Boethius was born inRome a few years after the forced abdication of the lastWestern Roman emperor,Romulus Augustulus. A member of theAnicii family, he was orphaned following the family's sudden decline and was raised byQuintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, a laterconsul. After mastering both Latin and Greek in his youth, Boethius rose to prominence as a statesman during theOstrogothic Kingdom, becoming a senator by age 25, a consul by age 33, and later chosen as a personal advisor toTheodoric the Great.
In seeking to reconcile the teachings ofPlato andAristotle withChristian theology, Boethius sought to translate the entirety of the Greek classics for Western scholars. He published numerous transcriptions and commentaries of the works ofNicomachus,Porphyry, andCicero, among others, and wrote extensively on matters concerningmusic,mathematics, andtheology. Though his translations were unfinished following an untimely death, it is largely due to them that the works of Aristotle survived into theRenaissance.
Despite his successes as a senior official, Boethius became deeply unpopular among other members of the Ostrogothic court for denouncing the extensivecorruption prevalent among other members of government. After publicly defending fellow consulCaecina Albinus from charges ofconspiracy, he was imprisoned by Theodoric around the year 523.While jailed Boethius wroteOn the Consolation of Philosophy, a philosophical treatise on fortune, death, and other issues which became one of the most influential and widely reproduced works of the Early Middle Ages. He was tortured and executed in 524,[6] becoming amartyr in the Christian faith by tradition.[note 2][note 3]
Consular diptych depicting Narius Manlius Boethius, Boethius' birth father
Boethius was born in Rome to apatrician familyc. 480,[13] but the exact date of his birth is unknown.[3] Hisbirth family, theAnicii, was a notably wealthy and influentialgens that included emperorsPetronius Maximus andOlybrius, in addition to manyconsuls.[14] However, in the years prior to Boethius' birth, the family had lost much of its influence. The grandfather of Boethius, a senator by the same name, was appointed aspraetorian prefect of Italy but died in 454 during the palace plot againstFlavius Aetius.[15][16] Boethius' father,Manlius Boethius, who was appointedconsul in 487, died while Boethius was still young.[17]Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, another patrician, adopted and raised him instead, introducing to him philosophy and literature.[18] As a sign of their good relationship, Boethius would later marry his foster-father's daughter, Rusticiana, with whom he would have two children also namedSymmachus andBoethius.[19]
Having been adopted into the wealthySymmachi family, Boethius had access to tutors that would have educated him during his youth.[20] Though Symmachus had some fluency inGreek, Boethius achieved a mastery of the language—an increasingly rare skill in the Western regions of the Empire—and dedicated his early career to translating the entire works ofPlato andAristotle,[21][22] with some of the translations that he produced being the only surviving transcriptions of Greek texts into theMiddle Ages.[23][24] The unusual fluency of Boethius in the Greek language has led some scholars to believe that he was educated in theEast; a traditional view, first proposed byEdward Gibbon, is that Boethius studied inAthens for eighteen years based on the letters ofCassiodorus, though this was likely to have been a misreading by past historians.[20][note 4]
HistorianPierre Courcelle has argued that Boethius studied atAlexandria with theNeoplatonist philosopherAmmonius Hermiae. However, HistorianJohn Moorhead observes that the evidence supporting Boethius having studied in Alexandria is "not as strong as it may appear", adding that he may have been able to acquire his formidable learning without travelling.[26] Whatever the case, Boethius' fluency in Greek proved useful throughout his life in translating the classic works of Greek thinkers, though his interests spanned across a variety of fields including music, mathematics, astrology, and theology.[27]
Boethius (right) and his adoptive father,Symmachus (left); both had been appointed consuls in their own right.
