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Buryat nationalism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Belief that Buryats should constitute a nation
Theflag of Buryatia

Buryat nationalism is the belief that theBuryats should constitute a nation. Originating in the late years of theRussian Empire, Buryat nationalism played an important role in the early politics of Buryatia under theSoviet Union and duringits dissolution. Buryat nationalism is a "moderate anticolonial" nationalist movement withPan-Mongolism and support forTibetan Buddhism as significant aspects.

History

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Background

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Russia began conquering what is now Buryatia in the early 17th century as part of itsconquest of Siberia. Rich in raw materials and furs, it was regarded by the Russian government as a possible source of income.[1] The Buryats, who had previously been ruled by theMongol Empire ofGenghis Khan and had subjugated several neighbouring tribes, were resistant to Russian subjugation efforts, and launched a campaign of fierce resistance.[2] The drawing of borders between theRussian Empire and theQing dynasty in 1724 formally separated Buryats from the Mongols,[3] leading to them becoming a distinct group.[a][4]

Emergence, Russian Revolution and Civil War

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1900 was a critical year for the emergence of Buryat nationalism. That year, Russian colonial expansion into the region reached a peak. At the same time, a Buryat intelligentsia was beginning to come into being.[5] Buryat protests sparked Russian threats to "demolish Buryat culture", according toMinorities at Risk, and during theRusso-Japanese War Japan expressed support forPan-Mongolism in an effort to gain Buryats' support.[3]

TheRussian Revolution of 1905 gave further strength to the nationalist movement as EmperorNicholas II signed decrees urging the adoption of thezemstvo in Siberia and establishing religious freedom. The latter decree was especially influential, giving Buryat intellectuals a justification against increased Russian settler-colonialism. In late April 1905, a congress of Buryat intellectuals (including the Buddhist clergy) gathered in the city ofChita to express nationalist demands, including self-government, democratically-elected courts, Buryat-language legal proceedings and Mongolian language classes in schools. Another congress of Buryats inIrkutsk in August of the same year called to recognise the Buryats' right to local lands, to establish free public schooling, and to recognise theKhambo Lama as the leader of Buddhists inIrkutsk Governorate. At this time, Buryat nationalists split into three groups; the conservatives,[b] who sought to reestablish the abolished institution of thesteppe duma [ru]; the progressives,[c] who supported the establishment of zemstvos as a form of self-government; and the Westernisers,[d] who supported "Europeanisation", according to researcher Ivan Sablin. The Russian government ignored all the demands of the nationalist intelligentsia (as well as several petitions to the government), aside from a request to allow a representative of the indigenous population ofTransbaikal Oblast to theState Duma.[6]

Buryat nationalists occasionally argued in favour of close ties with Russia, believing that Siberia was destined to be a buffer region between Russia and Japan;Rinchingiin Elbegdorj, a Buryat nationalist andSiberian regionalist activist, argued in 1914 that without Russian support independent Siberia would be dominated by China or Japan.[7]

The 1917Russian Revolution led to a new growth of Buryat nationalism. TheRussian Provisional Government lifted previous censorship statutes, and activists such as Bogdanov andTsyben Zhamtsarano oversaw the establishment of the All-Buryat Congress and the Buryat National Committee (abbreviated Burnatskom) in April 1917. Land reform, Buryat-language education and an autonomous Buryat territory within Russia were among the Congress's top demands. A large number of Buryats at the time supported the Burnatskom, along with left-wing parties such as theSocialist Revolutionaries, theMensheviks and theBolsheviks.[8]

During theRussian Civil War, splits emerged in the Buryat nationalist movement, as urban, secular Buryats[e] supported the Bolsheviks while others remained alongside theState of Buryat-Mongolia that formed from the All-Buryat Congress. The Bolsheviks were particularly attractive to nationally-conscious Buryat women, who had few other opportunities for social advancement at the time.[9]

Soviet period

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TheBuryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was established in 1923.[3] Prior to theGreat Purge, Buryat politics were dominated bykorenizatsiia andnational communism; the government of Mikhey Yerbanov oversaw efforts to eliminate illiteracy, establish Buryat as the spoken and written language, and ensure that local party cadres would primarily be ethnic Buryats. Efforts to teach local Russians Buryat were taken, but were largely rejected by the local population.[10]

The Great Purge devastated Buryatia's political leadership, religious life and borders. The republic was partitioned in 1937, with 40% of its territory being handed over toIrkutsk Oblast andChita Oblast despite the opposition of the local government.[11] The Buryat communist leadership was killed,[3] as were most Buryat nationalists.[12] Efforts to Russify Buryatia began in the post-World War II period.[3]

Perestroika and the Russian Federation

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A new wave of nationalism in Buryatia began following the beginning ofMikhail Gorbachev's policy ofperestroika. From 1986, Buryat scholars began to promote discussion of historical and contemporary local affairs. In March 1988, these intellectuals established the Geser organisation, named after the titular hero of theEpic of King Gesar. The Buryat government, led by ethnic RussianAnatoly Belyakov [ru], was slow to respond to the demands of the nationalist intelligentsia, and in February 1990 several thousand people protested inUlan-Ude against Belyakov's rule. Two key figures in the protests wereLeonid Potapov andVladimir Saganov [ru]; Potapov, while an ethnic Russian, was publicly popular for his close ties to former leaderAndrey Modogoyev [ru], while Saganov was believed to be sympathetic to Buryat nationalism. Belyakov was ultimately replaced by Potapov in May 1990.[13]

