| Battle of Mogadishu | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part ofOperation Gothic Serpent,UNOSOM II, and theSomali Civil War | |||||||
 Super Six-Four, one of the Black Hawks shot down, above Mogadishu | |||||||
| |||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
 Somali National Alliance Al-Itihaad al-Islamiya | |||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Mohamed Farrah AididSharif Hassan Giumale | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| 160 initial forces 3,000 rescue forces 16 helicopters 4M48 tanks[1] 30+Condor/M113 APCs[2] 9HMMWVs 3M939 5-ton 6x6 trucks | 1,500 SNA fighters supported by volunteerinsurgents[a] | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
 18 killed, 84 wounded[4] 1 killed, 7 wounded 2 wounded | 200 killed, 700 wounded (perRed Cross andDoctors Without Borders)[5][6] 315 killed (including 133 SNA fighters), 812 wounded (perSNA)[7][8] 300–700 killed (other estimates)[9][10] | ||||||
 | |||||||
TheBattle of Mogadishu (Somali:Maalintii Rangers,lit. 'Day of the Rangers'), also known as theBlack Hawk Down Incident, was part ofOperation Gothic Serpent. It was fought on 3–4 October 1993, inMogadishu, Somalia, between forces of theUnited States—supported byUNOSOM II—againstSomali National Alliance (SNA) fighters and other insurgents in south Mogadishu.
The battle took place during the UNOSOM II phase of theUnited Nations (UN) intervention in theSomali Civil War. The UN had initially dispatched forces to alleviate the1992 famine, but then shifted to attempting to restore a central government and establishing a democracy. In June 1993, UNOSOM II forces suffered significant losses when thePakistani troops were attacked while inspecting aSNA radio station and weapons-storage site. UNOSOM blamed SNA leader GeneralMohammed Farah Aidid and began military operations against him. In July 1993, U.S. forces in Mogadishu conducted theBloody Monday raid, killing many elders and prominent members of Aidid's clan, theHabr Gidr.[11][12] The raid led many Somalis to either join or support the growinginsurgency against UNOSOM forces, and US forces started being deliberately targeted for the first time. This, in turn, led American presidentBill Clinton to initiateOperation Gothic Serpent in order to capture Aidid.[13][14][15]
On 3 October 1993, U.S. forces planned to seize two of Aidid's top lieutenants during a meeting deep in the city. The raid was only intended to last an hour but morphed into an overnight standoff and rescue operation extending into the daylight hours of the next day. While the goal of the operation was achieved, it was apyrrhic victory and spiraled into the deadly Battle of Mogadishu.[16] As the operation was ongoing, Somali insurgents shot down three AmericanBlack Hawk helicopters usingRPG-7s, with two crashing deep in hostile territory, resulting in the capture of an American pilot.[17] A desperate defense of the two downed helicopters began and fighting lasted through the night to defend the survivors of the crashes. Through the night and into the next morning, a large UNOSOM II armored convoy consisting ofPakistani,Malaysian and American troops pushed through the city to relieve the besieged troops and withdrew incurring further casualties but rescuing the survivors.[18]
No battle since theVietnam War had killed so many U.S. troops.[19] Casualties included 18 dead American soldiers and 73 wounded,[20] with Malaysian forces suffering one death and seven wounded, and Pakistani forces two injuries.[21] Somali casualties, a mixture of insurgents and civilians, were far higher; most estimates are between 133 and 700 dead.[18][10]
After the battle, dead US troops were dragged through the streets by enraged Somalis, an act that was broadcast on American television to public outcry. The battle led to the end ofOperation Gothic Serpent[22][23] andUNOSOM II military operations,[24] which Somali insurgents saw as victory.[25] By early 1995, all UN forces withdrew from Somalia. Fear of a repeat drove American reluctance to increase direct involvement in Somalia and other parts ofAfrica, including during the 1994Rwandan genocide. It has commonly been referred to as "Somalia Syndrome".[26][27][28][29]
Throughout the 1980s, theSomali Rebellion escalated, eventually culminating in the full outbreak of theSomali Civil War and the collapse of the regime of PresidentSiad Barre at the start of 1991.Food shortages began in mid-1990, the final year of Siad Barre's rule.[30] By early 1991, the formal economy collapsed as rebel groups toppled theSomali Democratic Republic.[31] A severe drought hit southern Somalia in 1991–1992,[32][33] while the civil war disrupted traditional coping mechanisms as law enforcement disintegrated. This led to the emergence of the1992 famine, the primary cause of which was the war's devastation of infrastructure and farmland in the inter-riverine regions.[34][35]
The main rebel faction that had toppled the regime was theUnited Somali Congress (USC),[36] which divided into two armed factions: one led byAli Mahdi Muhammad, who later became president; and the other by GeneralMohamed Farrah Aidid, which became known as theSomali National Alliance (SNA).[37] After losing control of Mogadishu, remnants of former President Barres forces created theSomali National Front (SNF) and withdrew south into the nationsbreadbasket.[38] Serious damage was inflicted in Somalia's agricultural regions during fighting between the SNF and Aidid's forces, before the latter drove the SNF far into the south of the country.[39]
In early 1992, as relief agencies initiated operations to respond to the humanitarian crisis, they encountered growing obstacles in delivering aid to the impacted affected inter-riverine region. The disintegration of Somali law enforcement paved the way for armed looters and criminals to steal food from storage sites and supply routes. Many thieves at Mogadishu's sea and airport, the main supply hub, were linked to the rebel forces ofAli Mahdi andMohamed Farah Aidid but were effectivelydemobilized following the rout of the SNF. With militia leaders lacking funds and Barre's forces no longer presenting a unifying threat, Aidid and Mahdi increasingly lost control over many young fighters, as did clan elders. As a result, many resorted to food theft for survival and income. In response to this deteriorating security situation,UNOSOM I was established in April 1992 under the leadership ofMohamed Sahnoun to help facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid.[40] In May 1992 the first UN aid shipment arrived in Mogadishu.[41]
During August 1992, U.S. PresidentGeorge H.W. Bush launchedOperation Provide Relief, deploying U.S. military transport aircraft to support the UN relief effort in Somalia.[37] That same month, UNOSOM I headMohammed Sahnoun securedSomali National Alliance approval for 500 peacekeepers, with further deployments requiring the groups consent. However, UN Secretary-GeneralBoutros Ghali unilaterally announced an expansion to 3,500 troops days later, undermining the local support Sahnoun had built. Overruled by UN headquarters, he failed to delay the deployment.[42] The large-scale intervention in late 1992 fueled nationalist opposition, bolstering Aidid's SNA, which denounced the UN's perceived colonial approach.[43] By November 1992, largely owing to the mediation efforts ofMohamed Sahnoun, aid was flowing through the Mogadishu port unimpeded, with theft and banditry on the routes to famine zones averaging around 20%.[44] That same month, Sahnoun was replaced byIsmat T. Kittani, who took a confrontational approach, deploying UNOSOM troops into politically sensitive areas and triggering a security crisis with local factions. Kittani claimed 80% of aid shipments were looted, a figure later echoed by the UN Secretariat and the U.S. State Department to justify expanding intervention, though many top UN officials and aid workers disputed the figure.[45] In the view of some top UNOSOM I commanders, the scope of the famine was being exaggerated in order to justify using Somalia as an experiment,[46] as the UN Secretariat believed Somalia represented an ideal candidate for a test case of a UN operation of expanded size and mandate.[47]
On 9 December 1992, American troops began landing on theSomali coastline atMogadishu underUNITAF (Operation Restore Hope). A total 17,800US Marines and 10,000US Army infantry were deployed.[48] Thefamine in Somalia was already concluding as the troops began landing.[49] TheUnited States had various motives for military involvement in Somalia. TheUS armed forces wanted to prove its capability to conduct major 'Operations Other Than War', while theUS State Department wanted to set a precedent for humanitarian military intervention in the post-Cold War era.[47] The United Nations' intervention, backed byU.S. Marines, has been credited with helping end the famine in Somalia, though the starvation had been improving in the worst-affected areas before troops arrived[50][51] and had the effect of speeding the conclusion of the crisis by about a month.[52] In 1994, the Washington-based Refugee Policy Group NGO estimated that of the approximately 100,000 lives that were saved as a result of international assistance, 10,000 had been after the deployment of US troops.[53]
On 3 March 1993,United Nations Secretary-GeneralBoutros Boutros-Ghali submitted to theU.N. Security Council his recommendations for shifting fromUNITAF toUNOSOM II. He said that since Resolution 794's adoption in December 1992, UNITAF had deployed 37,000 personnel over forty percent of southern and central Somalia. He said the force's presence and operations had improved Somalia's security situation and the delivery of humanitarian assistance. There was still no effective government, police, or national army, resulting in serious security threats to U.N. personnel. To that end, the Security Council authorized UNOSOM II to establish a secure environment throughout Somalia, to achieve national reconciliation so as to create a democratic state.[37][54]