Taking inspiration from Plato'sRepublic, Boethius left his scholarly pursuits to enter the service ofTheodoric the Great.[28] The two had first met in the year 500 when Theodoric traveled to Rome to stay for six months.[29] Though no record survives detailing the early relationship between Theodoric and Boethius, it is clear that the Ostrogothic king viewed him favorably. In the next few years, Boethius rapidly ascended through the ranks of government, becoming asenator by age 25 and a consul by the year 510.[13][30] His earliest documented acts on behalf of the Ostrogothic ruler were to investigate allegations that the paymaster of Theodoric's bodyguards had debased the coins of their pay, to produce awaterclock for Theodoric to gift to kingGundobad of the Burgundians, and to recruit a lyre-player to perform forClovis,King of the Franks.[31]
Boethius writes in theConsolation that, despite his own successes, he believed that his greatest achievement came when both his sons were selected by Theodoric to be consuls in 522, with each representing the whole of theRoman Empire.[32] The appointment of his sons was an exceptional honor, not only since it made conspicuous Theodoric's favor for Boethius, but also because the Byzantine emperorJustin I had forfeited his own nomination as a sign of goodwill, thus also endorsing Boethius' sons.[33] In the same year as the appointment of his sons, Boethius was elevated to the position ofmagister officiorum, becoming the head of all government and palace affairs.[33] Recalling the event, he wrote that he was sitting "between the two consuls as if it were a military triumph, [letting my] largesse fulfill the wildest expectations of the people packed in their seats around [me]."[34]
Boethius' struggles came within a year of his appointment asmagister officiorum: in seeking to mend the rampant corruption present in the Roman Court, he writes of having to thwart the conspiracies of Triguilla, the steward of the royal house; of confronting the Gothic minister, Cunigast, who went to "devour the substance of the poor"; and of having to use the authority of the king to stop a shipment of food from Campania which, if carried, would have exacerbated an ongoing famine in the region.[35] These actions made Boethius an increasingly unpopular figure among court officials, though he remained in Theodoric's favor.[36]
The young philosopher Boethius, a man whose varied accomplishments adorned the middle period of the reign of Theodoric, and whose tragic death was to bring sadness over its close.
In 520, Boethius was working to revitalize the relationship between theRoman See and theConstantinopolitan See—though the two were then still a part of the sameChurch, disagreements had begun to emerge between them. This may have set in place a course of events that would lead to loss of royal favour.[38] Five hundred years later, this disagreement led to theEast–West Schism in 1054, in which communion between theCatholic Church andEastern Orthodox Church was broken.
In 523, Boethius fell from power. After a period of imprisonment inPavia for what was deemed a treasonable offence, he was executed in 524.[13][39] The primary sources are in general agreement over the facts of what happened. At a meeting of the Royal Council in Verona, thereferendarius, Cyprianus, accused the ex-consulCaecina Decius Faustus Albinus of treasonous correspondence withJustin I. Boethius leapt to his defense, crying, "The charge of Cyprianus is false, but if Albinus did that, so also have I and the whole senate with one accord done it; it is false, my Lord King".[40]
Manuscript depicting Boethius teaching students (initial) and while imprisoned
Cyprianus then also accused Boethius of the same crime and produced three men who claimed they had witnessed the crime. Boethius and Basilius were arrested. First the pair were detained in the baptistery of a church, then Boethius was exiled to theAger Calventianus, a distant country estate, where he was put to death. Not long afterwards Theodoric had Boethius' father-in-law Symmachus put to death, according toProcopius, on the grounds that he and Boethius together were planning a revolution, and confiscated their property.[41] "The basic facts in the case are not in dispute", writes Jeffrey Richards. "What is disputed about this sequence of events is the interpretation that should be put on them."[42] Boethius claims his crime was seeking "the safety of the Senate". He describes the three witnesses against him as dishonorable: Basilius had been dismissed from Royal service for his debts, whileVenantius Opilio andGaudentius had been exiled for fraud.[43] Other sources depict these men in a far more positive light.Cassiodorus describes Cyprianus and Opilio as "utterly scrupulous, just and loyal" and mentions they are brothers and grandsons of the consul Opilio.[44]
Theodoric was feeling threatened by international events. TheAcacian schism had been resolved, and theNicene Christian aristocrats of his kingdom were seeking to renew their ties with Constantinople. The CatholicHilderic had become king of theVandals and had put Theodoric's sisterAmalafrida to death andArians in the East were being persecuted.[45][46] Then there was the matter that with his previous ties toTheodahad, Boethius apparently found himself on the wrong side in the succession dispute following the untimely death ofEutharic, Theodoric's announced heir.
