Lozi Kingdom
Status	State from 17th c.–c. 1840 1864–1899 Currently anon-sovereign monarchy withinZambia
Capital	Pre-Makololo:Various After Restoration: Lealui (1878–present) Limulunga (capital during high floods, 1933–present)
Common languages	Siluyana (court) Silozi (19th c.– present)
Religion	Lozi traditional religion
Government	Monarchy
Litunga
• 17th century	Mboo (first)
• 1878–1884, 1885–1916	Lewanika (last sovereign)
• 2000–present	Lubosi Imwiko II (current)
Ngambela
• 17th century	Inuwa
• 1864–1871	Njekwa
• ?–present	Mukela Manyando
History
• Established	17th century
• Conquered by theMakololo, establishment of theKololo Kingdom	c. 1840
• Lozi rebellion and Restoration	1864
• Establishment ofBarotziland–North-Western Rhodesia protectorate	1899
• Barotseland Agreement 1964 at the onset ofZambian independence	1964
Preceded by Lunda Empire

TheLozi Kingdom, orBarotseland,^[a] was a state located in modern-day westernZambia belonging to theLozi people (calledLuyi orLuyana before the 19th century). In the late 19th century, the state covered around 150,000 sq mi (390,000 km²),^[b] and Lozi influence stretched to theKwito River in the west, theLinyanti-Chobe andZambezi rivers in the south, theKafue River in the east, and theLuena-Zambeziconfluence in the north.^{[5]: 105 [6]: 158 [7]: 2}

The kingdom was likely founded in the 17th century in modern-dayKalabo District, following a migration from theLunda Empire, with its firstLitunga (king) beingMboo Mwanasilundu Muyunda. During his reign, two royal relatives,Mwanambinyi and Mange, split from the kingdom to establish their ownpolities. The 4thLitunga,Ngalama, reconquered these polities and expanded the kingdom further to encompass the entireBulozi Plain. The 6thLitunga,Ngombala, established a subordinate centre of power in the south to increase control over these new lands and he extended Lozi authority into surrounding territories.

Over time, power gradually shifted from theLitunga to the aristocratic bureaucracy (represented by the National Council orKuta) as successiveLitunga were compelled to make concessions. By the reign of the 10thLitunga,Mulambwa, the kingdom was in a state of severe instability and frequent warfare, culminating in an internecine civil war between his sons,Mubukwanu andSilumelume, to succeed him. Soon after the war concluded, the weakened kingdom was conquered around 1840 by theMakololo, a Sotho group fleeing theMfecane. A rebellion in 1864 restored the kingdom, but it was followed by factional infighting among groups that held competing visions for how the state should be organised and governed.

Following two unstable reigns,Lewanika came to power in 1878 and was deposed in 1884. Supported by traditionalist factions, he returned to power in 1885 and consolidated his authority and revived pre-Kololo institutions. As theScramble for Africa progressed, Lewanika soughtprotectorate status and an alliance with theBritish, and signed a series of concessions starting in 1889 until 1899. Despite treaty provisions that emphasised the protection of Lozi rights, over the following years, Lewanika and theKuta gradually lost most of their powers and some territory. In 1911, the kingdom was incorporated intoNorthern Rhodesia and effectively reduced to a province.

Before Zambian independence, disputes between Lozi elites and nationalist leaders led to theBarotseland Agreement of 1964, which granted the kingdom a special status within the new Republic of Zambia. The new government reneged on the Agreement and abolished the kingdom amidcalls for Lozi secession. After the restoration ofmulti-party democracy in 1990, Lozi activists called for restoration of the kingdom's powers under the 1964 Agreement; in 2012, after a drafted constitution omitted the Agreement andPresident Sata failed to implement it, theKuta argued that the annulment of all prior treaties rendered Barotseland legally sovereign, and activists have since lobbied theAfrican Union andUnited Nations with little success; as of 2019 they were pursuing a petition to theInternational Court of Justice (ICJ).

Sometraditions attribute the origins of the nameLozi to the founders of the ruling dynasty, suggesting that it later spread to their subjects. Other traditions say that the present-day Lozi were originally calledAluyana, and that theMakololo termed themMalozi in the 19th century, which was subsequently adopted.^[c] HistorianMutumba Mainga considers the latter explanation more likely, given that the language of theking's court wasSiluyana.^[8]: 4–5 The nameRotse is a European rendering ofLozi.^[9]: 52

In this article,Luyana is used to refer to the modern-dayLozi before the Kololo conquest and rule in the mid-19th century;Lozi is used after that point and in reference to the present.

