacred days") werenefasti, meaning that the ordinary human affairs permitted ondies profani (orfasti) were forbidden.
Sacer was a fundamental principle in Roman andItalic religions. InOscan, related forms aresakoro, "sacred," andsakrim, "sacrificial victim". Oscansakaraklum is cognate with Latinsacellum, a small shrine, as Oscansakarater is with Latinsacratur, consecrare, "consecrated". Thesacerdos is "one who performs a sacred action" or "renders a thing sacred", that is, a priest.[470]
Asacerdos (pluralsacerdotes, a word of eithermasculine or feminine gender) was any priest or priestess, from*sakro-dho-ts, "the one who does the sacred act."[471] There was no priestly caste in ancient Rome, and in some sense every citizen was a priest in that he presided over the domestic cult of his household.Senators,magistrates, and thedecurions of towns performed ritual acts, though they were notsacerdotes per se.[472] Thesacerdos was one who held the title usually in relation to a specific deity or temple.[473] See alsocollegium andflamen.
Sacra (neuter plural ofsacer) are the traditional cult practices of classical Roman religion, eitherpublica orprivata, both of which were overseen by theCollege of Pontiffs.
Thesacra publica were those performed on behalf of the whole Roman people or its major subdivisions, thetribes andcuriae. They included thesacra pro populo, "rites on behalf of the Roman people," i.e., all theferiae publicae of theRoman calendar year and the other feasts that were regarded of public interest, including those pertaining to thehills of Rome,[474] to thepagi andcuriae, and to thesacella, "shrines".[475] The establishment of thesacra publica is ascribed to kingNuma Pompilius, but many are thought to be of earlier origin, even predating thefounding of Rome. Thus Numa may be seen as carrying out a reform and a reorganisation of thesacra in accord with his own views and his education.[476]Sacra publica were performed at the expense of the state, according to the dispositions left by Numa, and were attended by all the senators and magistrates.[477]
Sacra privata were particular to agens, to a family, or to an individual, and were carried out at the expense of those concerned. Individuals hadsacra on dates peculiar to them, such as birthdays, thedies lustricus, and at other times of their life such as funerals and expiations, for instance of fulgurations.[478] Families had their ownsacra in the home or at the tombs of their ancestors, such as those pertaining to theLares,Manes andPenates of the family, and theParentalia. These were regarded as necessary and imperishable, and the desire to perpetuate the family'ssacra was among the reasons foradoption in adulthood.[479] In some cases, the state assumed the expenses even ofsacra privata, if they were regarded as important to the maintenance of the Roman religious system as a whole; seesacra gentilicia following.
Sacra gentilicia were the private rites (seesacra above) that were particular to agens ("clan"). These rites are related to a belief in the shared ancestry of the members of agens, since the Romans placed a high value on both family identity andcommemorating the dead.[480] During theGallic siege of Rome, a member of thegens Fabia risked his life to carry out thesacra of his clan on theQuirinal Hill; the Gauls were so impressed by his courageous piety that they allowed him to pass through their lines.[481] The Fabiansacra were performed inGabine dress by a member of thegens who was possibly named aflamen.[482] There weresacra ofMinerva in the care of theNautii, and rites ofApollo that theIulii oversaw.[483] TheClaudii had recourse to a distinctive "propudial pig" sacrifice(propudialis porcus, "pig of shame") by way of expiation when they neglected any of their religious obligations.[484]
Roman practices of adoption, including so-called "testamentary adoption" when an adult heir was declared in a will, were aimed at perpetuating thesacra gentilicia as well as preserving the family name and property.[485] A person adopted into another family usually renounced thesacra of his birth (seedetestatio sacrorum) in order to devote himself to those of his new family.[486]
Sacra gentilicia sometimes acquired public importance, and if thegens were in danger of dying out, the state might take over their maintenance. One of the myths attached toHercules' time in Italyexplained why his cult at theAra Maxima was in the care of thepatriciangens Potitia and thegens Pinaria; the diminution of these families by 312 BC caused thesacra to be transferred to the keeping ofpublic slaves and supported with public funding.[487]
Thesacra of an Italian town or community(municipium) might be perpetuated under the supervision of theRoman pontiffs when the locality was brought under Roman rule.Festus definedmunicipalia sacra as "those owned originally, before the granting ofRoman citizenship; the pontiffs desired that the people continue to observe them and to practice them in the way(mos) they had been accustomed to from ancient times."[488] Thesesacra were regarded as preserving the core religious identity of a particular people.[489]
Sacramentum is anoath or vow that rendered the swearersacer, "given to the gods," in the negative sense if he violated it.[490]Sacramentum also referred to a thing that was pledged as a sacredbond, and consequently forfeit if the oath were violated.[491] Both instances imply an underlyingsacratio, act of consecration.