Boethius, the most learned man of his time, met his death in the hangman's noose...and yet the life of Boethius was a triumph! The West owes this individual, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, nothing less than its progression toward a culture of reason.
The method of Boethius' execution varies in the sources. He may have beenbeheaded, clubbed to death, or hanged.[47] It is likely that he was tortured with a rope that was constricted around his head, bludgeoned until his eyes bulged out; then his skull was cracked.[48][49] Following an agonizing death, his remains were entombed in the church ofSan Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia, also the resting place ofAugustine of Hippo. His wealth was confiscated and his wife, Rusticiana, reduced to poverty.[23]
Past historians have had a hard time accepting a sincere Christian who was also a serious Hellenist.[23][50] These worries have largely stemmed from the lack of any mention ofJesus in Boethius'Consolation, nor of any other Christian figure.[51]Arnaldo Momigliano argues that "Boethius turned to paganism. His Christianity collapsed—it collapsed so thoroughly that perhaps he did not even notice its disappearance."[52] Many scholars have taken a different view, withArthur Herman writing that Boethius was "unshakably Orthodox Catholic" andThomas Hodgkin having asserted that uncovered manuscripts "prove beyond a doubt that Boethius was a Christian".[53][54][51] The community that he was a part of valued equally both classical and Christian culture.[55]
The beginning of Aristotle'sDe interpretatione in Boethius' Latin translation
Boethius's best known work is theConsolation of Philosophy (De consolatione philosophiae), which he wrote at the very end of his career, awaiting his execution in prison. This work represented an imaginary dialogue between himself and philosophy, with philosophy personified as a woman, arguing that despite the apparent inequality of the world, there is, inPlatonic fashion, a higher power and everything else is secondary to that divine Providence.[56]
Several manuscripts survived and these were widely edited, translated and printed throughout the late 15th century and later in Europe.[57] BeyondConsolation of Philosophy, his lifelong project was a deliberate attempt to preserve ancient classical knowledge, particularly philosophy. Boethius intended to translate all the works ofAristotle andPlato from the originalGreek intoLatin.[58][59][60]
His completed translations of Aristotle's works onlogic were the only significant portions of Aristotle available in Latin Christendom from the sixth century until therediscovery of Aristotle in the 12th century. However, some of his translations (such as his treatment of thetopoi inTheTopics) were mixed with his own commentary, which reflected both Aristotelian and Platonic concepts.[61]
The commentaries themselves have been lost.[62] In addition to his commentary on the Topics, Boethius composed two treatises on Topical argumentation,In Ciceronis Topica andDe topicis differentiis. The first work has six books, and is largely a response toCicero'sTopica.[63] The first book ofIn Ciceronis Topica begins with a dedication to Patricius. It includes distinctions and assertions important to Boethius's overall philosophy, such as his view of the role of philosophy as "establish[ing] our judgment concerning the governing of life",[64] and definitions of logic from Plato, Aristotle and Cicero. He breaks logic into three parts: that which defines, that which divides, and that which deduces.[64]
He asserts that there are three types of arguments: those of necessity, of ready believability, and sophistry.[65] He follows Aristotle in defining one sort of Topic as the maximal proposition, a proposition which is somehow shown to be universal or readily believable.[66] The other sort of Topic, the differentiae, are "Topics that contain and include the maximal propositions"; means of categorizing the Topics which Boethius credits to Cicero.[67]
BookII covers two kinds of topics: those from related things and those from extrinsic topics. BookIII discusses the relationship among things studied through Topics, Topics themselves, and the nature of definition. BookIV analyzes partition, designation and relationships between things (such as pairing, numbering, genus and species, etc.). After a review of his terms, Boethius spends BookV discussingStoic logic and Aristotelian causation. BookVI relates the nature of the Topic to causes.