At theConference on National Reconciliation in Somalia, held on 15 March 1993, inAddis Ababa,Ethiopia, all 15 Somali parties agreed to the terms set out to restore peace.[37] Major disagreements between the UN and theSomali National Alliance began soon after the establishment of UNOSOM II, centering on the perceived true nature of the operations political mandate. In May 1993, relations between the SNA and UNOSOM rapidly deteriorated, resulting in the SNA engaging in "anti-UNOSOM propaganda" broadcasts fromRadio Mogadishu.[55]
On5 June 1993, SNA fighters and Somali citizens at Radio Mogadishu attacked the Pakistani force that was inspecting an arms cache located at the station, out of fear that the United Nations forces had been sent to shut down the SNA's broadcast infrastructure. Radio was the most popular medium for news in Somalia, and consequently control of the airwaves was considered vital to both the SNA and UNOSOM. Radio Mogadishu was a highly popular station with the residents of Mogadishu,[56] and rumors that the United Nations was planning to seize or destroy it had been abound for days before 5 June. On May 31, 1993, Aidid's political rivals met with the top UNOSOM official and attempted to convince him to take over Radio Mogadishu, a meeting Aidid was made well aware of.[57] According to the 1994 United Nations Inquiry in the events leading up to the Battle of Mogadishu:
"Opinions differ, even among UNOSOM officials, on whether the weapons inspections of 5 June 1993 was genuine or was merely a cover-up for reconnaissance and subsequent seizure of Radio Mogadishu."[58]
The attack marked a seminal moment in the UNOSOM II operation. The Pakistani forces suffered 24 dead and 57 wounded, as well as one wounded Italian and three wounded U.S. soldiers.[59] On 6 June 1993, theSecurity Council passedResolution 837, a call for the arrest and prosecution of the persons responsible.[60] Though Resolution 837 did not name Aidid, it held the Somali National Alliance responsible. The hunt for Aidid became a major focus of the U.N. intervention through the Battle of Mogadishu.[56][57]AdmiralJonathan Howe issued a $25,000warrant for information leading to Aidid's arrest, while UNOSOM forces began attacking targets all over Mogadishu in hopes of finding him.[61] ProfessorIoan M. Lewis asserts that the UN made an unwise choice to resort to military force, which led to substantial Somali casualties, rather than attempting to politically isolate Aidid and launch an independent legal inquiry.[62]
In mid-June 1993, AmericanAC-130 gunships began striking SNA targets across the capital and aninsurgency began growing against UNOSOM forces. When Somali insurgents and UNOSOM forces skirmished, it proved to be costly to each—especially for the Somali, who were usually outgunned by heavy weaponry.[63] Through the rest of June the insurgency escalated, resulting in growing losses on both sides,[64] in one instance a crowd ofprotestors were machine gunned by UNOSOM troops resulting in the death of at least 20 civilians.[65][66] A week after the start of the offensive, U.S. intelligence claimed Aidid's command was badly weakened, SNAmorale had collapsed, and most of its arsenal was destroyed. Officials estimated only 300 fighters loyal to Aidid opposed UNOSOM, driven by cash or the drug khat.[67] Instead each major armed confrontation with UN forces was noted to have the effect of inadvertently increasing Aidid's stature with the Somali public.[68] The UNOSOM offensive backfired politically, alienating many Somalis, boosting support for Aidid, and drawing international criticism. In response, many UNOSOM II contingents pushed for diplomacy with the SNA,[69] while relief agencies began distancing themselves from the UN.[70] Former Under-Secretary-General of the UN, Ramesh Thakur, observed that, "The scale, intensity, and frequency of theuse of force by UNOSOM after June 1993 bore little resemblance to therhetoric and expectations of when it was established, nor any recognizable relationship by then to apeacekeeping operation as defined in the UNlexicon."[71]
On 12 July 1993, a house where a meeting of clan elders was taking place was attacked by USAH-1 Cobra helicopters in what became known to the Somalis asBloody Monday.[72] UNOSOM claimed that they had launched a successful raid on aSomali National Alliance command and control center where hardliners had been gathered, an account that is widely disputed by Somalis, foreign journalists and human rights organizations.[73][74][75][76][77] UNOSOM II headJohnathan Howe alleged that evidence to back UN claims could not be provided because the cameras recording the raid had jammed.[78] The footage recorded of the incident by a Somali cameraman was considered so disturbing thatCNN deemed it too graphic to show on air to the American public.[79][51]Human Rights Watch observed that UNOSOM had produced no evidence to substantiate its claims about the raid.[80] According to Dr. Sebastian Kaempf, theAbdi House raid represented the single most important event during UNOSOM II, as the consequences of the attack proved disastrous for UNOSOM interests in Somalia.[81] Notable groups and organizations such as theVatican, theOrganisation of African Unity,World Vision,Doctors Without Borders,Human Rights Watch andAmnesty International called for UNOSOM to review it policies and course.[82][83][84][85][86]
According to theRed Cross, there were 215 Somalis casualties, although in the aftermath of the attack they were able to survey the dead and injured at only two of the hospitals in Mogadishu.[87]Human Rights Watch declared that the attack "looked like mass murder" and an American reporter who was present on the scene said that the raid was far deadlier than U.S. and U.N. officials acknowledged.[80][87] An SNA official reported 73 were killed including many prominent clan elders, a charge UNOSOM denied.[88][87] Bowden noted that every eyewitness he interviewed placed the number of dead at 70 or more and that former ambassador and U.S. special envoy to SomaliaRobert B. Oakley accepted this figure. He further noted that many of those interviewed, including non-Somali aid workers, would say that many of those killed in the attack had been well-respected moderates opposed to Aidid.[89] Regardless of the meeting's true intent, the attack is generally considered as the most significant of the many incidents that occurred in 1993 that caused many Somalis to turn against UNOSOM II, especially the U.S. contingent.[50][88][90][91]
The raid exposed deep rifts and created dissension amongst the UNOSOM II coalition, which consequently began fraying the cohesion and unity of the operation.[92][93][94] The head of the UNOSOM II Justice Division would criticize the raid in a memo to head of UNOSOM.[95] Further criticism of the raid came from numerous contributing states,[96] most notably the Italian contingent, who threatened to pull out of the whole operation citing concerns that the escalation was indicative that relief role of UNOSOM II had been overtaken by an American-led war.[97][98][99][100] Italy, which had ruledSomalia as a colonial territory for half a century, believed that the unprecedented attack threatened to widen the civil war and turn the Somalis against UNOSOM.[101][102][103] Intense diplomatic efforts were made in order to avert a major split in UNOSOM II.[94] Several UNOSOM contingents ceased their participation in operations againstAidid upon receiving orders from their governments, weakening the already fragile command authority. Additionally, many humanitarian efforts came to a halt, and numerous NGOs expressed their disapproval of UNOSOM.[104] The strike caused an outcry among UN civilian staffers and disenchantment over the direction of UNOSOM II for employees of the humanitarian section.[105][106][107] Several UN officials resigned in protest, including the top UNOSOM II Justice Division official,Ann Wright.[107][105] Many of those who stayed would comment to reporters that the UN had relinquished itsmoral authority in its war against Aidid.[107] The dissension in the U.N. ranks with the Italians and others over what had occurred on July 12, 1993 led to a significant lull in UNOSOM operations in Mogadishu until the August 8, 1993 killings of American soldiers.[105]
A significant increase in attacks on UNOSOM II troops followed 12 July 1993, and American forces in Mogadishu began being deliberately targeted by Somali factions.[108][109] Night patrols were halted entirely due to Mogadishu becoming too dangerous for foreign troops.[110] In the view ofRobert B. Oakley, "Before July 12th, the U.S. would have been attacked only because of association with the UN, but the U.S. was never singled out until after July 12th".[13]Black Hawk Down authorMark Bowden argued that the raid marked a serious escalation of the conflict in Somalia and was "a monumental misjudgment" and "tragic mistake".[50][111] The events ofBloody Monday led Aidid to make the decision to specifically target American soldiers for the first time and resulted in the 8 August killings of U.S. troops that pushedPresident Clinton to send in extra troops to capture him.[112]
In the three weeks following the events of Bloody Monday there was a large lull in UNOSOM operations in Mogadishu, as the city had become incredibly hostile to foreign troops. Then on 8 August, in an area of the city that had been considered "relatively safe to travel in", theSNA detonated a bomb against a U.S. militaryHumvee, killing four soldiers. A total of only three American soldiers had died in the intervention, marking the 8 August incident as the largest single killing of U.S. troops in Somalia so far.[113][114]