InRoman law, a thing given as a pledge or bond was asacramentum. Thesacramentum legis actio was a sum of money deposited in a legal procedure[492] to affirm that both parties to the litigation were acting in good faith.[493] If correct law and procedures had been followed, it could be assumed that the outcome wasiustum, right or valid. The losing side had thus in effect committedperjury, and forfeited hissacramentum as a form ofpiaculum; the winner got his deposit back. The forfeitedsacramentum was normally allotted by the state to the funding ofsacra publica.[494]
Thesacramentum militare (also asmilitum ormilitiae) was the oath taken by soldiers in pledging their loyalty to the consul or emperor. Thesacramentum that renders the soldiersacer helps explain why he was subjected to harsher penalties, such as execution and corporal punishment, that were considered inappropriate for civilian citizens, at least under theRepublic.[495] In effect, he had put his life on deposit, a condition also of the fearsomesacramentum sworn bygladiators.[496] In the later empire, the oath of loyalty created conflict for Christians serving in the military, and produced a number ofsoldier-martyrs.[497]Sacramentum is the origin of the English word "sacrament", a transition in meaning pointed to byApuleius's use of the word to refer toreligious initiation.[498]
Thesacramentum as pertaining to both the military and the law indicates the religious basis for these institutions. The term differs fromiusiurandum, which is more common in legal application, as for instance swearing an oath in court. Asacramentum establishes a direct relation between the person swearing (or the thing pledged in the swearing of the oath) and the gods; theiusiurandum is an oath of good faith within the human community that is in accordance withius as witnessed by the gods.[499]
Asacrarium was a place where sacred objects(sacra) were stored or deposited for safekeeping.[500] The word can overlap in meaning withsacellum, a small enclosed shrine; thesacella of theArgei are also calledsacraria.[501] In Greek writers, the word is ἱεροφυλάκιονhierophylakion (hiero-, "sacred" andphylakion, something that safeguards).[502] Seesacellum for a list ofsacraria.
Thesacrarium of a private home lent itself to Christian transformation, as a 4th-century poem byAusonius demonstrates;[503] in contemporary Christian usage, the sacrarium is a "special sink used for the reverent disposal of sacred substances" (seepiscina).[504]
An event or thing dedicated to the gods for their disposal. The offer of sacrifice is fundamental toreligio. See alsoSacer andReligion in ancient Rome: Sacrifice.
TheValerio-Horatian laws of 449 BC introduced the adjectivesacrosanctus to define the inviolability of the power(potestas) of thetribunes of the plebs and of other magistrates sanctioned by law (Livy 3.55.1). The sacrality of the tribune's function had been established in earlier times through areligio and asacramentum (Livy 2.33.1; 3.19.10), but it obliged only the contracting parties. To make it an obligation for everyone required asanctio that was not only civil but religious: the trespasser was to be declaredsacer, and his family and property sold, according to the Greek historianDionysius (6.89.3).Sacer thus defined the religious compact, andsanctus the law. According to other passages in Livy, the law was not approved of by some jurists of the time, who maintained that only those who infringed the commonly recognised divine laws could fall into the category of those to be declaredsacri. Elsewhere Livy states (Livy 4.3.6, 44.5; 20.20.11) that only thepotestas and not the person of the tribune wassacrosancta. The critics of the law objected, "These people postulate they themselves should besacrosancti, they who do not hold even gods for sacred and saint?"[505]
H. Fugier gives the meaning ofsacrosanctus asguaranteed by an oath, but M. Morani interprets the first part of the compound as a consequence of the second:sanxit tribunum sacrum, the tribune is sanctioned by the law assacer. This kind of word composition based on an etymological figure has parallels in other IE languages in archaic constructions.