Buryat nationalist intellectuals from Geser established theBuryat-Mongolian People's Party in November 1990. Led by professor Mikhail Ochirov, it also included several other nationalist intellectuals, such as Vladimir Khamutayev. The BMPP's policies included the restoration of pre-1937 Buryat borders, reinserting "Mongolian" into the region's title, closer ties with Mongolia and China, and the demilitarisation of Buryatia. The last point was especially controversial due to the region's large border, closeness to China and the presence of theTrans-Siberian Railway.[13]

The government of Potapov and Saganov declared Buryatia was a sovereign republic and aSoviet Socialist Republic (rather than anAutonomous Soviet Socialist Republic) in October 1990, amidst theparade of sovereignties. This declaration was ignored by Gorbachev for unclear reasons, either out of fear of nationalist efforts to establish governments or because he was considering a new model of Soviet government.[13]

Following the 1991dissolution of the Soviet Union, Buryat nationalist parties failed to make a significant impact on politics. More radical groups like the BMPP were unpopular and generally regarded as unproductive in advancing Buryat interests. More moderate groups, such as theNegedel association and theCongress of the Buryat People, remained popular into the 21st century.[14] 1998 protests by the Buddhist clergy against the intended exhibition of an atlas of Tibetan medicine in the United States were, according to Jorunn Brandvoll of theNorwegian Institute of International Affairs, the most significant expression of Buryat nationalism in the 1990s, were disrupted by the authorities, and became a talking point in the1998 Buryat presidential election.[15]

FollowingVladimir Putin's accession to the Russian presidency, and especially after the2012 Russian presidential election, Buryat nationalism increasingly came under attack.[16] TheUst-Orda andAga Buryat Autonomous Okrugs were abolished by disputed referendums in 2006 and 2008, respectively,[17] and after Putin's 2012 re-election several Buryat nationalist activists were arrested.[16]

During theRusso-Ukrainian War, and especially after the beginning of the full-scaleRussian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Buryats have disproportionately been conscripted to fight for the Russian military and have died while fighting in Ukraine. Despite this, Buryat nationalism has not seen a resurgence in Buryatia,[18] though Buryats living in exile have established several organisations advocating for independence.[19]

Aspects

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Since its origins, Buryat nationalism has followed a "moderate anticolonial nationalist pattern", according to Sablin.[20] Buryat nationalists often resist titles such as "indigenous", arguing that they are instead an Asian nation or part of Mongolia.[21] Buryat nationalists are supporters ofPan-Mongolism, and symbols of theMongol Empire such asGenghis Khan have been used in nation-building efforts.[22]

Tibetan Buddhism has played a significant role in Buryat nation building since 1989.[23] The recognition ofTsagaan Sar, the Mongolian Lunar New Year, as an official holiday in 1992 was heralded by Buryat intellectuals and Buddhist lamas as a victory for Buryat culture.[24] Buryat nationalists have traditionally held negative views of those who believe in Buryat shamanism.[25] Followers of shamanism often regard the early 20th century as a time of Russian and Buddhist colonial domination over Buryatia, and consider the Mongol Empire to be the Buryats' golden age. This is in contrast to nationalists and Buddhists, who consider the late 19th and early 20th centuries to be a high point of Buryat cultural expression.[26]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^Although the difference was not made until the 17th century, Buryats were already distinct from Mongols by the time of the Russian conquest; theBuryat language is not intelligible withKhalkha Mongolian, the standard dialect of theMongolian language.
  2. ^Led byErdeni Vambatsyrenov.
  3. ^Led byGombojab Tsybikov,Bato-Dalai Ochirov [ru] andBazar-Sada Yampilov.
  4. ^Led byMikhail Bogdanov [ru].
  5. ^IncludingMariya Sakhyanova [ru] andMikhey Yerbanov [ru], both of whom would later become Soviet politicians

References

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  1. ^Karikh 2007, pp. 45–55.
  2. ^Plumley 2010.
  3. ^abcdeMinorities at Risk 2004.
  4. ^Quijada 2019, p. 3.
  5. ^Rupen 1956, p. 385.
  6. ^Sablin 2017, pp. 468–470.
  7. ^Sablin 2018, p. 17.
  8. ^Chakars 2014, pp. 45–47.
  9. ^Sablin 2016, p. 85.
  10. ^Chakars 2014, pp. 54–55.
  11. ^Chakars 2014, pp. 76–77.
  12. ^Rupen 1956, p. 397.
  13. ^abcChakars 2020.
  14. ^Balzer 2021, pp. 66–67.
  15. ^Brandvoll 2002, p. 87.
  16. ^abBalzer 2021, p. 67.
  17. ^Balzer 2021, p. 65.
  18. ^Sauer 2022.
  19. ^Šilina 2022.
  20. ^Sablin 2016, p. 67.
  21. ^Quijada 2019, p. 23.
  22. ^Skrynnikova 2003, pp. 127–128.
  23. ^Sweet & Chakars 2010, p. 9.
  24. ^Balzer 2021, pp. 69–70.
  25. ^Sablin 2016, pp. 50–51.
  26. ^Quijada 2019, pp. 149–150.

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