Two weeks later another bomb injured seven more.[115] In response, U.S. PresidentBill Clinton approved the proposal to deploy a task force composed of elitespecial forces units, including 400U.S. Army Rangers andDelta Force operators.[116]
On 22 August 1993, the unit deployed to Somalia under the command ofMajor GeneralWilliam F. Garrison, commander of the special multi-disciplinaryJoint Special Operations Command (JSOC) at the time.[117]
The force consisted of:
As American casualties started to mount in Somalia, domestic backlash in the United States grew.Bipartisan support from theUS senate began to build for a withdrawal. By August 1993, it was evident to theClinton administration that a strategy shift was necessary to retain domestic support for US involvement in Somalia. This shift was signaled byDefense SecretaryLes Aspin in his 27 August speech, advocating for a decreased military focus in UNOSOM II and urging the UN and theOAU to resume negotiations with all parties. Both theUS Secretary of State and theNational Security Advisor pushed for a shift towardsdiplomacy.[120] Certain US officials advocated for a more aggressive response, among them was Ambassador Robert R. Gosende from theState Department. Gosende had written a cable recommending the deployment of thousands of additional troops and urged the abandonment of all diplomatic engagements with the SNA. Contrarily, GeneralJoseph P. Hoar, who was at the helm ofCENTCOM, expressed sharp disagreement with Gosende's approach. In a confidential memo, General Hoar articulated his belief that if more American troops were needed, then control of Mogadishu was already lost.[121][120]
During September, tensions escalated after incidents where UNOSOM troops fired on civilian demonstrators.[122] That month, Somali insurgents used RPGs to attack U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopters, damaging at least one that managed to return to base. Then, at 2 a.m. on 25 September—a week before the Battle of Mogadishu—the SNA used an RPG to shoot down a Black Hawk (callsign Courage 53) while it was on patrol.[123][124] The pilots were able to fly their burning aircraft away from Aidid's turf to the more UNOSOM-friendly port of Mogadishu and make a crash landing. The pilot and co-pilot survived, but three crew members were killed. A shootout ensued as peacekeepers fought for the helicopter.[124] The event was a propaganda victory for theSNA.[125][126][127] The chief UNOSOM II spokesman in Mogadishu, U.S. Army Maj. David Stockwell, referred to the downing as "a very lucky shot."[127]
Units involved in the battle:
TheSomali National Alliance (SNA) was formed in June 1992, following a successful defense by many factions against an offensive bySomali presidentSiad Barre, in his attempt to retake Mogadishu. During the UNOSOM hunt for Aidid, the SNA was composed of multiple political organizations, such as Col. Omar Gess'Somali Patriotic Movement, theSomali Democratic Movement, the combinedDigil andMirifle clans, the Habr Gedir of the United Somali Congress headed by Aidid, and the newly established Southern Somali National Movement.[135][51]
The size and structure of the SNA forces involved in the battle are not known in detail. Estimates of combatants widely vary, with figures often set to over a thousand possible fighters engaging at different points over the 17 hour battle. Estimates of SNA fighters during the battle are complicated by the many volunteers who impromptu joined skirmishes with foreign troops and the organizations use of 'for hire' gunmen. Most of the fighters who participated belonged to theSomali National Alliance, drawing largely from AididsHabar Gidir sub-clan of theHawiye. According toStephen Biddle, there were presumably 1,500 SNA fighters present in the entirety of Mogadishu.[18][136][137] US intelligence had claimed prior to the battle Aidid had only 300 fighters loyal to him at most.[25]
Colonel Sharif Hassan Giumale, Deputy Commander of the SNA High Commission on Defense, was the tactical commander who directly commanded Somali National Alliance fighters on the ground during the Battle of Mogadishu.[138] Giumale, a 45-year-old former Somali army officer and brigade commander, had attended a Soviet military academy in Odessa and had later gone to Italy for further study.[139] He had gathered combat experience in theSomali National Army during theOgaden War withEthiopia in the late 1970s and following the outbreak of the civil war in 1991.[138][140] Many of the tactics Aidid, Giumale and other subordinate SNA commanders drew on were inspired by Chinese and Vietnamese books on guerrilla warfare and on advice from Somalimujahedeen veterans, who had just returned from theSoviet–Afghan War.[137][138][141]
Despite the substantial array of heavier weaponry in SNA stockpiles, none were used during the October 3–4 battle. SNA forces were primarily equipped with light infantry weaponry, like theAK-47 assault rifle. Experienced fighters supplemented the main forces withRPG-7, grenade launchers, sniper rifles, mortars, mines, and machine guns.[18]
During the October 3–4 battle, SNA fighters fought alongside volunteer insurgents who were largely untrained civilians-turned-combatants, some of whom were women and children with grievances against UNOSOM troops.[14][138] Large numbers of Somalis not affiliated with the SNA spontaneously joined the battle as it was ongoing, as small arms were widely distributed and available among the civilian population of Mogadishu.[18] Many volunteers did not actually take part in combat, but instead operated as reconnaissance or runners for insurgents.[138] Human rights abuses andkillings by peacekeepers, U.S. militaryairstrikes in heavily populated neighborhoods resulting in civilian casualties, forced evictions for UN compound expansions and the difficulty of receiving legal recourse for wrongs committed by United Nations forces all inflamed the growing animosity of the civilian population of Mogadishu.[90][91][142] American journalistScott Peterson reported that in the days preceding the battle, Somali anger against UNOSOM troops was stoked when Americanmortar crews had fired shells into the dense neighborhoods surrounding their base, killing a family of eight and injuring 34. This enraged many citizens of South Mogadishu.[143]
The irregulars often complicated the situation on the ground for SNA commanders, as they were not controllable and often got in the way by demanding ammunition and burdening the militia's medical evacuation system.[144] Some volunteers consisted of elderly people, women and children who utilized small arms.[145][138] Many of the volunteers during the Battle of Mogadishu came from rival clans. Members of theAbgal andHabar Gidr clans, respectively loyal toAli Mahdi and his prime rival Aidid, fought side by side against UNOSOM forces.[79] Somali fighters fromAl-Itihaad al-Islamiya also joined the battle.[146]
On the morning of 3 October 1993, a locally recruited intelligence asset reported to theCIA that two of Aidid's principal advisors in the SNA, Omar Salad Elmi and Abdi Hassan Awale, would be meeting near the Olympic Hotel (2°03′04.1″N45°19′28.9″E / 2.051139°N 45.324694°E /2.051139; 45.324694 (Target)). The asset said that Aidid and other high-ranking figures would possibly be present.[147] The Olympic Hotel and the surroundingBakara market was consideredHabr Gidr territory and very hostile, as the clan made up a significant composition of the SNA militia. UNOSOM forces had refused to enter the area during previous engagements with the SNA.[147]
The plan to capture the targets was relatively straightforward. First, the Somali CIA asset would drive to the site of the meeting and open the hood of his vehicle to mark the building for surveillance aircraft overhead.[147] Delta operators would then assault and secure the building usingMH-6 Little Bird helicopters. Four Rangerchalks under CaptainMichael D. Steele wouldfast-rope from hoveringMH-60L Black Hawks. The Rangers would then create a four-corner defensive perimeter around the target building to ensure that no enemy could get in or out. Fast-roping was deemed necessary for the raid as the Black Hawks had no suitable landing zone to deploy troops.[147][148]
Special operations forces consisting of Bravo Company 3rd Battalion, the75th Ranger Regiment; the1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta; and the160th Aviation Battalion, would capture Omar Salad Elmi and Mohamed Hassan Awale.[149] A column of 12 vehicles (nineHumvees and threeM939 trucks) under the command ofLieutenant ColonelDanny McKnight would arrive at the building to take the assault team and their prisoners back to base. The entire operation was projected to take no longer than 30 minutes.[150]
The Somali National Alliance had divided South Mogadishu into 18 military sectors, each with its own field officer on alert at all times and a radio network linking them together.[138] The SNA had an excellent grasp of the area around the Olympic Hotel, as it was their home turf, and had created an effective mobilization system that allowed commanders to quickly mass troops within 30 minutes into any area of South Mogadishu.[138]
Col. Sharif Hassan Giumale had carefully analyzed Task Force Ranger's previous six operations in Mogadishu and attempted to apply lessons from the civil war and from his extensive reading on guerrilla insurgencies, particularly theFLMN inEl Salvador, who had developedanti-aircraft tactics with infantry weapons.[139][151] After close observation, he had hypothesized the American raids stressed speed, so the SNA had to react more quickly. It was clear that the Americans' greatest technological advantage in Mogadishu—and itsAchilles' heel, the helicopter, had to be neutralized during one of the ranger raids. This would completely negate the American element of speed and surprise, which would consequently draw them into a protracted fight with his troops. An attacking force of militia would then surround the target and offset the superior American firepower with sheer numbers. Ambushes and barricades would be utilized in order to impede UNOSOM reinforcements.[138][139]