TheSalii were the "leaping priests" of Mars.
A verb meaning to ratify a compact and put it under the protection of asanctio, a sanction or penalty. The formation and original meaning of the verb are debated. Some scholars think it is derived from the IE stem *sak (the same assacer) through the insertion of a nasaln[506] infix and the suffix -yo. Thencesancio would mean to render somethingsacer, i.e. belonging to the gods in the sense of having their guarantee and protection.[507] Others think it is a derivation from the theonymSancus, the god of the ratification offoedera (treaties) and the protection of good faith, from the rootsancu- plus suffix-io.[508] In that case, the verb would mean an act that reflects or conforms to the function of this god, i.e. the ratifying and guaranteeing of compacts.
Sanctus, an adjective formed on the past participle of the verbsancio, describes that which has been "established as inviolable" or "sacred", most times in a sense different from that ofsacer andreligiosus. Its original meaning would be "that which is protected by a sanction" (sanctio). The concept is connected to the name of theUmbrian or Sabine founder-deitySancus, in UmbrianSancius, whose most noted function was the ratifying and protecting of treaties (foedera).[509]
The Roman juristUlpian distinguishessanctus as "neither sacred (sacer) nor profane (profanum) ... nor [is it]religiosus."[510]Gaius writes that a building dedicated to a god issacrum, but a town's wall and gate areres sanctae because they belong "in some way" to divine law, while a graveyard isreligiosus because it is relinquished to thedi Manes. Some scholars think thatsanctus was originally a concept related to space as concerning inaugurated places, because they enjoyed the armed protection (sanctio) of the gods.[511][512]
Various deities, objects, places and people – especiallysenators andmagistrates – can besanctus.Claudia Quinta is described as asanctissima femina (most virtuous woman) andCato the Younger as asanctus civis (a morally upright citizen).[513][514] See alsosanctuary.
Later the epithetsanctus is given to many gods includingApollo Pythius byNaevius,Venus andTiberinus byEnnius andLivy. Ennius renders theHomericdia theaoon assancta dearum. In the earlyImperial era,Ovid describesTerminus, the god who sanctifies land boundaries, assanctus[515] and equatessancta withaugusta (august).[516] The use ofsanctus as an epithet of the river Tiber and of the boundary god Terminus retains the original and ancient sense of delineating space: borders aresancti by definition, and rivers often mark borders.
Sanctus as applied to people over time came to share some of the sense of Latincastus (morally pure or guiltless) andpius (pious), with none of the ambiguity attached tosacer andreligiosus.
Inecclesiastical Latin,sanctus is the word forsaint, but even in the Christian era it continues to appear inepitaphs for people who had not converted to Christianity.[517]
Literally, "to watch (for something) from the sky"; that is, to observe thetemplum of the sky for signs that might be interpreted as auspices. Bad omens resulted in a report ofobnuntiatio.[518]
Asignum is a "sign, token or indication".[519] In religious use,signum provides a collective term for events or things (including signs and symbols) that designate divine identity, activity or communication, includingprodigia,auspicia,omina,portenta andostenta.
Silence was generally required in the performance of every religious ritual.[520] The ritual injunctionfavete linguis, "be favourable with your tongues," meant "keep silent." In particular, silence assured the ritual correctness and the absence ofvitia, "faults," in the taking of the auspices.[521] It was also required in the nomination (dictio) of thedictator.[522]
In ancient times,augurs (augures ex caelo) faced south, so the happy orient, where the sun rose, lay at their left. Consequently, the wordsinister (Latin for left) meant well-fated. When, under Greek influence, it became customary for augurs to face north, sinister came to indicate the ill-fated west, where light turned into darkness. It is this latter and later meaning that is attached to the English word sinister.