Lozi territory (also called "Barotseland") encompasses southwestern Zambia, a region characterized byKalahari sands andshrubland. TheZambezi River runs north to south, surrounded by theBulozi Floodplain (Ngulu), which has an abundance ofalluvial deposits. The northern Zambezi Valley is referred to as "Bulozi proper". The river floods annually between January and May, and the Plain is bordered on both sides by higher forested ground. Varioustributaries of the Zambezi run across the Plain, forming small valleys.^{[8]: 1–4 [10]: 34 [11]: 90} The Plain is made fertile byseepage areas (mataba) below the steep surrounding embankment that channel water down the Plain and irrigate strips of land.^{[12]: 7–8}

Lozioral tradition^[d] holds that the Lozi were the first inhabitants of theBulozi Floodplain, having always lived there since descending fromNyambe (God) andMbuyu, a femaleancestor.^[15]: 7 Traditions of neighbouring groups, such as theKazembe-Lunda,Ndembu-Lunda, andNkoya, trace the roots of the Luyana/Lozi to theMwata Yamvo dynasty of theLunda Empire. HistoriansMutumba Mainga, Bizeck Phiri, and Lawrence Flint support this, noting that many Zambian groups trace their origin to theCongo Basin.^{[e][16][17]: 397 [15]: 7–8, 10} Mainga says that "Lozi tradition and available evidence suggest at least three successive waves of migration into Bulozi, the last of which comprised the founders of the present Lozi dynasty".^[18]: 99 Lozi traditions mention a small group of people calledbo Mbonezi Kai, likely a reference to theKhoisan.^[15]: 9

According to Lozi tradition, the Plain was inhabited by two broad groups: northerners and southerners, both organised intochiefdoms. Northerners included theMuenyi,Imilangu,Ndundulu,Mbowe,Liuwa,Simaa,Makoma, andNyengo, while southerners included theSubiya,Mbukushu,Toka,Totela,Shanjo, andFwe. Both groups are linguistically and probably ethnically distinct: the southerners are linguistically similar toTonga in Zambia'sSouthern Province, whose speakers arrived earlier, and the northerners are somewhat linguistically similar toLuba in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Mainga says that the dynasty was Lunda in origin and arrived in the northern Plain,^{[15]: 11–2, 15–6} likely in the late-16th century according to Flint.^[17]: 397 She draws comparisons to groups within the Nkoya andLuvale who received their Lunda dynasties following Lunda princeCinyama's departure after theLunda-Luba merger, which happened in the late-15th or 16th centuries. Due to similarities Lunda states such as Kazembe share with the main Lunda state that are not found in the Lozi state, Mainga theorizes that the Lozi-Lunda left soon after the merger out of disillusionment, while the other states were founded later as part of a policy of expansion and maintained ties with the main state. Mainga also considers the dynasty to have spoken a similar language toSiluyana, which was native to earlier people on the northern Plain,^{[19]: 25–7} or to have adopted Siluyana as their court language.^{[15]: 12–3, 17–20}

Lozi tradition says that members of the familial dynasty rose to power among groups in the northwestern modern-dayKalabo District,^[f] whether by overthrowing local leaders or by negotiating local political systems.^[g] A leader namedMboo Mwanasilundu Muyunda becameparamount and is regarded as the firstLitunga (king), dated to the 17th century.^{[h][i][13]: 213–4} According to tradition, Mboo conquered theMishulundu,Namale, Imulangu,Upangoma, Liuwa, Muenyi, and Mambowe (all located in Kalabo District at this time), though his expansion was halted at theLuena Flats by "Sihokanalinanga" (likely Nkoya leader Sihoka) and his people. Tradition says that Mboo's "brothers" and "sisters" administered their own provinces autonomously, and created their ownMakolo (sg.Likolo; groups of men that served as armies or labourers, likely beginning asbands of followers). Disputes within the royal dynasty caused two groups to leave and found their ownpolities. One of these was led byMwanambinyi, Mboo's younger brother. Traditions represent his power struggle with Mboo as a series of contests, during which he uses supernatural powers to best Mboo, provoking Mboo's hatred and jealousy. After Mwanambinyi survives a murder attempt by Mboo, he flees with his followers (calledAkwanda orMakwanda, "fish-eaters", based on their lifestyle)^[21]: 244 and cattle toImatongo in modern-daySenanga District,^[17]: 398 and conquers the Mbukushu and Subiya.^[j] The second group to leave was led by Mange, Mboo's nephew, who is said to have left because he was excluded from government. Accordingly, they went east across theZambezi, and then southwards once nearer theLuena River until reaching a forest in modern-dayMongu District. Mange was said to have been a skilled hunter.^{[k][10]: 23–8, 35}

Over the course of the next few generations, royal prestige and power strengthened, and a royalcult developed. Institutions were borrowed from other groups and created by certainLitunga. During the reign ofYeta I (the thirdLitunga), allMakolo came under his control, and new ones could only be created by the monarch. Lozi tradition creditsNgalama (the fourthLitunga) with expanding the state and conquering the polities of Mwanambinyi and Mange. Tradition represents Mwanambinyi as hiding inmist or creating floods or droughts which hamper Ngalama's forces, until attrition by war causes him and his followers to "disappear into the ground" at Imatongo.^[l][m] The conquest of Mange happens after a series of defeats and Mange's dispute with his mother Nolea over a woman, which leads Nolea to surrender Mange's protectivecharms to Ngalama. Mange's followers were calledAkangwa Mange ("those who failed Mange"), now theMakwanga [ceb].Mutumba Mainga considers these narratives to refer to real historical events. This saw the Luyana overcome rival centres of secular and ritual power to gain control of the entire Plain.^{[10]: 29–34, 38–9 [22]: 47}