Knowing U.S. special forces considered themselves elite, Giumale believed that they were hubristically underrating the tactical capacity of SNA fighters, who had months of urban fighting experience in the streets of Mogadishu.[139] According toWashington Post reporterRick Atkinson, most U.S. commanders in Mogadishu had underestimated the number of rocket-propelled grenades available to the SNA, and misjudged the threat they posed to helicopters.[144]
At 13:50, Task Force Ranger analysts received intelligence of Omar Salad's location and the command was given to begin the operation. The code word "Irene" was called across radio channels, signaling the soldiers, vehicle convoys, and helicopters staged atMogadishu International Airport to move out.[152] Led by theMH-6 Little Birds fully loaded with rockets,[153] sixteen helicopters took off from the airport to make the approximately four-minute flight to the target site. In an attempt to deceive Somali forces, the formation flew past the target before turning around en masse.[154] American aircrew noticed soon after takeoff that Somalis had started to light burning tires around the city, a tactic the SNA had previously used to signal incursions and launch counterattacks.[18]
At 15:42, the Little Birds carrying the Delta operators reached the target. Dust surrounding the area was so bad that one helicopter was forced to land out of position. Almost immediately after the first landing, a pilot began noticing small-arms fire.[155] Then two Black Hawks carrying the second Delta assault team led by Delta CaptainAustin S. Miller came into position and dropped their teams as the four Ranger chalks prepared to rope onto the four corners surrounding the target building. Chalk Four, carried by Black HawkSuper 67, piloted byCW3 Jeff Niklaus and CW2 Sam Shamp, was accidentally put a block north of their intended point (2°03′05.5″N45°19′27.9″E / 2.051528°N 45.324417°E /2.051528; 45.324417 (Chalk Four)). Chalk Four declined the pilot's offer to move them back down, saying it would take too long and leave the helicopter too exposed. Once on the ground, Chalk Four intended to move down to the planned position, but intense ground fire prevented them from doing so.[citation needed]
According to high ranking Somali National Alliance officials, 10 minutes of general confusion followed the arrival of the Black Hawks,[156] but after getting a basic understanding of the situation, SNA Col. Sharif Hassan Giumale gave out the order over radio to officers across Mogadishu to start converging on the site of the battle and to begin organizing ambushes along likely reinforcement routes from the UNOSOM bases.[144] Ten minutes later, the roads surrounding the Olympic Hotel were covered with militia and nearly sealed.[156] SNA platoons arriving from other parts of South Mogadishu splintered into a half-dozen squads of about six or seven men. After the initial call to arms, the SNA commanders ceased radio transmissions, knowing that the Americans could jam and intercept their communications, opting to instead rely on hand-written dispatches and couriers.[138][144]
The ground-extraction convoy was supposed to reach the captive targets a few minutes after the operation's beginning, but it was impeded by Somali citizens and local militia who formed barricades along Mogadishu's streets with rocks, wreckage, rubbish and burning tires. Some 10 minutes later, it arrived near the Olympic Hotel (02°03′01.6″N45°19′28.6″E / 2.050444°N 45.324611°E /2.050444; 45.324611 (Olympic Hotel)), down the street from the target building, where it waited for Delta and Rangers to complete their mission.[157]
During the operation's first moments, Private First Class Todd Blackburn lost his grip while fast-roping fromSuper 67 as it hovered, and fell 70 feet (21 m) onto the street. Blackburn received severe injuries and required evacuation by a column of three Humvees. While taking Blackburn back to base, Sergeant Dominick Pilla, assigned to one of the Humvees being pelted with heavy fire from the surrounding buildings, was killed instantly when a bullet struck his head, becoming the first American killed in the battle.[158]
The Humvee column arrived back at base, riddled with bullet holes and emitting smoke.[159]
About 40 minutes after the assault began, one of the Black Hawks,Super 61, piloted byCW3 Cliff "Elvis" Wolcott, was struck by anRPG-7 that sent the helicopter into an uncontrollable spin. The helicopter crashed in a residential area, coming to rest against a building wall in an alleyway about 300 yards east of the target building (02°03′09.4″N45°19′34.8″E / 2.052611°N 45.326333°E /2.052611; 45.326333 (Super 61)).[144] Both pilots were killed in the resulting crash and two of the crew (Staff Sgt. Ray Dowdy and Staff Sgt. Charlie Warren) were severely wounded. Two snipers, Staff Sergeant Daniel Busch and Sergeant Jim Smith, survived the crash and began defending the crash site.[157]
SNA militiamen in the area began calling out local residents, shouting onmegaphones, "Come out and defend your homes!"[159] The militia fighters, in organized squads, quickly began to fan in and out of nearby buildings, alleys and trees to avoid the Little Bird helicopters converging to cover the wreck ofSuper 61.[138] A nearbyMH-6 Little Bird,Star 41, quickly flew down to the Black Hawk crash site. The pilot steadied the controls in his left hand and fired a machine gun with his right, while the copilot dashed into the alley and helped the two Delta snipers, one of them mortally wounded, into the back of their helicopter.[144] AH-6 Little Birds repeatedly flew back to the airport to reload rockets and bullets. A request was made to the operation center for more ammunition to support carrying out further strafing runs, which was dispatched.[160]
Acombat search and rescue (CSAR) team was dispatched in Black HawkSuper 68. Led by Delta Captain Bill J. Coultrup, the 15-man CSAR team fast roped down to theSuper 61 crash site.[144] While the last two men were rappelling, an SNA RPG hit the Black Hawk, nearly severing the main rotor blades, thoughSuper 68 managed to limp back to base.[144] The CSAR team found both the pilots dead and two wounded inside the crashed helicopter. Under intense fire, the team moved the wounded men to a nearby collection point, where they built a makeshift shelter usingkevlar armor plates salvaged fromSuper 61's wreckage.[161]
Communications were confused between the ground convoy and the assault team. The assault team and the ground convoy waited for 20 minutes to receive their orders to move out. Both units were under the mistaken impression that they were to be first contacted by the other.[162]
About 16:40, a Black Hawk with the callsignSuper 64 and piloted byMichael Durant was orbiting almost directly over the wreckage of Super 61. It was spotted by Yusuf Dahir Mo'alim, commander of a seven-man SNA RPG team that was slowly moving up towards the first crash site. One of the men in Mo'alim's squad knelt down on the road, aimed at Super 64's tail rotor and fired. The RPG hit the tail rotor, but the helicopter initially seemed to be fine. A few moments later, the rotor assembly disintegrated and the helicopter began to lurch forward and spin violently. It quickly dropped 100 feet, narrowly avoiding the large buildings in the area but slamming into a group of tin shacks in an upright position (02°02′49.7″N45°19′35.1″E / 2.047139°N 45.326417°E /2.047139; 45.326417 (Super 64)).[145][144][163] The downing of the helicopter produced a cheer from Somalis gathered in the area. It crashed into homes, killing several residents.[145][138] Locals who had seen the crash amassed in a crowd and pushed towardsSuper 64.[138]
In the half-hour after the loss ofSuper 64, desperate U.S. commanders unsuccessfully attempted to relieve the besieged troops. A small Ranger relief column was dispatched from the airfield, only to lose two Humvees and three soldiers within one kilometer of the base. SNA commanders had anticipated the American response and had set up numerous coordinated ambushes.[141] A few minutes later, Charlie Company of10th Mountain Division's Quick Reaction Force also tried to leave but was ambushed on Via Lenin road by SNA militia. In the break-out attempt, about 100 U.S. soldiers fired nearly 60,000 rounds of ammunition and used hundreds of grenades in 30 minutes before being forced to withdraw to the airfield.[164] Due to constant ambushes and incessant Somali resistance, it would take nine more hours for the QRF ground forces to reach the besieged troops.[144]
At the second crash site, two Delta snipers, Master SergeantGary Gordon and Sergeant First ClassRandy Shughart, were inserted by Black HawkSuper 62. Their first two requests to be inserted were denied, but a third request was approved after the QRF troops were ambushed. After 10 minutes ofSuper 62 givingfire support to the Delta snipers, an RPG slammed into the cockpit, ripping straight through the engine and knocking the copilot unconscious. Despite the damage,Super 62, piloted by CWO Mike Goffena and Captain James Yacone, was able to vacate the area and make a crash landing a safe distance away from the battle.[144]
Lacking fire support, the snipers were overrun, and Gordon was fatally wounded. Shughart picked up Gordon'sCAR-15 and gave it to Durant. Shughart went back around the helicopter's nose and held off the crowd for about 10 more minutes before he was killed.[163] The crash site was then overrun and all the crew members were killed except Durant. He had nearly been beaten to death, then captured by Yusuf Dahir Mo'alim.[138][163]