Asodalitas was a form of voluntary association or society. Its meaning is not necessarily distinct fromcollegium in ancient sources, and is found also insodalicium, "fraternity."[523] Thesodalis is a member of asodalitas, which describes the relationship amongsodales rather than an institution. Examples of priestlysodalitates are theLuperci,fetiales,Arval brothers andTitii; these are also calledcollegia, but that they were a kind ofconfraternity is suggested by the distinctiveconvivialsong associated with some.[524] An association ofsodales might also form aburial society, or make religious dedications as a group;inscriptions record donations made by women for the benefit ofsodales.[525] RomanPythagoreans such asNigidius Figulus formedsodalicia,[526] with whichAmmianus Marcellinus compared the fellowship(sodalicia consortia) of thedruids inGallo-Roman culture.[527] When the cult ofCybele was imported to Rome, theeunuchism of her priests thegalli discouraged Roman men from forming an official priesthood; instead, they joinedsodalitates to hold banquets and other forms of traditional Romancultus in her honor.[528]
Thesodalitates are thought to originate as aristocratic brotherhoods with cultic duties, and their existence is attested as early as the late 6th or early 5th century BC. TheTwelve Tables regulated their potential influence by forbidding them to come in conflict with public law(ius publicum).[529] During the 60s BC, certain forms ofassociations were disbanded by law as politically disruptive, and in Ciceronian usagesodalitates may refer either to these subversive organizations or in a religious context to the priestly fraternities.[530] See alsoSodales Augustales. For theCatholic concept, seesodality.
Spectio ("watching, sighting, observation") was the seeking of omens through observing the sky, the flight of birds, or the feeding of birds. Originally onlypatricianmagistrates andaugurs were entitled to practicespectio, which carried with it the power to regulate assemblies and other aspects of public life, depending on whether the omens were good or bad.[531] See alsoobnuntiatio.
Sponsio is a formal, religiously guaranteed obligation. It can mean bothbetrothal as pledged by a woman's family, and amagistrate's solemn promise in international treaties on behalf of theRoman people.[532]
The Latin word derives from aProto-Indo-European root meaning alibation of wine offered to the gods, as does theGreek verbspendoo and the nounspondai, spondas, andHittitespant-.[533] In Greek it also acquired the meaning "compact, convention, treaty" (compare Latinfoedus), as these were sanctioned with a libation to the gods on an altar. In Latin,sponsio becomes a legal contract between two parties, or sometimes afoedus between two nations.
In legal Latin thesponsio implied the existence of a person who acted as asponsor, a guarantor for the obligation undertaken by somebody else. The verb isspondeo, sponsus. Related words aresponsalia, the ceremony of betrothal;sponsa, fiancée; andsponsus, both thesecond-declension noun meaning a husband-to-be and the fourth declension abstract meaningsuretyship.[534] The ceremonial character ofsponsio suggests[535] that Latin archaicforms of marriage were, like theconfarreatio ofRoman patricians, religiously sanctioned.Dumézil proposed that the oldest extant Latin document, theDuenos inscription, could be interpreted in light ofsponsio.[536]
Superstitio was excessive devotion and enthusiasm in religious observance, in the sense of "doing or believing more than was necessary",[537] or "irregular" religious practice that conflicted with Roman custom. "Religiosity" in its pejorative sense may be a better translation than "superstition", the English word derived from the Latin.[538]Cicero definedsuperstitio as the "empty fear of the gods"(timor inanis deorum) in contrast to the properly pious cultivation of the gods that constituted lawfulreligio,[539] a view thatSeneca expressed as "religio honours the gods,superstitio wrongs them."[540] Seneca wrote an entire treatise onsuperstitio, known toSt. Augustine but no longer extant.[541]Lucretius's famous condemnation of what is often translated as "Superstition" in hisEpicurean didactic epicDe rerum natura is actually directed atReligio.[542]
Before the Christian era,superstitio was seen as a vice of individuals. Practices characterized as "magic" could be a form ofsuperstitio as an excessive and dangerous quest for personal knowledge.[543] By the early 2nd century AD, religions of other peoples that were perceived as resistant toreligious assimilation began to be labeled by some Latin authors assuperstitio, includingdruidism, Judaism, and Christianity.[544] Under Christian hegemony,religio andsuperstitio were redefined as a dichotomy between Christianity, viewed as truereligio, and thesuperstitiones or false religions of those who declined to convert.[545]
Supplicationes are days of public prayer when the men, women, and children of Rome traveled in procession to religious sites around the city praying for divine aid in times of crisis. Asuplicatio can also be a thanksgiving after the receipt of aid.[546] Supplications might also be ordered in response to prodigies; again, the population as a whole wore wreaths, carried laurel twigs, and attended sacrifices at temple precincts throughout the city.[547]
Seeauguraculum. The origin of the English word "tabernacle."