Following the conquests of Mwanambinyi and Mange, challenges arose in the administration of the newly-acquired land. The distance of Mwanambinyi's lands in the south from the capital proved the prior system of appointing commoners asManduna (sg.Induna) to administer territories ineffective, and groups such as theSubiya gainedautonomy. To address this,Ngombala (the sixthLitunga) established another centre of power in the south atLibumbu orLibumbwandinde. Tradition says thatNotulu, Ngombala's daughter, was the first southern ruler, and details dynastic conflict between Notulu and her brotherMbanga; Mainga says that this may conceal revolts by the southern groups. Mbanga is said to have come to rule after Notulu's abdication. This southern 'kingdom' (calledLwambi and centred onNalolo) remained subordinate to theLitunga's rule (calledNamuso). Having consolidated his control over the Plain, and with his capital atNakaywe,^[22]: 60 Ngombala launched extensive military campaigns.^{[22]: 54–5, 59 [9]: 157, 168} The Plain was the economic heart of the region as it was linked to the wider region via the Zambezi's many tributaries, though the Luyana still relied on the forest communities for importing wood, canoes, beeswax, and various other goods. This incentivised the Luyana to conquer the surrounding communities, which were relatively decentralised and struggled to mount effective opposition.^{[10]: 35 [22]: 59} Ngombala first campaigned in the south to reconquer the Subiya andMbukushu, and expanded further into modern-daySesheke District to reachVictoria Falls (Musi o Tunya). They then went west along theChobe River to conquer theMashi,^[n] then north to conquer theMakoma. Ngombala's forces met theMbunda, conquering some of them and forming an alliance with anMbunda leader named Yambayamba. In these newly-conquered lands, Ngombala established a system of tribute wherein people were obligated to send some of what they produced to the Plain, as well as young men and women for labour. This greatly increased the wealth of theLitunga.^{[22]: 58–61}

Over time, power gradually shifted from theLitunga to the statebureaucracy, putting the king in precarious situations that necessitated compromises.^[24]: 67 Though there was not initially a system for redistribution of tribute throughout the kingdom, laterLitunga were pressured by the bureaucracy to weaken theirmonopoly.^[o]Yubya (the seventhLitunga) introduced measures whereManduna (sg.Induna), who collected the tribute, could keep part of it. The ninthLitunga,Mwananyanda (r. ? – c. 1780), oversaw friction between different factions of the royal family andManduna, to which he responded with violent suppression and executions, and he is said to have killed theNgambela and his own brother. Civil war erupted between Mwananyanda and theLwambi ruler Mwanamatia, during which Mwanamatia was killed, allowing Mwananyanda to appoint the newLwambi ruler (Kusio).[22]^{: 61–3 [9]: 180} Southern groups regularly took opportunities to revolt during internal conflict, seeking to weaken Luyana authority.^[24]: 66

Mulambwa (the tenthLitunga, r.c. 1780 – c. 1830) challenged Mwananyanda and succeeded him to the title, also seeing offLwambi ruler Kusio.^{[9]: 170, 180} He introduced a law that required theLitunga to provide forMakolo during war and reward them with cattle on their return, as well as one about compensating family members of deceased warriors with slaves and other loot.^{[p][22]: 62} Mulambwa also began giving secret prior-warning to those condemned in a bid to win popularity with the public, and made an alliance with theNkoya, settling some of them in the Plain.^[9]: 181 Mulambwa faced extensive revolts early on, which he defeated, and gave Nkoya king Katusi a seat in theKuta (National Council). In the south near modern-daySesheke District, he defeated and expelled a group led by Mwana Mukasa (possibly aTswana ruler ofTawana). After this, Mulambwa found himself in a long, drawn-out conflict againstLuvale ruler Cinyama.^{[25]: 177–8} In the early-19th century,^[24]: 67two Mbunda groups led by Mwene Kandala and Mwene Ciyengele migrated to the Plain, seeking protection. Mulambwa welcomed them and gave the rulers seats in theKuta, and Ciyengele was raised to the status of a prince. The Mbunda were instrumental in defeating the Luvale and assisted Mulambwa in several other conflicts.^{[25]: 177–8 [22]: 64} Despite this, the attempt to integrate the Mbunda into the state caused problems, partly because the state'slegitimacy relied upon adherence to the Luyana ideology of kingship, whereinancestor worship at the Royal Graves (Litino) was paramount; while the Mbunda believed in ancestral spirits, their religious beliefs attributed misfortune towitchcraft and valueddivination. Thus, the Mbunda rulers were nicknamedNa yange nji Mwene ("I too am king").^{[q][24]: 67–9}