In Topicis Differentiis has four books; BookI discusses the nature of rhetorical and dialectical Topics together, Boethius's overall purpose being "to show what the Topics are, what their differentiae are, and which are suited for what syllogisms."[68] He distinguishes between argument (that which constitutes belief) and argumentation (that which demonstrates belief). Propositions are divided into three parts: those that are universal, those that are particular, and those that are somewhere in between.[69] These distinctions, and others, are applicable to both types of Topical argument, rhetorical and dialectical. BooksII and III are primarily focused on Topics of dialectic (syllogisms), while BookIV concentrates on the unit of the rhetorical Topic, the enthymeme. Topical argumentation is at the core of Boethius's conception of dialectic, which "have categorical rather than conditional conclusions, and he conceives of the discovery of an argument as the discovery of a middle term capable of linking the two terms of the desired conclusion."[70]
Not only are these texts of paramount importance to the study of Boethius, they are also crucial to the history of topical lore. It is largely due to Boethius that the Topics of Aristotle and Cicero were revived, and the Boethian tradition of topical argumentation spans its influence throughout the Middle Ages and into the early Renaissance: "In the works ofOckham,Buridan,Albert of Saxony, and the Pseudo-Scotus, for instance, many of the rules of consequence bear a strong resemblance to or are simply identical with certain Boethian Topics ... Boethius's influence, direct and indirect, on this tradition is enormous."[71]
It was also inDe Topicis Differentiis that Boethius made a unique contribution to the discourse on dialectic and rhetoric. Topical argumentation for Boethius is dependent upon a new category for the topics discussed by Aristotle and Cicero, and "[u]nlike Aristotle, Boethius recognizes two different types of Topics. First, he says, a Topic is a maximal proposition (maxima propositio), or principle; but there is a second kind of Topic, which he calls thedifferentia of a maximal proposition.[72] Maximal propositions are "propositions [that are] known per se, and no proof can be found for these."[73]
This is the basis for the idea that demonstration (or the construction of arguments) is dependent ultimately upon ideas or proofs that are known so well and are so fundamental to human understanding of logic that no other proofs come before it. They must hold true in and of themselves. According to Stump, "the role of maximal propositions in argumentation is to ensure the truth of a conclusion by ensuring the truth of its premises either directly or indirectly."[74]These propositions would be used in constructing arguments through theDifferentia, which is the second part of Boethius' theory. This is "the genus of the intermediate in the argument."[75] So maximal propositions allow room for an argument to be founded in some sense of logic whiledifferentia are critical for the demonstration and construction of arguments.
Boethius' definition of "differentiae" is that they are "the Topics of arguments ... The Topics which are the Differentiae of [maximal] propositions are more universal than those propositions, just as rationality is more universal than man."[76] This is the second part of Boethius' unique contribution to the field of rhetoric.Differentia operate under maximal propositions to "be of use in finding maximal propositions as well as intermediate terms," or the premises that follow maximal propositions.[77]
Though Boethius is drawing from Aristotle's Topics,Differentiae are not the same as Topics in some ways. Boethius arrangesdifferentiae through statements, instead of generalized groups as Aristotle does. Stump articulates the difference. They are "expressed as words or phrases whose expansion into appropriate propositions is neither intended nor readily conceivable", unlike Aristotle's clearly defined four groups of Topics. Aristotle had hundreds of topics organized into those four groups, whereas Boethius has twenty-eight "Topics" that are "highly ordered among themselves."[78] This distinction is necessary to understand Boethius as separate from past rhetorical theories.
Maximal propositions andDifferentiae belong not only to rhetoric, but also to dialectic. Boethius defines dialectic through an analysis of "thesis" and hypothetical propositions. He claims that "[t]here are two kinds of questions. One is that called, 'thesis' by the [Greek] dialecticians. This is the kind of question which asks about and discusses things stripped of relation to other circumstances; it is the sort of question dialecticians most frequently dispute about—for example, 'Is pleasure the greatest good?' [or] 'Should one marry?'.[79]" Dialectic has "dialectical topics" as well as "dialectical-rhetorical topics", all of which are still discussed inDe Topicis Differentiis.[72] Dialectic, especially in BookI, comprises a major component of Boethius' discussion on Topics.