Atemplum was the sacred space defined by anaugur for ritual purposes, most importantly the taking of the auspices, a place "cut off" assacred: compare Greektemenos, fromtemnein to cut.[548] It could be created as temporary or permanent, depending on the lawful purpose of theinauguration.Auspices andsenate meetings were unlawful unless held in atemplum; if the senate house (Curia) was unavailable, an augur could apply the appropriate religious formulae to provide a lawful alternative.[549]
To create atemplum, the augur aligned his zone of observation (auguraculum, a square, portable surround) with the cardinal points of heaven and earth. The altar and entrance were sited on the east-west axis: the sacrificer faced east. The precinct was thus "defined and freed" (effatum etliberatum).[550] In most cases, signs to the augur's left (north) showed divine approval and signs to his right (south), disapproval.[551] Temple buildings of stone followed this ground-plan and were sacred in perpetuity.[552]
Rome itself was a kind oftemplum, with thepomerium as sacred boundary and thearx (citadel), andQuirinal andPalatine hills as reference points whenever a specially dedicatedtemplum was created within. Augurs had authority to establish multipletempla beyond thepomerium, using the same augural principles.
Verba certa (also found nearly as often with the word ordercerta verba) are the "exact words" of a legal or religious formula, that is, the words as "set once and for ever, immutable and unchangeable." Comparecertae precationes, fixed prayers ofinvocation, andverba concepta, which in bothRoman civil law and augural law described a verbal formula that could be "conceived" flexibly to suit the circumstances.[553] With their emphasis on exact adherence, the archaicverba certa[554] are a magico-religious form of prayer.[555] In a ritual context, prayer (prex) was not a form of personal spontaneous expression, but a demonstration that the speaker knew the correct thing to say. Words were regarded as having power; in order to be efficacious, the formula had to be recited accurately, in full, and with the correct pronunciation. To reduce the risk of error (vitium), themagistrate or priest who spoke was prompted from the text by an assistant.[556]
In both religious and legal usage,verba concepta ("preconceived words") were verbal formulas that could be adapted for particular circumstances. Compareverba certa, "fixed words." Collections ofverba concepta would have been part of theaugural archives.Varro preserves an example, albeittextually vexed, of a formula for founding atemplum.[557]
In the legal sense,concepta verba (the phrase is found with either word order) were the statements crafted by a presidingpraetor for the particulars of a case.[558] Earlier in the Roman legal system, theplaintiff had to state his claim within a narrowly defined set of fixed phrases(certa verba); in theMid Republic, more flexible formulas allowed a more accurate description of the particulars of the issue under consideration. But the practice may have originated as a kind of "dodge," since a praetor was liable to religious penalties if he usedcerta verba forlegal actions on days markednefastus on the calendar.[559]
St. Augustine removed the phraseverba concepta from its religious and legal context to describe the cognitive process of memory: "When a true narrative of the past is related, the memory produces not the actual events which have passed away but words conceived(verba concepta) from images of them, which they fixed in the mind like imprints as they passed through the senses."[560] Augustine's conceptualizing of memory as verbal has been used to elucidate the Western tradition of poetry and its shared origins with sacred song and magical incantation (see alsocarmen), and is less a departure from Roman usage than a recognition of the original relation between formula and memory in a pre-literate world.[561] Some scholars see the tradition of stylized, formulaic language as the verbal tradition from whichLatin literature develops, withconcepta verba appearing in poems such asCarmen 34 ofCatullus.[562]
The "sacred spring" was a ritual migration.