Towards the end of Mulambwa's reign, the Luyana state found itself in perilous crisis.^[r] Mulwambwa was the last king of the Noble Age (Muluilonga). His death caused a succession crisis, wherein empowered seniorManduna acted as kingmakers, and several factions were realised. The kingship was contested bySilumelume in the north andLwambi rulerMubukwanu in the south (both sons of Mulambwa), threatening civil war. Silumelume was declaredLitunga byNgambela (Prime Minister) Muswa, though his position remained insecure. To strengthen his position, Silumelume planned to attack Mubukwanu and made preparations by sending theMakolo (armies) of two northernManduna supportive of Mubukwanu out of the Plain to fight theIla. One of theManduna'sMakolo included the Mbunda, and after uncovering Silumelume's plan, theInduna informed Mwene Ciyengele. Ciyengele liaised with Mubukwanu, seeking clarification. Silumelume, who had expected the Mbunda to remain neutral, grew suspicious and repeated the order to Ciyengele; Ciyengele responded that they ought to undergo a formal send-off before leaving the Plain. At theKuta in the capital, the Mbunda performed theirwar dances while wearing theirwar dress; during the ceremony, an Mbunda shot Silumelume dead with an arrow.^{[26]: 138 [24]: 67-9, 71-2}

Before all this, theMakololo (aSotho people) had reached an area near theChobe/Kwando/Linyanti River, having fled theMfecane from modern-daySouth Africa'sFree State in 1823. Reportedly, there was a clash between the Makololo and a Luyana army that had been sent out, which the Makololo repelled. The Makololo, led bySebetwane, settled there for some time before moving into modern-daySouthern Province by crossing the Zambezi atKazungula. There on theBatoka Plateau, they were resisted by theToka, whom they defeated. The Makololo then advanced towards theKafue River, but were repelled by the Ila. They settled on the Batoka Plateau for some time before being confronted by theMatabele, who had also fled the Mfecane. The presence of the Makololo and Matabele in the south prevented the Luyana from raiding the Toka and Ila for cattle and slaves, greatly disrupting the supply of slave labour into the kingdom. The Matabele forced the Makololo to move once more, this time towards the Plain.^{[24]: 65, 69–71}

Back at the Plain, upon hearing of Silumelume's death, Mubukwanu moved northwards to claim the kingship, but found that theNamuso had rallied around a new candidate, Mwananono (a son of Mwananyanda). Mubukwanu forced Mwananono, Muswa, and some supporters to flee. Some traditions say that Muswa met the Makololo in Batoka and told them to conquer the fractured Luyana.^[s] Kololo tradition says that near the Kafue River, a nameless old man with anox horn had told them of the Plain's wealth and offered to direct them there. Before Mubukwanu could be installed, and with animosity persisting between various Luyana factions, around 1840, Sebitwane's Makololo entered onto the Plain. They ambushed Mubukwanu's forces atKataba. Tactically and physically superior, the Makololo defeated Mubukwanu's forces, pushing them back toNea, where they were defeated again, and again atLiondo. After their defeat, the Luyana split into three groups: one went north toLukwakwa; the second, which included most of the royal family, went northwest toNyengo; the third remained in the Zambezi Valley. Some traditions say Mubukwanu died in the final battle at Liondo, while others say he was captured before being rescued byImasiku (his son), later dying by poison at Lukwakwa. Following their success, the Makololo carried out pacification campaigns to consolidate their rule over the Valley.^{[24]: 65, 71–5}

During theMakololo's pacification campaign of the Valley, they were again confronted by theMatabele, led byNxaba. Nxaba asked some Luyana fleeing to Nyengo for directions to the Makololo; a few Luyana led them to theLuete River before abandoning them there. The Matabele moved south, where they were ambushed by the Makololo, almost wiping them out.^[t] Nxaba escaped and gave himself up to an exiled Luyana group who drowned him; Mainga says that this had the consequence of securing Kololo rule over the Valley. They based their power in the southernLinyanti Swamps, probably because that was where they were best received by southern groups who opposed Luyana rule. Kololo rule differed greatly from Luyana rule in a number of ways. The Kololo king enjoyed greater power with fewerchecks, though still valued public opinion. While the Luyana kings lived inritual seclusion and were highly privileged, the Kololo kings were accessible to nearly everyone and regularly appeared in public.^[u] Due to the hostility of the conquered groups against Kololo rule, the Luyana's tribute system partially collapsed, and people lived somewhat independently. The Makololo turned to external trade instead and were welcoming to Europeans. Their strong desire for firearms saw them trade slaves to theMambari formuskets, thus linking the Plain into the widerslave trade.^[v] UnderSebitwane, theKololo Kingdom covered the former Luyana state's lands and expanded even further.^{[24]: 65–6, 75–85} Over time,Sikololo (aSotho language) became thelingua franca for the Plain.^[27]: 203 Its later adoption by the Luyana/Lozi was encouraged by missionaries only able to speak the closely-relatedSesotho,^{[11]: 97–8} withborrowing from Siluyana producingSilozi.^[28]