For their actions, Gordon and Shughart would beposthumously awarded theMedal of Honor, the first awarded since theVietnam War.[128]
Back at the first crash site, about 90 Rangers and Delta Force soldiers found themselves under heavy Somali fire.[157] Despite air support, they were effectively trapped for the night. The Rangers and Delta had spread over a two-block area and were fighting against enemies who were sometimes only a door away.[138] Seeking shelter and a place to safeguard their wounded, the Americans had occupied four houses on Freedom Road, detaining about 20 Somalis who lived there. Several children were locked alone in the bathroom until soldiers let them rejoin their mothers, who would later allege that they had been handcuffed by the Americans.[144]
At 6:40 p.m., Col. Sharif Hassan Giumale, in charge of managing the majority of the Somali forces on the ground, received written instruction from Aidid to repel any reinforcements and take all measures necessary to prevent the Americans from escaping.[138] About 360 militiamen had encircled the first helicopter, along with hundreds of other armed Somalis volunteers and irregulars not associated with the SNA.[144]
Knowing the Americans were well entrenched in defensive positions they had taken on the four houses on Freedom Road, Col. Giumale ordered six 60 mm mortars emplaced between 21 October Road and Armed Forces Street to obliterate the buildings. Before the assault was carried out an SNA officer came to Col. Giumale with the relatives of the Somalis detained in the homes and warned that there were women and children present in the building. Following the news of the civilian presence, Giumale sent a dispatch to another SNA commander, Col. Hashi Ali, that the mortars were to be held in abeyance except to harass UNOSOM reinforcements. Aidid would later send a dispatch agreeing with Giumales decision to halt the mortars, as he did not want the local civilian population to turn against the SNA.[138] American officers who were later made privy Giumale's decision conceded that the presence of the civilians prevented an attack, but disputed the notion that the mortars were powerful enough to wipe out Task Force Ranger. They contended that anti-mortar radar and Little Bird helicopters would have likely destroyed any mortar position after only firing one or two rounds.[144] The SNA alleged that the Americans had used Somali civilians as human shields to protect themselves, a charge which American officials vehemently denied and countered that the civilians were not hostages.[79]
While the U.S. forces waiting for relief held their position in the homes,AH-6 Little Birds, working in pairs and flying all night long, constantly strafed and pushed back the creeping forces of militia and have consequently been credited with keeping besieged Americans alive until dawn.[18][138][140] As night came many of the volunteers and irregulars departed from the battle, leaving the experienced SNA fighters behind. U.S. soldiers would notice that the shooting became less frequent but far more accurate.[145] A U.S. participant in the firefight would later remark, "They used concealment very well. Usually all you saw of a shooter was the barrel of his weapon and his head."[18]
Several more rescue attempts were launched from Mogadishu airport to relieve the troops in the city. A rescue convoy led by US Lt. Colonel Lawrence Casper was forced to call a retreat after reaching the KM4 junction in downtown Mogadishu, where they came under intense rifle and RPG fire. Reinforcements were unable to push further and it consequently took several hours to muster a force capable of pushing into the city.[165]
Prior to the operation, there was no contingency planning or coordination with U.N. forces; consequently, the recovery of the surrounded American troops was significantly complicated and delayed. The mission had been kept secret even from top UN commanders, out of fear of tipping off Somali informants.[166] Several UN contingents were hesitant to join the rescue operation.[165] A relief column was hastily formed, primarily composed of Malaysianmechanized infantry companies, a Pakistani tank platoon, and US infantry.[141] At 11 pm, this convoy, consisting of around 100 vehicles - including four PakistaniM48 tanks,M113 APC's, MalaysianCondor APCs, AmericanM998 HMMWVs, and multipleM939 five-ton flatbed trucks - advanced into the city led by the Pakistani tanks.[167] This extensive column, spanning two miles, receivedair support from additionalBlack Hawks,OH-58's andCobra attack helicopters provided by the 10th Mountain Division QRF. At the same time, Task Force Ranger's "Little Birds" helicopters were focused on safeguarding the crew and rescuers of the downed Super 61. The convoy experienced significant losses, with many wounded and several killed.[133][134][141]
As the convoy navigated through downtown Mogadishu and proceeded onto National Street, the first two Malaysian armored vehicles, which were carrying US troops, mistakenly deviated from their path. They were hit concurrently by RPG-7 and emplacedheavy machine gun fire,[141] resulting in the death of a Malaysian driver and injuries to numerous others. To find immediate cover, a US lieutenant detonated an explosive charge on a neighboring wall, enabling the troops to seek refuge in a nearby courtyard.[144] After two Malaysian APC's were destroyed, the Pakistani tanks became target for the RPG's, and responded by firing back into the city with their 105 mm guns.[167] As the convoy was pelted by heavy automatic weapons fire, American Lt. Colonel Bill David ordered the force to push forward, knowing that staying in thekill zone meant certain destruction.[141] While driving on National Street, the convoy faced a series of ambushes, battling its way for the subsequent three hours before eventually splitting into two groups.[144]
Around the Olympic Hotel, one of the convoys came under a significant volume of fire, resulting in several more casualties and leading to the Malaysian APC's refusing to advance further into the heavy barrage.Mk19-equipped USHumvee's fired a large volume of40 mm grenades to clear out key Somali firing points around the hotel, while US troops dismounted and began engaging with Somali fighters in street skirmishes in order to advance.[167] At 1:55 am on 4 October 1993, the relief convoy reached Task Force Ranger forces.[144]
Though Mohamed Farah Aidid had hours earlier given the order to Colonel Sharif Hassan Giumale to prevent the escape of any American soldiers, he had begun to become increasingly concerned with the mounting Somali death toll and the prospect of inviting a large scale retaliation if the remaining U.S. troops holding out were killed. Aidid believed he had already inflicted heavy casualties on the Americans and with Durant now in his possession as hostage, he claimed in an interview with journalists to have ordered a corridor to be opened up as dawn broke.[168] Despite Aidid's command, U.N. forces faced fierce shooting until they withdrew.[18] HistorianStephen Biddle noted, "it was the UN, not the SNA, that disengaged to end the fighting. The relief column that ultimately extracted TF Ranger had to fight its way into and out of theBakara Market; SNA fighters were resisting fiercely until UN forces crossed out of Aideed's zone of control and withdrew to their bases."[18]
While leaving the crash site, a group of Rangers and Delta operators led by SSG John R. Dycus realized that there was no room left in the vehicles for them and instead used the vehicles as cover. Forced to depart the city on foot, they proceeded to a rendezvous point at the intersection of Hawlwadig Road and National Street. This has been commonly referred to as the "Mogadishu Mile".[169] In the last few panicked minutes of the battle, with the convoy operating in a long column with staggered stops and starts, some vehicles ended up making a dash toMogadishu Stadium, accidentally leaving behind soldiers and forcing them to trek on foot. As the convoy drove back to baseAH-1 Cobras and Little Birds provided covering fire overhead while Pakistani tanks fired at any buildings in the city where they had received hostile fire.[138]
Ten minutes later, the convoy reached the safety of the Pakistani base and a field medical hospital set up. The battle was over by 06:30 on Monday, 4 October. U.S. forces were finally evacuated to the U.N. base by the armored convoy. By 7 am, all survivors had reached safety at an aid station inside the stadium on 21 October Road.[138][144]
After the battle, the bodies of several of the conflict's U.S. casualties (Black HawkSuper 64's crewmembers and their defenders, Delta Force soldiers MSG Gordon and SFC Shughart) were dragged through Mogadishu's streets by a large crowd of Somalis.[170] After being asked to justify the incident in an interview with American television, Captain Haad ofSomali National Alliance claimed that the bodies of the U.S. soldiers had been dragged through the streets by enraged civilians/irregulars who had lost dozens of friends and family, and that the actual SNA soldiers had not partaken in the incident.[171] He would further point to the July 12, 1993,Abdi House Raid that had first led the SNA to begin target U.S. soldiers saying, "Wouldn't you be very sorry about 73 of our elder men, of our religious leaders, of our most prominent people, having their bodies mutilated—we collected parts of their bodies from the building in which they were attacked—if you were a son of one of those people killed on that day, what would be your situation, how would you feel?"[171] Several days after the incident, the SNA issued a public appeal, stating that despite the "wanton destruction and suffering beyond human comprehension" inflicted byUNOSOM II and US forces, the alliance urged respect towards the deceased, injured, and prisoners of war; in accordance with Islamic principles.[172]