Thevictima was theanimal offering in a sacrifice, or very rarely a human. The victim was subject to an examination (probatio victimae) by a lower-rank priest (pontifex minor) to determine whether it met the criteria for a particular offering.[563] With some exceptions, male deities received castrated animals. Goddesses were usually offered female victims, though from around the 160s AD the goddessCybele was given a bull, along with its blood and testicles, in theTaurobolium. Color was also a criterion: white for the upper deities, dark forchthonic, red forVulcan and at theRobigalia. A sacred fiction of sacrifice was that the victim had to consent, usually by a nod of the head perhaps induced by thevictimarius holding the halter. Fear, panic, and agitation in the animal were badomens.[564][565]
The wordvictima is used interchangeably withhostia byOvid and others, but some ancient authors attempt to distinguish between the two.[566]Servius says[567] that thehostia is sacrificed before battle, thevictima afterward, which accords with Ovid'setymology of "victim" as that which has been killed by the right hand of the "victor" (withhostia related tohostis, "enemy").[568]
The difference between thevictima andhostia is elsewhere said to be a matter of size, with thevictima larger (maior).[261] See alsopiaculum andvotum.
Thevictimarius was an attendant or assistant at a sacrifice who handled the animal.[569] Using a rope, he led the pig, sheep, or bovine that was to serve as the victim to the altar. In depictions of sacrifice, avictimarius called thepopa carries a mallet or axe with which to strike thevictima. Multiplevictimarii are sometimes in attendance; one may hold down the victim's head while the other lands the blow.[570] Thevictimarius severed the animal's carotid with a ritual knife (culter), and according to depictions was offered a hand towel afterwards by another attendant. He is sometimes shown dressed in an apron (limus). Inscriptions show that mostvictimarii were freedmen, but literary sources inlate antiquity say that thepopa was a public slave.[571]
A mistake made while performing a ritual, or a disruption of augural procedure, including disregarding the auspices, was avitium ("defect, imperfection, impediment").Vitia, plural, could taint the outcome of elections, the validity of laws, and the conducting of military operations. Theaugurs issued an opinion on a givenvitium, but these were not necessarily binding. In 215 BC the newly electedplebeian consulM. Claudius Marcellus resigned when the augurs and thesenate decided that a thunderclap expressed divine disapproval of his election.[572] The original meaning of the semantic root invitium may have been "hindrance", related to the verbvito, vitare, "to go out of the way"; the adjective formvitiosus can mean "hindering", that is, "vitiating, faulty."[573]
A verb meaning chanting or reciting a formula with a joyful intonation and rhythm.[574] The relatednounVitulatio was an annual thanksgiving offering carried out by thepontiffs on 8 July, the day after theNonae Caprotinae. These were commemorations of Roman victory in the wake of theGallic invasion.Macrobius saysvitulari is the equivalent of Greekpaianizein (παιανίζειν), "to sing apaean", a song expressing triumph or thanksgiving.[575]
In a religious context,votum, pluralvota, is a vow or promise made to a deity. The word comes from thepast participle ofvoveo, vovere; as the result of the verbal action "vow, promise", it may refer also to the fulfillment of this vow, that is, the thing promised. Thevotum is thus an aspect of the contractual nature of Roman religion, a bargaining expressed bydo ut des, "I give that you might give."[576]
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