After Sebitwane died in 1851, Kololo rule rapidly declined. The Matabele ofMthwakazi in modern-day Zimbabwe regularly launched campaigns against the Makololo in the early 1850s, often venturing deep into the Plain. The Makololo's centre of power in the south, and their focus on fortifying the Zambezi to protect against the Matabele left their rule over the Zambezi Valley in the north relatively weak. The extreme south also experienced high levels ofmalaria, which decimated the Makololo, who had littlenatural resistance to it. Sebitwane had placed strong emphasis on personally maintaining good relations with his various subjects (including living with Lozi royalSipopa), and the Kololo state relied upon a strong and popular king who fostered loyal subjects. Sebitwane was succeeded by his daughterMamochisane, who quickly abdicated in favour of her half-brotherSekeletu. The young Sekeletu struggled to live up to his father and alienated his subjects, also catchingleprosy, which sent him into seclusion. Several of the remaining Lozi royals fled to the exiled groups, including Sipopa, who left forLukwakwa. In the Valley, Kololo princeMpepe led a revolt against Sekeletu, seeking to independently rule the Valley and overthrow him. In 1853, Sekeletu had Mpepe executed, though his rule over the Valley remained weak. Suspicious of witchcraft and plots, Sekeletu ordered many executions, and several groups gained their independence. The Lozi groups atNyengo and Lukwakwa had both repelled Kololo invasions despite their hostility to each other, though their distance from the Royal Graves belied the establishment of a newLitunga. In 1860, Sipopa, with the support of factions at Lukwakwa and theMbunda, killed Imasiku, who had up until then led the Lukwakwa group. In 1863, Sekeletu died, starting a Kololo succession crisis. A civil war broke out betweenMpololo and Mamili (the latter of which had the support of some Lozis), with Mpololo victorious. He embarked on violent pacification campaigns and freely executed opposition, fostering widespread fear and resentment. In 1864, Mpololo ordered the executions of all sons of Lozi chiefs, sparking a Lozi rebellion led by noblemanNjekwa, which massacred the Makololo.^[w] Lozi tradition says all Kololo men were killed (though it is known some survived or fled), and women were distributed amongst themselves as wives (likely assisting in the adoption of Sikololo). By 1864, the Nyengo group had dispersed and migrated into the Lukwakwa and Valley groups. After the rebellion, Njekwa invited Sipopa back to the Valley to be installed as the newLitunga.^{[x][11]: 88–97, 99, 101–3}

Over the following years, Sipopa embarked on numerous pacification campaigns to secure Lozi rule over the Plain.^[11]: 103 The restored kingdom experienced significant instability due to factions that held divergent interests and visions for the state. Lozi traditionalists sought a revival of the pre-Kololo state, and the return of a kingship ideology based on the Royal Graves and lineage fromMbuyu andNyambe. Others were content with continuing post-Kololo institutions and structures. The Mbunda sought a return to their pre-Lozi political structure of aconfederation of chiefdoms based onmatrilineal clans, wherewitchcraft (arbitrated atpoison trials) anddivination were key in leadership. Moreover, several royals had stayed at Lukwakwa, and since Sipopa's departure were led by Imbua, the previous leader at Nyengo. Sipopa installed his sister Kandundu asLwambi ruler atNalolo, and then his daughter Kaiko after Kandundu's death in 1871, creating a dynasty of queens; in the pre-Kololo state, the eligibility ofLwambi rulers for kingship had caused several civil wars, which this negated due to women and their descendants being ineligible for kingship. In the late 1860s, the threat from the Matabele diminished as they plunged into a succession crisis.^{[30]: 105–8, 114–5}

Njekwa, a prominent Lozi traditionalist, served asNgambela and was highly popular, though his support for Sipopa unsettled other traditionalists who viewed Sipopa as too Kololo-influenced. A plot in 1869 to replace Sipopa with help from Lukwakwa failed, and he had Imbua killed. Sipopa viewed Njekwa as too powerful and attempted to curtail his power, which further alienated traditionalists when Njekwa died shortly after. Sipopa's rule shifted towardsdespotism, and he started ignoring theKuta. He also came to rely on his diviner for fear of witchcraft; this backfired when acharm made by the diviner publicly failed, terminating his ritual power. In 1874, Sipopa moved his capital to modern-daySesheke District, hoping to find support for his anti-traditionalist policies among theTonga and Kololo-influenced groups. He came to rely upon theToka andSubiya groups and traded more with Europeans,one of whom prevented Matabele rulerLobengula from raiding the Lozi. Despite this, Sipopa's cruelty made him unpopular. WhenNgambela Mowa Mamili urged Sipopa to return to the Valley, he demanded that his opponents there be executed first. Following this, in 1876, Mamili led a rebellion against Sipopa, who was shot dead whilst attempting to flee.^{[30]: 108–113, 115–6}