Boethius planned to completely translate Plato'sDialogues, but there is no known surviving translation, if it was actually ever begun.[80]
Boethius'De arithmetica in a manuscript written forCharles the Bald
Boethius chose to pass on the great Greco-Roman culture to future generations by writing manuals on music, astronomy, geometry and arithmetic.[81]
Several of Boethius' writings, which were hugely influential during the Middle Ages, drew on the thinking ofPorphyry andIamblichus.[82] Boethius wrote a commentary on theIsagoge byPorphyry,[83] which highlighted the existence of theproblem of universals: whether these concepts are subsistent entities which would exist whether anyone thought of them, or whether they only exist as ideas. This topic concerning theontological nature of universal ideas was one of the most vocal controversies inmedieval philosophy.
Besides these advanced philosophical works, Boethius is also reported to have translated important Greek texts on the topics of thequadrivium[80] His loose translation ofNicomachus's treatise on arithmetic (De institutione arithmetica libri duo) and his textbook on music (De institutione musica libri quinque, unfinished) contributed to medieval education.[83]De arithmetica begins with modular arithmetic, such as even and odd, evenly even, evenly odd, and oddly even. He then turns to unpredicted complexity by categorizing numbers and parts of numbers.[84] His translations ofEuclid on geometry andPtolemy on astronomy,[85] if they were completed, no longer survive. Boethius made Latin translations of Aristotle'sDe interpretatione andCategories with commentaries.[38] In his articleThe Ancient Classics in the Mediaeval Libraries, James Stuart Beddie cites Boethius as the reason Aristotle's works were popular in the Middle Ages, as Boethius preserved many of the philosopher's works.[86]
10th-century manuscript of Boethius'De institutione musica
Boethius'De institutione musica orDe musica was one of the first musical texts to be printed in Venice between the years of 1491 and 1492. It was written toward the beginning of the sixth century and helped medieval theorists during the ninth century and onwards understandancient Greek music.[87] Like his Greek predecessors, Boethius believed that arithmetic and music were intertwined, and helped to mutually reinforce the understanding of each, and together exemplified the fundamental principles of order and harmony in the understanding of the universe as it was known during his time.[88]
InDe Musica, Boethius introduced the threefold classification of music:[89]
Musica mundana –music of the spheres/world; this "music" was not actually audible and was to be understood rather than heard
Musica humana – harmony of human body and spiritual harmony
Musica instrumentalis – instrumental music
InDe musica I.2, Boethius describes 'musica instrumentis' as music produced by something under tension (e.g., strings), by wind (e.g., aulos), by water, or by percussion (e.g., cymbals). Boethius himself does not use the term 'instrumentalis', which was used by Adalbold II of Utrecht (975–1026) in hisEpistola cum tractatu.[full citation needed] The term is much more common in the 13th century and later.[citation needed] It is also in these later texts thatmusica instrumentalis is firmly associated with audible music in general, including vocal music. Scholars have traditionally assumed that Boethius also made this connection, possibly under the header of wind instruments ("administratur ... aut spiritu ut tibiis"[note 5][90]), but Boethius himself never writes about "instrumentalis" as separate from "instrumentis" explicitly in his very brief description.
In one of his works withinDe institutione musica, Boethius said that "music is so naturally united with us that we cannot be free from it even if we so desired."[91]During the Middle Ages, Boethius was connected to several texts that were used to teach liberal arts. Although he did not address the subject of trivium, he did write many treatises explaining the principles of rhetoric, grammar, and logic. During the Middle Ages, his works of these disciplines were commonly used when studying the three elementary arts.[85] The historianR. W. Southern called Boethius "the schoolmaster of medieval Europe."[92]
Boethius also wrote Christian theological treatises, which supported orthodox theology and condemnedArianism and otherheterodox forms of Christianity.[94]
De Trinitate – "The Trinity", where he defends theCouncil of Chalcedon Trinitarian position, that God is in three persons who have no differences in nature. He argues against the Arian view of the nature of God, which put him at odds with the faith of the Arian King of Italy.