On 6 October 1993, U.S. PresidentBill Clinton would personally orderGeneralJoseph P. Hoar to cease all combat operations againstSomali National Alliance, except inself defense. General Hoar would proceed to relay the stand down order to GeneralsWilliam F. Garrison ofTask Force Ranger andThomas M. Montgomery of the AmericanQuick Reaction Force. The following day on 7 October, Clinton publicly announced a major change in course in the mission.[24] Substantial U.S. forces would be sent to Somalia as short term reinforcements, but all American forces would be withdrawn from the country by the end of March 1994.[173] He would firmly defend American policy in Somalia but admitted that it had been a mistake for American forces to be drawn into the decision "to personalize the conflict" to Aidid. He would go on to reappoint the former U.S. Special Envoy for SomaliaRobert B. Oakley to signal the administrations return to focusing on political reconciliation.[24] Clinton expressed surprise that the battle had even occurred[174] and later claimed that he had decided on a diplomatic solution before the incident. Despite his apparent reservations, there had been no direct orders previously given to Task Force Ranger to halt operations against theSNA. The stand down order given to U.S. forces in Somalia led otherUNOSOM II contingents to effectively avoid any confrontation with the SNA. This led to the majority of UNOSOM patrols in Mogadishu to cease and numerous checkpoints in SNA controlled territory to be abandoned.[24]
On 9 October 1993, Special EnvoyRobert B. Oakley arrived in Mogadishu to obtain the release of captured troops and to consolidate a ceasefire with theSomali National Alliance.[24][175] Oakley andGeneral Anthony Zinni would both engage in direct negotiations with representatives of the SNA. It was made clear that the manhunt was over, but that no conditions put forward by the SNA would be accepted for the release ofprisoners of war. On 14 October, Aidid announced in a brief appearance onCNN the release of Black Hawk pilotMichael Durant.[24] Three months later allSNA prisoners in U.N. custody were released including Aidid's lieutenants Omar Salad Elmi and Mohamed Hassan Awale, who had been the targets of the 3 October raid.[144]
Six months after the Battle of Mogadishu all U.S. forces would pull out of Somalia, leaving behind a 20,000 man UNOSOM force that would withdraw in 1995.[176][173]
Two weeks after the battle, General Garrison, in a handwritten letter to President Clinton, took full responsibility for the battle's outcome. He would argue that Task Force Ranger had met their objective—capturing the targets of value.[177] General Garrison had noted before the Battle of Mogadishu that if a serious firefight was had with the SNA, "...we'll win the gunfight, but we might lose the war."[178]
The SNA leadership had the express goal of expelling U.S. forces from Somalia following theAbdi House Raid, and knew that the Americans would not be able to tolerate casualties, especially in a conflict they had no real stake. They believed that inflicting any notable casualties on the Americans would cause Congress and the public to turn against participation inUNOSOM II and withdraw from Somalia.[179][138][178] The SNA's objective was not to achieve a tactical military victory against the Americans and UNOSOM, but to sap their will to continue fighting and force a complete disengagement from Somalia.[138] InLosing Mogadishu: Testing US Policy in Somalia, Johnathan Stevenson argued that the Americans had not recognized that, much like the North Vietnamese guerrillas, the Somali National Alliance was deliberately executing a military philosophy of attrition in order to achieve victory in spite of a high kill ratio, knowing they could absorb far more losses than the Americans would be able to tolerate.[178]
The Somali casualties were a mixture of militiamen, irregulars/volunteers, and local civilians, and the exact number of dead is unknown. Estimates greatly vary from several hundred to several thousand militiamen and civilians killed,[180][181] with injuries around 800–4,000.[182] TheInternational Committee of the Red Cross estimated that 200 Somalis were killed and several hundred wounded in the fighting.[183]Doctors Without Borders reported 200 deaths and 700 injured.[184] Somali estimates placed casualties at 312 dead, 814 wounded.[4][144] The Somali National Alliance reported 133 of their fighters had been killed during the battle.[10] Aidid himself claimed that 315—civilians and militia—were killed and 812 wounded, figures which the Red Cross considered 'plausible'.[185]Mark Bowden's bookBlack Hawk Down claims 500 Somalis killed and more than 1,000 wounded.[186]
Most of the Somali fighter's death toll is attributed to the attack helicopters, in particularAH-6 Little Bird helicopters providing continuous support to the US ground forces.[187] The Little Birds were equipped with 2.75- inch rockets and miniguns and repeated strafing runs held many insurgents at bay during the battle.[188] According to American pilots interviewed in the 1994 bookMogadishu: Heroism and Tragedy, tens of thousands of rockets had been fired from AH-6 Little Birds during the battle.[160][189] AmbassadorRobert B. Oakley, the U.S. special representative to Somalia, is quoted as saying: "My own personal estimate is that there must have been 1,500 to 2,000 Somalis killed and wounded that day, because that battle was a true battle...Helicopter gunships were being used as well as all sorts of automatic weapons on the ground by the U.S. and the United Nations. The Somalis, by and large, were using automatic rifles and grenade launchers and it was a very nasty fight, as intense as almost any battle you would find."[190]
Somali civilians suffered heavy casualties due to the dense urban character of the portion of Mogadishu that fighting took place in. According to Captain Haad of theSomali National Alliance, the civilian death toll was "...almost uncountable, because the place where the fire took place is one of the busiest sectors of Mogadishu...each bullet fired in one direction might have killed four or five or six persons, because the place is very populous."[171] According to American war correspondentScott Peterson, about one-third of the Somali casualties were women and children.[79] The non-SNA volunteers, mostly untrained civilians turned combatant with grievances against UNOSOM troops, were a significant issue for Somali National Alliance commanders as they complicated situation on the ground and often got themselves killed with their inexperience.[144] Experienced soldiers were seen pleading with enraged crowds of Somalis not to go near the crash sites as the Americans were spraying into the approaching masses.[145][18] One high-ranking SNA official complained after the battle, "...everybody tried to attack, they came this way, they went that way. If people had left it to the militia and the officers, it would have been no problem."[164]
At the time, the battle was the deadliestUnited States Army/Marines fighting since theVietnam War.[19] Two days after, a 19th soldier, Delta operatorSFC Matt Rierson, was killed in amortar attack. That same day, a team on special missionSuper 64 incurred two wounded.[191]
The U.S.Department of Defense initially reported that five American soldiers had been killed. Post-action accounting eventually reached a total of 18 U.S. soldiers killed in action, and another 84 wounded in action.[4][192][193]
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| Name | Action | Medal(s) Awarded (Posthumously) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Operators of the1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta | |||
| MSGGary Ivan Gordon | Killed defendingSuper Six-Four's crew | Medal of Honor,Purple Heart[128] | |
| SFCRandy Shughart | Killed defendingSuper Six-Four's crew | Medal of Honor, Purple Heart[128] | |
| SSG Daniel Darrell Busch | Sniper on crashed UH-60 HelicopterSuper Six-One, mortally wounded defending the downed crew | Silver Star, Purple Heart[194] | |
| SFC Earl Robert Fillmore, Jr. | Killed moving to the first crash site | Silver Star, Purple Heart[195] | |
| MSG Timothy Lynn Martin | Mortally wounded by an RPG on the Lost Convoy, died while en route to a field hospital in Germany | Silver Star, Purple Heart[196] | |
| SFC Matthew Loren Rierson | Killed by stray mortar shell that landed near him 6 October, two days after the initial raid | Silver Star,Bronze Star, Purple Heart[197] | |
| Soldiers of the3rd Ranger Battalion,75th Ranger Regiment | |||
| CPL James "Jamie" E. Smith | Killed around crash site one | Bronze Star Medal withValor Device andOak leaf cluster, Purple Heart[198][199] | |
| SPC James M. Cavaco | Killed on the Lost Convoy | Bronze Star with Valor Device, Purple Heart[200] | |
| SGT James Casey Joyce | Killed on the Lost Convoy | Bronze Star with Valor Device, Purple Heart[200] | |
| CPL Richard "Alphabet" W. Kowalewski, Jr. | Killed on the Lost Convoy by an RPG | Bronze Star with Valor Device, Purple Heart[201] | |
| SGT Dominick M. Pilla | Killed onStruecker's convoy | Bronze Star with Valor Device, Purple Heart[201] | |
| SGT Lorenzo M. Ruiz | Mortally wounded on the Lost Convoy, died en route to a field hospital in Germany | Bronze Star with Valor Device, Purple Heart[201] | |
| Pilots and Crew of the160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment | |||
| SSG William "Wild Bill" David Cleveland, Jr. | Crew chief onSuper Six-Four, killed | Silver Star, Bronze Star, Air Medal with Valor Device, Purple Heart[202] | |
| SSG Thomas "Tommie" J. Field | Crew chief onSuper Six-Four, killed | Silver Star, Bronze Star, Air Medal with Valor Device, Purple Heart | |