Ngambela Mamili subsequently appointedMwanawina II asLitunga.^[30]: 116 During his reign (1876–1878), a Kololo named Siluka/Siroque, who had fled to the west coast, returned toKwandu to attempt a Kololo restoration, though Mwanawina quickly had him killed.^{[11]: 96–7} Mamili manipulated the young Mwanawina in his hunger for power, presenting himself as ruler and alienating others from decision-making.^[y] This angered Mwanawina and theManduna, who captured and executed him. The successorNgambela Ngenda Mufolofolo gained support from Mwanawina, though he had a hunger for power akin to Mamili's. By this point, Mwanawina had also angered people by favouring matrilineal kin for appointments (who were ineligible for kingship), and by appointing his mother, a commoner, as regent at Nalolo (aggravating traditionalists). Southern groups gained influence over Nalolo, threatening civil war. The breaking point allegedly came when Mwanawina was discovered to be involved in a plot to replace elderManduna with younger ones. Having faked a campaign against theIla, three groups attacked Mwanawina.Ngambela Ngenda Mufolofolo was killed in battle, though Mwanawina escaped to theBatoka Plateau. One group, led byMataa (who had participated in the rebellions against the Makololo and Sipopa), supported Sipopa's son Musiwa (popular among the Mbunda) for kingship, though the other two groups (led by Silumbu, brother of Njekwa, and Numwa, a warrior) supportedLubosi.^[z] Lubosi was anointed in 1878 and he built his capital atLealui,^[31]: 20 while his sister Matauka was madeLwambi ruler at Nalolo.^{[30]: 117–9}

On his accession toLitunga,Lubosi's position was disputed by several ofSipopa's sons, though not Musiwa, who had pre-emptively fled toMwene Ciyengele's Mbunda. After uncovering a plot, Lubosi had three of Sipopa's sons executed, but was deceived by his messengers and the Mbunda into thinking Musiwa had died. On learning he was still alive in 1880, a furious Lubosi ordered more executions and sent out an army led by Numwa to capture Musiwa. The army killed many en route to Musiwa, capturing him and bringing him back toLealui, where he was executed.^[aa] The slaughter greatly antagonised the Mbunda, and from then on, Mbundadiviners acted in covert opposition. Meanwhile, the previousLitungaMwanawina II had been soliciting support on theBatoka Plateau and invaded the Plain in 1879 with a combined force ofChikunda,Toka, andSubiya men. At theLumbe River, Mwanawina's forces were defeated by Lubosi's, and Mwanawina fled back to Batoka; his fate is unknown, though rumours of his return circulated for several decades afterwards. Silumbu had becomeNgambela and was highly popular.Mataa, who resented his lesser appointment, led opposition to Lubosi, and by 1884 openly levelled criticism. He organised the Mbunda and several factions sympathetic to Sipopa, as well as southernManduna in modern-daySesheke District, where he had an influential relative. Meanwhile, Lubosi's sister Matauka,Lwambi ruler at Nalolo, greatly angered people by executing a popular seniorInduna, which evenNgambela Silumbu denounced. This turned many against Lubosi, including Numwa, who was related to theInduna. In 1884, a major uprising forced Lubosi to flee to the Mashi Valley, accompanied by Silumbu, while Matauka was held captive by the rebels. Mataa becameNgambela and invitedTatila Akufuna, son of Imbua, to move fromLukwakwa to assume the kingship.^{[30]: 119–24}

Despite the rebels' decisive victory, cracks began to show owing to Akufuna's lack of experience and incompetence. Having lived at Lukwakwa, Akufuna only spokeMbunda, and traditionalists began to view the rebellion as the death of the traditional state. Mataa, despite his satisfaction about gaining power at the expense of a weak ruler, lamented Akufuna's character and fashioned plans to replace him with Sikufele (grandson ofMulambwa), also from Lukwakwa, though this did little to placate traditionalists. Factions loyal to Lubosi began to form, and Matauka was assisted in her escape to rejoin her brother at Mashi. In early 1885, independent of Lubosi, loyalists from modern-dayNalolo District revolted, but were defeated atMukoko. Mataa's attempt to capitalise on this victory was, however, foiled by hisjunior officers, who assisted the loyalists' escape and warned Lubosi of an imminent attack. On hearing of the revolt, Silumbu raised an army and marched to the Valley, while Lubosi solicited recruits to his army of Mashi from modern-day Nalolo andSioma districts. Silumbu found the Valley undefended, as Mataa and Numwa had travelled to Lukwakwa to compel Sikufele to assume the kingship, and Akufuna had fled to Batoka. By the time they had returned, Lubosi and his army had rejoined Silumbu. Lubosi's forces decisively defeated the opposition and killed Sikufele, Mataa, and Numwa, though Silumbu also died. Lubosi reassumed the kingship and was given thepraise nameLewanika, roughly meaning "conqueror".^{[30]: 124–7}