Utrum Pater et filius et Spiritus Sanctus de divinitate substantialiter praedicentur – "Whether Father, Son and Holy Spirit are Substantially Predicated of the Divinity", a short work where he uses reason and Aristotelian epistemology to argue that the Catholic views of the nature of God are correct.[96]
Quomodo substantiae, Boethius' claim that all substances are good.[97]
In Isagogen Porphyrii commenta (two commentaries, the first based on a translation by Marius Victorinus, (c. 504–05); the second based on Boethius' own translation (507–509) ).
In Categorias Aristotelis (c. 509–11)
In librum Aristotelis de interpretatione Commentaria minora (not before 513)
In librum Aristotelis de interpretatione Commentaria majora (c. 515–16)
In Aristotelis Analytica Priora (c. 520–523)
Commentaria in Topica Ciceronis (incomplete: the end the sixth book and the seventh are missing)
Utrum Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus de divinitate substantialiter praedicentur (Whether Father and Son and Holy Spirit are Substantially Predicated of the Divinity)
Quomodo substantiae in eo quod sint bonae sint cum non sint substantialia bona [also known asDe hebdomadibus] (How Substances are Good in that they Exist, when They are not Substantially Good)
Edward Kennard Rand dubbed Boethius the "last of the Roman philosophers and the first of the scholastic theologians".[101] Despite the use of his mathematical texts in the early universities, it is his final work, theConsolation of Philosophy, that assured his legacy in theMiddle Ages and beyond. This work is cast as a dialogue between Boethius himself, at first bitter and despairing over his imprisonment, and the spirit of philosophy, depicted as a woman of wisdom and compassion. "Alternately composed in prose and verse,[82] theConsolation teaches acceptance of hardship in a spirit of philosophical detachment from misfortune".[102]
Parts of the work are reminiscent of theSocratic method of Plato's dialogues, as the spirit of philosophy questions Boethius and challenges his emotional reactions to adversity. The work was translated intoOld English byKing Alfred and later intoEnglish byChaucer andQueen Elizabeth.[94] Many manuscripts survive and it was extensively edited, translated and printed throughoutEurope from the 14th century onwards.[103]
"The Boethian Wheel" is a model for Boethius' belief that history is a wheel,[104] a metaphor that Boethius uses frequently in theConsolation; it remained very popular throughout the Middle Ages, and is still often seen today. As the wheel turns, those who have power and wealth will turn to dust; men may rise from poverty and hunger to greatness, while those who are great may fall with the turn of the wheel. It was represented in the Middle Ages in many relics of art depicting the rise and fall of man. Descriptions of "The Boethian Wheel" can be found in the literature of the Middle Ages from theRomance of the Rose to Chaucer.[105]
De topicis differentiis was the basis for one of the first works of logic in a western European vernacular, a selection of excerpts translated intoOld French byJohn of Antioch in 1282.[106]
Boethius was regarded as a Christian martyr by those who lived in succeeding centuries after his death.[4][12] Currently, he is recognized as a saint and martyr for the Christian faith.[48] He is included within theRoman Martyrology, though to Watkins "his status as martyr is dubious".[107] His cult is held in Pavia, where Boethius' status as a saint was confirmed in 1883, and in the Church of Santa Maria in Portico in Rome. Hisfeast day is 23 October, provided by some as a date for his death.[4][107][108][109] In the currentMartyrologium Romanum, his feast is still restricted to that diocese.[110]Pope Benedict XVI explained the relevance of Boethius to modern-day Christians by linking his teachings to an understanding of Providence.[81]
In the video gameGenshin Impact, the song "Metres of Boethius" plays within the Sea of Bygone Eras, where the sunken civilization of Remuria once worshipped the Grand Symphony.