| CW4 Raymond "Ironman" Alex Frank | Super Six-Four'scopilot, killed | Silver Star, Air Medal with Valor Device, Purple Heart[203] | |
| CW3 Clifton "Elvis" P. Wolcott | Super Six-One'spilot, died in crash | Distinguished Flying Cross, Bronze Star, Air Medal with Valor Device, Purple Heart[202] | |
| CW3 Donovan "Bull" Lee Briley | Super Six-One's copilot, died in crash | Distinguished Flying Cross, Bronze Star, Air Medal with Valor Device, Purple Heart[204] | |
| Soldiers of the2nd Battalion, 14th Infantry Regiment,2nd Brigade, 10th Mountain Division | |||
| SGT Cornell Lemont Houston, Sr. 1st Platoon, C Company, 41st Engr BN | Member of the "Lost Platoon". Wounded by shrapnel from an RPG whilst recovering a severely wounded Malaysian soldier on the rescue convoy.[205] Also shot in the leg and chest.[206] Died of wounds at Landstuhl Army Regional Medical Center.[207] | Bronze Star with Valor Device, de Fleury Medal, Purple Heart[208] | |
| PFC James Henry Martin, Jr. | Member of 2nd Squad, 2nd Platoon, Company A.[209] Killed on the rescue convoy by a bullet to the head.[206] | Purple Heart[210] | |
One Pakistani soldier was killed and 10 disappeared during the rescue attempt and assault. Tanks of 7 Lancer Regiment and19th Lancers were used for the rescue. Italian Lieutenant GeneralBruno Loi said Italian troops had picked up 30 of the wounded Pakistani soldiers.[failed verification]
Lance CorporalMat Aznan Awang was a 33-year-old soldier of the 19th Battalion,Royal Malay Regiment of theMalaysian Army (posthumously promoted toCorporal). Driving a MalaysianCondor armoured personnel carrier, he was killed when his vehicle was hit by an RPG in the early hours of 4 October.[128] Corporal Mat Aznan Awang was awarded theSeri Pahlawan Gagah Perkasa medal (Gallant Warrior/Warrior of Extreme Valor).[133][194]
Members ofAl-Qaeda are alleged to have been involved in the training and funding of Somali National Alliance forces,[211] claims which have been widely disputed.[212][213][137][214] There is no evidence that al-Qaeda was involved in training SNA forces or that the group participated in any of the battle between Somali and US/UN forces.[215][213][216] TheSomali National Alliance received some expert guidance in shooting down helicopters from fundamentalist Islamic fighters, who had experience fighting Russian helicopters during theSoviet–Afghan War. Dozens of Somalis trained by theAfghan Mujahideen while participating abroad in theSoviet-Afghan War had returned to join the war against the Americans andUNOSOM II in Mogadishu.[137] The maximum extent of possible support from Al-Qaeda is generally believed to have been restricted to supplying weapons and training to Somali groups fighting international forces during 1993.[217] Al-Qaeda defectorJamal al-Fadl claimed that the group had trained the fighters responsible for shooting down the US helicopters,[218] andMohammed Odeh reportedly stated that he had gone to Somalia to train fighters and provide money.[211] Mark Bowden contended that before the battle, the Al-Qaeda coached the Somali militia in using rocket-propelled grenades, specifically aiming for the tail rotors of US Black Hawks.[211] CorrespondentJonathan Randal notes no evidence exists to back these asserations, and that downing helicopters by aiming for their rotors had been a well known combat technique since theVietnam War.[215] American AmbassadorRobert B. Oakley, who had access to US and UN intelligence in Somalia, insisted that he had investigated all evidence of Al-Qaeda involvement and found nothing to support the allegations.[212]
In 1996 and 1997,Osama Bin Laden claimed in interviews withal-Quds al-Arabi andCNN that "Arab holy warriors" played a role in the battles against US troops. However, these assertions were discredited by eyewitnesses in Mogadishu[219] and dismissed by numerous observers as groundless and self-aggrandizing claims.[215] While Bin Laden hinted at involvement, he never explicitly claimed that Al-Qaeda had participated in the Battle of Mogadishu.[220] Deputy to Osama Bin Laden,Mohammed Atef, visited Somalia during 1992 and 1993,[219] but Aidid's men had forced him to flee for his life from Mogadishu on a Cessna plane.[215] During a 1998 interview with ABC'sJohn Miller, bin Laden clarified his earlier statement, claiming that some of his men were present in Somalia at the time, rather than having actively participated in the fighting.[221]Ahmed Godane, the leader of the al-Qaeda allegiant militant groupAl-Shabaab, claimed that three members of the group were in Mogadishu during the battle. This has also been dismissed by observers as a self-serving proclamation.[213] FormerFBI agentAli Soufan claims an Al-Qaeda operative named Zachariah al-Tunisi downed a Black Hawk.[222] A November 1998 indictment named al-Qaeda membersMuhammed Atef,Fazul Abdullah Mohammed,Mohammed Odeh,Ahmed Mohammed Hamed Ali, and military chiefAbu Ubaidah al-Banshiri for providing "military assistance and training to Somali tribes opposed to the United Nations' intervention in Somalia."[223] A document recovered from al-Qaeda operativeWadih el-Hage's computer "made a tentative link between al-Qaeda and the killing of American servicemen in Somalia," and were used to indict bin Laden in June 1998, though the specific charges on Somalia were later dropped.[224]
Claims of Al-Qaeda presence during the battle have been firmly disputed by both independent and Aidid affiliated Somali accounts. Veteran Somali journalist Abdishakur Mire Aadan notes that Islamist participants, including any that had possible connections to Al-Qaeda, were all Somali. Aadan asserts that claims by western accounts of foreign participation on the Somali side during the battle are completely baseless.[137] Several fighters of the Somali islamist group,Al-Itihaad Al-Islaamyia directly participated in the battle,[146] and allegations of Al-Qaeda links during the conflict with US/UN forces during 1993 were largely linked to the group.[225]Alex de Waal,Lawrence Wright,Jonathan Randal and other journalists/academics have noted that despite assertions by some parties of an Al-Qaeda presence during the battle, no evidence exists to support these claims.[217][216][219][215] CorrespondentScott Peterson, after extensive interviews withSNA personnel and other Somalis involved in the conflict with UNOSOM wrote, "Somalis laugh at this claim that bin Laden helped them and say—unanimously—that they never even heard of bin Laden until he began boasting about Somalia years later."[214]
In a national security policy review session held in the White House on 6 October 1993,U.S. PresidentBill Clinton directed theActing Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, AdmiralDavid E. Jeremiah, to stop all actions by U.S. forces against Aidid except those required in self-defense. He reappointed Ambassador Robert B. Oakley as special envoy to Somalia in an attempt to broker a peace settlement and then announced that all U.S. forces would withdraw from Somalia no later than 31 March 1994. On 15 December 1993,U.S. Secretary of DefenseLes Aspin stepped down, taking much of the blame for his decision to refuse requests for tanks and armored vehicles in support of the mission.[226][227] Garrison would write, however, that Aspin was not to blame for the events in Mogadishu. It's also since been noted that the equipment may not have arrived in time to make a difference.[228] A few hundred U.S. Marines remained offshore to assist with any noncombatant evacuation mission that might occur regarding the 1,000-plus U.S. civilians and military advisers remaining as part of the U.S. liaison mission. The Ready Battalion of the24th Infantry Division,1–64 Armor, composed 1,300 troops of Task Force Rogue, including the bulk of 1-64 Armor and Infantry troops from her sister battalion 3-15 Infantry. This was the first timeM1 Abrams tanks were delivered by air, using theC-5 Galaxies, which delivered 18 M1 tanks and 44Bradley infantry fighting vehicles,[229] while the balance of Task Force Rogue's equipment and vehicles were delivered via aroll-on/roll-off ship sent fromFort Stewart (Hinesville),Georgia, to Mogadishu to provide armored support for U.S. forces.[citation needed]
On 4 February 1994, the U.N. Security Council passedResolution 897, which set a process for completing the UNOSOM II mission by March 1995, with the withdrawal of U.N. troops from Somalia at that time. In August 1994, the U.N. requested that the U.S. lead a coalition to aid in the final withdrawal of the UNOSOM II forces from Somalia. On 16 December 1994,Operation United Shield was approved by President Clinton and launched on 14 January 1995. On 7 February 1995, the Operation United Shield multi-national fleet arrived and began the withdrawal of UNOSOM II's forces. On 6 March 1995, all of the remaining U.N. troops were withdrawn, ending UNOSOM II.[230]
UNOSOM II’s complete departure in early 1995 did not result in the eruption of violence that was widely predicted, though the civil war continued to simmer with occasional clashes between factions.[231][232] The withdrawal led to the formation of local administrations gaining momentum throughout Somalia, such as localizedIslamic Courts and regional administrations likePuntland, resulting in period of relative stability and economic growth until the early 2000's.[233] Somalipolitical science professor Hussein Adam notes, "With the collapse of UNOSOM-sponsored institutions, more authentic entities, including authoritative local leaders, have emerged. With the distorting effect of UNOSOM no longer present, the process of both political and economic transformation has been facilitated. In certain places, including northern Mogadishu, alternative institutions have emerged without any external support."[232] Fears of committing large numbers of US troops to Somalia in the years following the battle in part led to theCIA using Somali warlords as proxies against theIslamic Courts Union in the 2000's,[234] and backing the Ethiopian military during theinvasion of Somalia that followed.[235] As of 2025[update], the decades-long civil war continues in Somalia, marking at least 1,000,000 deaths,[236] with the nation entrenched at the bottom of theleast developed countries in the world, as shown by its last place ranking on theHuman Development Index.[237]