Despite Lewanika's and the traditionalists' victory, the Mbunda and Kololo-influenced factions remained influential in Bulozi, and the Matebele continued to threaten the kingdom's south. Lewanika embarked on a severe purge of all who were involved in the rebellion against him, executing leaders' wives and children as well. He also weaponised the Mbunda practices of witchcraft and divination to remove rivals. He appointed key figures in the Restoration and loyalist revolt into positions of authority, and settled some supporters near the former villages of rebel leaders. Lewanika also formed alliances withKhama ofBamangwato andMoremi ofTawana, whom he had grown close to while at Mashi. After suffering the purge, opposition in Sesheke shifted to Batoka, where Akufuna was. In 1888, a nobleman invaded Sesheke but failed to spark an uprising. Following this, Lewanika established a chieftaincy in Sesheke to increase his control there.^{[29]: 128–34} In 1889, Lewanika descended on Lukwakwa with a large army and conquered them.^{[6]: 152–3} Lewanika carried out many reforms seeking to revive pre-Kololo institutions and the Luyana state. TheMuliu law ordered everyone to reassume the lands inhabited and owned by their ancestors in pre-Kololo times, and those who had settled in Bulozi after this were assigned lands and corresponding titles. Along with this, the old administrative units (Lilalo) were revived, andMakolo were once again brought under theLitunga's control.^{[29]: 136–42} The Lozi raided their neighbours extensively to accrue slaves and cattle, and Lewanika repurposed the institution that produced governmental workers (Lifunga) to recruit labourers.^{[ab][6]: 149–50} Lewanika rebuilt the system of tribute from the forest communities, obligating unpaid labour,^[6]: 149 and institutionalised the redistribution of tribute throughout the kingdom. He also privileged the position ofLitunga, making it the wealthiest in the kingdom, and increased the number of royals (Linabi) in theKuta.^{[ac][ad][29]: 137–45}

In the late 1880s, the Lozi Kingdom found itself surrounded byPortuguese,British, andGerman colonial expansion amid theScramble. In 1886, whenFrançois Coillard established amissionary station inSefula, Lewanika (on the advice of Khama, who had come under Britishprotection in 1885)^[20]: 129 approached him and requested to become a British protectorate. In 1889 Coillard (now a trusted friend) agreed to mediate and relayed this to theadministrator ofBechuanaland,^[ae] and amineral prospector arrived later that year with gifts offirearms etc. and negotiated the Ware Concession aboutgold prospecting rights in Sesheke and Batoka (billed as a first step towards protection), which was later sold toCecil Rhodes'British South Africa Company (BSAC). Lewanika saw this as conducive to strengthening his authority and Lozi claims over the wider region by having British support, and wanted 'modernisation' to enrich the elite through Lozi systems rather than revolutionise or 'civilise' these systems. In 1890, the Lochner Concession was negotiated with the BSAC, granting mining rights in the whole country in exchange for defence and the establishment of schools and industries,^[33]: 54 while respecting Lozi sovereignty. Many traditionalists were strongly opposed to this, despite Lochner distributing gifts and bribes. Under pressure, Lewanika rejected the Concession and lamented the missionaries as "liars" and "secret agents".^[af] Upon learning Lochner had misrepresented himself as brokering for theBritish Crown instead of a company (meaning protection was indirect), Lewanika was furious and felt further betrayed when British residence and other conditions did not materialise.^{[32]: 171–84 [34]: 67–81 [33]: 55} Meanwhile, tension between Lewanika and the diviners had been building until 1892,^[ag] when the Mbunda diviners targeted Lewanika directly. They claimed that he was responsible for asmallpox epidemic and the lack of rain. SeveralManduna used this to further their opposition to the Lochner Concession, and Lewanika was accused of having sold the kingdom. Lewanika later ordered the diviners to be strangled, though this was prevented by Coillard's intervention, and from then on set about dismantling Mbunda influences.^{[29]: 145–7} The grave threat from the Matabele dissipated aftertheir defeat by the BSAC in 1893,^{[6]: 152–7} somewhat restoring Lewanika's trust in the Company but also warning of the danger it exemplified.^[33]: 61

By the end of the 19th century, the unyielding inevitability of European expansion had dawned on Lewanika, and he feared military invasion. In the 1890s,cattle plague andlocusts caused famine, though this was offset by Lewanika's extensive canal system and expansion of agriculture. Aninfluenza epidemic also hit the kingdom. Traditionalists were disempowered, and, after Mbunda diviners had begun targeting Europeans, Lewanika banned witchcraft accusations. In 1895, the Portuguese occupied some of the Lozi's western territory following the Anglo-Portuguese agreement to set their claims' borders at the Zambezi. Lewanika appealed to the British Crown. Thefirst British resident arrived in 1897,^[ah] and in 1898, the Lawley Concession was signed (without missionaries present). Whilstformalising protectorate status, it encroached on Lozi sovereignty by giving the BSAC some administrative rights over the Plain along with mining rights, and Lewanika was obliged to suppress witchcraft and slavery.^{[34]: 85, 88 [35]: 60–70 [32]: 185, 192–9} The 1899Order of Council treaty signed by QueenVictoria stipulated that the Lozi could maintain their laws and customs "except so far as the same may be incompatible with the due exercise ofHer Majesty's power and jurisdiction".^[34]: 91