^The name Anicius demonstrated his connection with a noble family of the Lower Empire, whileManlius claims lineage from theManlii Torquati of the Republic.[2] The name Severinus was given to him in honour ofSeverinus of Noricum.[2] In some parts of Italy, he is revered asSaint Severinus rather than as Boethius.[3]
^HistorianJohannes Fried points out that no proof ever emerged that Boethius had committed a crime despite being sentenced to death by Theodoric and the Ostrogothic Senate. Theodoric, who Fried states was guilty of misjudgment, likely regretted his actions.[7]Procopius and later historians take a similar view, believing that he had been unjustly condemned.[8][9][10]
^Two years later, in 526, Boethius' adoptive father, Symmachus, was also put to death.[11][12]
^Historian Helen M. Barrett writes that the notion of Boethius having studied in Athens "must be rejected as without foundation", as it likely came from a misunderstanding of Cassiodorus' letters.[25]
^"Haec vero administratur aut intentione ut nervis, aut spiritu ut tibiis, vel his, quae ad aquam moventur, aut percussione quadam, ut in his, quae in concava quaedam aerea feriuntur, atque inde diversi efficiuntur soni." Translated: "This, however, is operated by the motion of a string, or the wind of a pipe, or to those, which are moved by the water, or the beat of time, as in the following, which is striking a kind of brass hollow, and in the other are made of a corresponding sound."
Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus (2001).Consolation of Philosophy. Translated by Joel Relihan. Norton:Hackett Publishing Company.
Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus (2004).The Theological Tractates and The Consolation of Philosophy. Translated by H. F. Steward; E. K. Rand. Cambridge:Project Gutenberg.
Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus (1989), Palisca, Claude V. (ed.),Fundamentals of Music, translated by Bower, Calvin M., New Haven:Yale University Press,ISBN978-0300039436
Cooper, W.V. (1902), "Editorial Note",Consolation of Philosophy, by Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus, translated by W.V. Cooper, London: J.M. Dent and Company
Martyrologium Romanum (2nd ed.). Rome: Libreria Editrice Vaticana. 2004. p. 586.ISBN978-8820972103.
Moorhead (2009), "Boethius' life and the world of late antique philosophy", in Marenbon, John (ed.),The Cambridge Companion to Boethius, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press
Rubin, Jonathan (2018), "John of Antioch and the Perceptions of Language and Translation in Thirteenth-Century Acre", in John France (ed.),Acre and Its Falls: Studies in the History of a Crusader City, Brill
Smith, William; Wace, Henry, eds. (1877).Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects and Doctrines. Vol. 1. London:John Murray.ISBN978-1295053339.{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
Speer, Andreas (2011), "The Division of Metaphysical Discourses: Boethius, Thomas Aquinas, and Meister Eckhart", in Emery, Kent; Friedman, Russell; Speer, Andreas (eds.),Philosophy and Theology in the Long Middle Ages: A Tribute to Stephen F. Brown, Leiden: Brill, pp. 91–116,ISBN978-90-04-16942-5
Masi, Michael (1979), "The Liberal Arts and Gerardus Ruffus' Commentary on the Boethian De Arithmetica",The Sixteenth Century Journal,10 (2):23–41,doi:10.2307/2539405,JSTOR2539405
Schrader, Dorothy V (1968), "De Arithmetica, Book I, of Boethius",Mathematics Teacher,61:615–28,doi:10.5951/MT.61.6.0615
Weblinks
Pope Benedict XVI (12 March 2008),Boethius and Cassiodorus,archived from the original on 28 December 2008, retrieved4 November 2009
Martirologio (in Italian), translated by Calvi, Stefano,archived from the original on 7 December 2010
Boethius (1973) [1918].The Theological Tractates and The Consolation of Philosophy. Translated by Stewart, H.F.; Rand, E.K.; Tester, S.J. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.
Papahagi, Adrian (2010).Boethiana medievalia : a collection of studies on the early medieval fortune of Boethius' consolation of philosophy. Bucharest: Zeta Books.ISBN978-973-1997-79-7.
Suto, Taki (2011),Boethius on Mind, Grammar and Logic. A Study of Boethius' Commentaries on Peri Hermeneias, Cambridge: Brill,ISBN978-90-04-21418-7
Westfall, Joseph (2008), "Boethius: Kierkegaard andThe Consolation", in Stewart, Jon (ed.),Kierkegaard and the Patristic and Medieval Traditions,Ashgate Publishing, pp. 207–222,ISBN978-0-7546-6391-1
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