The United Nation's three consecutive humanitarian missions in Somalia (UNOSOM I 1992,UNITAF 1992–1993,UNOSOM II 1993–1995) were seen by many as a failure, and the evolving civil war that began in 1986 continues as of 2024.[238][239] The Clinton administration in particular endured considerable criticism for the operation's outcome. The main elements of the criticism surround: the administration's decision to leave the region before completing the operation's humanitarian and security objectives; the perceived failure to recognize the threatal-Qaeda elements posed in the region; and the threat against U.S. security interests at home.[240] Critics claim thatOsama bin Laden and other members of al-Qaeda provided support and training to Mohammed Farrah Aidid's forces. Osama bin Laden even denigrated the administration's decision to prematurely depart the region, stating that it displayed "the weakness, feebleness and cowardliness of the U.S. soldier".[241]
The loss of U.S. military personnel during the Battle of Mogadishu and television images of American soldiers being dragged through the streets by Somalis evoked public outcry. The Clinton administration responded by scaling down U.S. humanitarian efforts in the region.[241][242]
On 26 September 2006, in an interview onFox News withChris Wallace, former President Bill Clinton gave his version of events surrounding the mission in Somalia. Clinton defended his exit strategy for U.S. forces and denied that the departure was premature. He said he had resisted calls fromConservative Republicans for an immediate departure: "...[Conservative Republicans] were all trying to get me to withdraw from Somalia in 1993 the next day after we were involved in 'Black Hawk Down,' and I refused to do it and stayed six months and had an orderly transfer to the United Nations."[243] Clinton's remarks would suggest the U.S. was not deterred from pursuing their humanitarian goals because of the loss of U.S. forces during the battle. In the same interview, he stated that, at the time, there was "not a living soul in the world who thought that Osama bin Laden had anything to do with Black Hawk down or was paying any attention to it or even knew al-Qaeda was a growing concern in October of '93", and that the mission was strictly humanitarian.[243]
Fear of a repeat of the events in Somalia shaped U.S. policy in subsequent years, with many commentators identifying the Battle of Mogadishu's graphic consequences as the key reason behind the U.S.'s decision to not intervene in later conflicts such as theRwandan genocide of 1994. According to the U.S.'s former deputy special envoy to Somalia, Walter Clarke: "The ghosts of Somalia continue to haunt U.S. policy. Our lack of response inRwanda was a fear of getting involved in something like a Somalia all over again."[244] Likewise, during theIraq War when four American contractors werekilled in the city of Fallujah, then dragged through the streets and desecrated by an angry mob, direct comparisons by the American media to the Battle of Mogadishu led to theFirst Battle of Fallujah.[245]
In 1999, writer Mark Bowden published the bookBlack Hawk Down: A Story of Modern War, which chronicles the events that surrounded the battle. The book was based on his series of columns forThe Philadelphia Inquirer about the battle and the men who fought.[246]
On the battles 30th anniversary, Mohammed Abdi Elmi, a high ranking member of theSomali National Alliance and special assistant to General Aidid, released the bookThe Battle of Mogadishu: A Failed New World Order (2023) detailing the Somali perspective of the conflict.[247]
Falcon Brigade: Combat and Command in Somalia and Haiti, by Lawrence E. Casper. Casper was the 10th Mountain Division's Falcon Brigade and QRF Commander during the TF Ranger rescue effort.[248]
Black Hawk pilot Michael Durant told his story of being shot down and captured by a mob of Somalis in his 2003 bookIn the Company of Heroes.[249]
In 2011,Staff SergeantKeni Thomas, aU.S. Army Ranger recounted the combat experience in a memoir titledGet It On!: What It Means to Lead the Way.[250]
Howard E. Wasdin'sSEAL Team Six (2011) includes a section about his time in Mogadishu including thePasha CIA safe house and multiple operations including the Battle of Mogadishu where he was severely wounded.[251]
Lieutenant Colonel Michael Whetstone, Company Commander of Charlie Company 2–14 Infantry, published his memoirs of the heroic rescue operation of Task Force Ranger in his bookMadness in Mogadishu (2013).[252]
Paul R. Howe (Delta Force) was the leader of the assault team that went in to rescue Army Rangers and Delta Force members.[253] He later consulted forMark Bowden's 1999 bookBlack Hawk Down: A History of Modern War.[254]
Bowden's book has been adapted into the filmBlack Hawk Down (2001), produced byJerry Bruckheimer and directed byRidley Scott. Like the book, the film describes events surrounding the operation, but there are differences between the book and the film, such as Rangers marking targets at night by throwing strobe lights at them, when in reality the Rangers marked their own positions and close air support targeted everything else.[255]
2023 Malaysian filmMALBATT: Misi Bakara, directed and produced byAdrian Teh, retells the story of Malaysian contingent ofUNOSOM II (also known asMALBATT) involvement during the rescue operation in the battle. The film itself become the first ever Malaysian film that formatted forIMAX.[256][257]
The 2003NovaLogic video gameDelta Force: Black Hawk Down depicts a fictionalized version of theSomali Civil War, Battle of Mogadishu and the Mogadishu Mile event. Missions take place in Mogadishu andJubba Valley inspired by the Black Hawk Down movie.
The American seriesPBS Frontline aired a documentary titledAmbush in Mogadishu in 1998.[258][259]
The True Story of Black Hawk Down (2003) is aTV documentary which premièred onThe History Channel. It was directed by David Keane.[260]
TheAmerican Heroes Channel television series,Black Ops, aired an episode titled "The Real Black Hawk Down" in June 2014.[261]
TheNational Geographic Channel television series,No Man Left Behind, aired an episode titled "The Real Black Hawk Down" on 28 June 2016.[262]
TheSeconds from Disaster television series spotlighted the raid-and-rescue mission in the season 7 episode "Chopper Down", which aired in February 2018.[263]
Surviving Black Hawk Down is a docuseries released onNetflix in 2025.[264]
In March 2013, two survivors from Task Force Ranger returned to Mogadishu with a film crew to shoot a short film,Return to Mogadishu: Remembering Black Hawk Down, which debuted in October 2013 on the 20th anniversary of the battle. AuthorJeff Struecker and country singer-songwriterKeni Thomas relived the battle as they drove through theBakaara Market in armored vehicles and visited the Wolcott crash site.[265]
In August 2013, remains ofSuper 61, consisting of the mostly intact main rotor and parts of the nose section, were extracted from the crash site and returned to the United States through the efforts of David Snelson and Alisha Ryu. They are on display at theAirborne & Special Operations Museum atFort Bragg, Fayetteville, North Carolina.[266] The exhibit features immersive dioramas and artifacts from the battle including the wreckage ofSuper 61, the first Black Hawk helicopter shot down during the battle, andSuper 64.[267]
As of October 2018, a fully restored Super 68 is on display at the Army Aviation Museum inFort Novosel, Alabama.[268]
As with most nonstate actors, the SNA's order of battle can only be approximated. Estimates of their numerical strength range from 5,000 to 10,000, with perhaps 1,500 deployed in Mogadishu.
The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated 200 Somalis had died in the battle, and hundreds of wounded piled into hospitals
Aidid claimed 315 Somalis were killed and 812 wounded, figures that the Red Cross accepted as 'plausible'.
American officials confidently maintained that Aideed had only a handful of militiamen still loyal to him -- 300 at most -- and that they would only fight because he paid them cash or large quantities of kha
in September 1993, when during the repression of demonstrations dozens of civilians were cut down by the machine guns of international peacekeeping troops, the UN continued to pursue a tension-filled strategy
Throughout the night, a total of 50,000 rounds of Alpha 165 and 63 rockets were rained down on the enemy soldiers.
Aidid claimed 315 Somalis were killed and 812 wounded, figures that the Red Cross accepted as 'plausible'.
Over 300 Somali militia lay dead, most the victims of helicopter gunships.
Careful readers will find, for example, that US helicopters fired off no fewer than 50,000 Alpha 165 and 63 rockets on 3 October 1993 in the course of the battle near the Olympic Hotel in Mogadishu
Usama Bin Laden later made statements that October 3 had encouraged al-Qaeda as it had shown the Americans could be beaten, but never claimed any fighters allied to his organization had taken part.
Officials say the decision to use warlords as proxies was born in part from fears of committing large numbers of American personnel to counterterrorism efforts in Somalia, a country that the United States hastily left in 1994 after attempts to capture the warlord Mohammed Farah Aidid and his aides ended in disaster and the death of 18 American troops.
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