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Byzantine–Lombard wars

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
568–750 wars on the Italian Peninsula
Byzantine–Lombard wars
Part of theBarbarian invasions

Contemporary scene from theIsola Rizza dish
Date568 – 750
Location
Result
  • Inconclusive
Territorial
changes
Belligerents
LombardsByzantine Empire
Commanders and leaders
Alboin
Gisulf I of Friuli
Smaragdus
Callinicus
Eutychius

TheByzantine–Lombard wars were a protracted series of conflicts which occurred fromAD 568 to 750 between theByzantine Empire and aGermanic tribe known as theLombards. The wars began primarily because of theimperialistic inclinations of the Lombard kingAlboin, as he sought to take possession of NorthernItaly.[1] The conflicts ended in a Byzantine defeat, as the Lombards were able to secure large parts of Northern Italy at first, eventually conquering theExarchate of Ravenna in 750.[2]

Invasion of Northern Italy

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The Lombards began the invasion of Northern Italy on Easter Monday, 568. The Lombards chose this date to ensure that the migrations were to be undertaken through the guidance of their gods. The Lombards migrated into Italy whilst fighting meagre resistance from the Byzantine border forces known as theMilites Limitanei, which were remnants from theImperial Roman military organisation. The Lombards managed to annex Northern Italy quickly.[3]Cividale del Friuli, the first town to be captured,[4] was established as the capital of theDuchy of Friuli, with Alboin's nephewGisulf reigning as its firstDuke. Following the immediate success of the invasion of Northern Italy and the capture of Friuli, the Lombards began to turn eastward towardsVenice. The army capturedAquileia, before undertaking many acts of destruction against the population of the city,[clarification needed] leading many civilians to migrate to other areas in Southern Italy.

Aftermath

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Apart from the Hellenized south (Naples, Calabria and Sicily), the Lombards had overrun Italy within the first generation except for Venice and Istria in the northeast, and Rome, Ravenna and the Pentapolis in Central Italy. Perugia served as the last remaining channel connecting the major centers Ravenna and Rome. Although the Byzantine emperors initially intended to defend Italy with seasoned Eastern troops and barbarian contingents from the Balkans, the increasing military pressures on the Arab and Slavic fronts led imperial authorities to leave Italy to the defence of locally-recruited troops. Eventually, imperial policy of self-reliance in Italy led to the rise of a new Italian military aristocracy who also dominated civilian offices; these aristocrats were drawn from landholders in Italy who often leased their lands from the Church of Rome or of Ravenna.[5] Moreover, apart from their strong economic partnership with the Italian landholders, the Papacy also came to provide most public services from entertainment, public health and water supply to the judicial system. Meanwhile, the Byzantine emperors' aggressive promotion ofMonophysitism andMonothelitism (for example, in their humiliation, torture and fatal exile ofPope Martin I for his refusal to compromise on doctrine) alienated the Italian military aristocracy and revealed the fragility of Italian loyalty to the Empire.[6]

In 717/718, towards the end of the Byzantine-Lombard conflict, Lombard DukeRomuald II of Benevento capturedCumae in the south of the Duchy of Rome.Pope Gregory II was left to organize a counter-offensive, calling on help from DukeJohn I of Naples and Theodimus, rector of Papal patrimonies in Campania, to drive the Lombards out of the Duchy. Romuald agreed to receive a payment from the Pope to leave the city, but from then on the Popes began to regard Cumae like their own patrimonies. This was the first instance of the Papacy mobilizing their own defenses and establishing ownership of formerly public Imperial land.[7] In 722/723,Emperor Leo III, having successfully repelled the Arabs in theArab-Byzantine wars, decided to make Italy pay a greater share of the defense against the Lombards. Leo dramatically increased Imperial taxation on all estates in Italy, including Papal properties, whichPope Gregory II refused to pay. Leo'sDoux of Rome Marinus plotted but failed to assassinate Pope Gregory, and the Emperor'sExarch Paul also tried to attack Rome but failed against determined resistance from Rome and Lombards. The loss of Byzantine control over Rome was exacerbated by Leo's new policy ofIconoclasm, which led to the military leadership of Venice, Ravenna, and the Pentapolis rising up to defend the Pope from the Emperor.King Liutprand of the Lombards, either seeing the opportunity for gain or sympathetic to the anti-Iconoclast effort, declared himself an ally of the Pope and attacked the remaining Imperial cities, some of which welcomed him as a liberator.[8]

With the decline of Byzantine defenses in Italy, the Papacy played an increasingly assertive role in resisting against the Lombards, such as calling on the Venetians to repel the Lombards from Ravenna in 738/739.Pope Gregory III struck an alliance with the rebellious southern Lombard duchies against King Liutprand, and began asserting Papal territorial claims over the Duchy of Rome (and later, Ravenna as well) separately from the claims of the Byzantine Empire. As a result of this "Italianization" process of Byzantine Italy, the Papacy would define their territory as a "holy republic" of "peculiar people" who were the pope's "flocks", distinct from the Byzantine Empire.[9]

The fall of the Exarchate of Ravenna led Pope Stephen II to request Emperor Constantine V for military aid to drive the Lombards out. However, Constantine, who was committed to reconquering Byzantine territory elsewhere, only sent envoys to the Lombards and ordered the Pope to negotiate with the Lombards. Pope Stephen, unable to dissuade the rapidly expanding Lombards, therefore sought protection from the Frankish Kingdom.[10][11][12] Pope Stephen's alliance with the Franks realigned the Papacy away from Byzantium and toward Germanic northern Europe,[13] thus laying the foundations for the creation of theHoly Roman Empire.[14]

References

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Citations

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  1. ^Louth 2005 pp.113–115.
  2. ^Overy 2010 p.126
  3. ^Christie 1998 pp.73, 76
  4. ^Bertolini 1960 pp.34–38
  5. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 2–7.ISBN 9780812200911.
  6. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 9–13.ISBN 9780812200911.
  7. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 25–26.ISBN 9780812200911.
  8. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 28–31.ISBN 9780812200911.
  9. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 41–44, 48, 58.ISBN 9780812200911.
  10. ^Judith Herrin (2021).The Formation of Christendom. Princeton University Press. p. 372.ISBN 9780691220772.
  11. ^Laury Sarti, Stefan Esders, Yaniv Fox, Yitzhak Hen (2019).East and West in the Early Middle Ages The Merovingian Kingdoms in Mediterranean Perspective. Cambridge University Press. pp. 335–336.ISBN 9781107187153.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  12. ^Thomas F. X. Noble (2010).The Republic of St. Peter The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 73–75.ISBN 9780812200911.
  13. ^Pirenne, Henri (2012).Mohammed and Charlemagne. Dover Publications. p. 224.ISBN 9780486122250.
  14. ^Michael Frassetto (2003).Encyclopedia of Barbarian Europe Society in Transformation. Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 12–14.ISBN 9781576072639.

Bibliography

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