With the 1899 Order, Lewanika lost powers over territory outside of the Valley (Bulozi proper) to the BSAC, and over the following years his authority was eroded. Company control over theLitunga was extended in exchange for support against traditionalistManduna.^{[36]: 75–9} Ahut tax was established by the Company in 1902 and was strictly enforced, gravely affecting commoners; Company policy ignoreddevelopment and intended for Bulozi tosupply cheap labour on 'white-owned' farms and mines in southern Africa,^[37]: 144 leading to out-migration. In 1905 and 1911, respectively, the kingdom lost territory in the west toPortuguese Angola and theCaprivi Strip toGerman South West Africa.^{[36]: 86–9 [36]: 106} In 1906, slavery was abolished, emancipating a significant portion of the population that could now pay taxes.^{[32]: 200 [36]: 99} That same year, the BSAC took over the granting of land tosettlers, belying the meaning ofLitunga as "owner of the land".^{[36]: 84–5} The 1911 Order of Council mergedBarotziland–North-Western Rhodesia andNorth-Eastern Rhodesia to form the protectorate ofNorthern Rhodesia, and the kingdom effectively became a province. In 1914, the BSAC took over most of theKuta's judicial functions.^{[36]: 106–7}Throughout all this, Lewanika continued to seek direct protectorate status from the British Crown, but his efforts were unsuccessful,^[4] and dreams of a Lozi-British alliance faded. Amid a severe cattle epidemic, Lewanika died in 1916.^{[36]: 108-9}

Lewanika was succeeded by his sonYeta III. Yeta and his generation'sManduna were mission-educated and highly competent in legal settings, and started lobbying for the Company rule to end and the return of Lozi rights per Lewanika's treaties. In 1924, administration was transferred directly to the British Crown, which favouredindirect rule and maintenance of the status quo.^{[38]: 119–34} After the British threatened removal of the Lozi elites' privileges (which were necessary for class differentiation), Yeta and theKuta resolved that they would focus on maintaining the special status of Barotseland in Northern Rhodesia and that of the ruling class.^{[ai][37]: 142–3} Bulozi remained poverty-stricken with little employment opportunities other than fishing amid the Crown's continuation of using the region for labour supply, which had caused large numbers of people to leave for mining in South Africa and theCopperbelt, as well as farming inSouthern Rhodesia (nowZimbabwe). The 1930s saw jobs everywhere dry up, as well as floods, droughts, locusts (causing fourcrop failures in a row), cattle disease, and famine, leading to many Lozis being imprisoned or made to do forced labour for failing to pay thepoll tax. In 1935, the Lozi government was legally formalised as the "Native Government" forBarotse Province despite opposition, becoming the "Barotse Native Government" (BNG).^{[37]: 143–53} In 1945, Yeta abdicated and was replaced by his half-brotherImwiko.^[40] During Imwiko's reign, the Provincial Commissioner enacted reforms of the BNG, reviving a sub-council of the National Council/Kuta (theKatengo Kuta) that would be elected by regional councils and advise theKuta, angeringManduna.^{[41]: 165-7}

Imwiko was succeeded byMwanawina III (a son of Lewanika) in 1948. Despite the elite being factionalised, they were united in opposition to merging Northern and Southern Rhodesia. Ideas of seceding from such a merger and becoming a separate protectorate began gaining currency, though Mwanawina instead sought the restoration of powers and distanced the kingdom fromnationalist resistance. In return for some rights, Mwanawina supported the establishment of theFederation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, plummeting his popularity with the public; people began to view the BNG as a corrupt,nepotic, and exclusionary government.^{[41]: 168–80} In 1960,Kenneth Kaunda came to lead theUnited National Independence Party (UNIP) after his militant nationalist party was banned by the colonial government. Lozi elites viewed Kaunda's nationalists as "extremists" and, in 1960, restated their desire to secede from Northern Rhodesia. In 1962, the British government allowedNyasaland and Southern Rhodesia to secede from the Federation but not Barotseland, prompting Lozi elites to accuse the British of breaking their treaties with Lewanika. In the crucial1962 elections, royalists standing in Bulozi were overwhelmingly defeated by the nationalists of UNIP following a complacent campaign. The subsequent UNIP-NRANC government sought to reform the BNG; Lozi elites appealed to the British, but they did not want to antagonise nationalists nor finance the secession. In the election for theKatengo Kuta, UNIP presented secession as economically unviable and won every seat. Lozi elites changed their policy to seek semi-independent status in Zambia. Despite conciliatory relations, UNIP refused to mention Barotseland's status in thenew constitution.^{[42]: 191–208}

In May 1964, during formal discussions inLondon regarding independence, Mwanawina and Kaunda signed a separate treaty, theBarotseland Agreement 1964, granting the kingdom special status within an independent Zambia. Britain also signed it, but only as a witness, a distinction of which Mwanawina was unaware. In October 1964, Zambia gained independence. The central government commissioned development projects and brought theKuta withinLusaka's jurisdiction, which caused political conflict and was received by the Lozi elite as encroaching on their rights and violating the 1964 Agreement, of whichGerald Caplan writes that the government had no intention of upholding. From 1965, Lozis began to blame the central government for the lack of material benefits since independence. TheKuta refused all cooperation with the central government, prompting the government to introduce the Local Government Bill, replacing theKuta with five district councils. Mwanawina lost all his special rights (such as appointing councillors, the treasury, and vetoing of legislation) except for the allocation of land. The Chiefs Act also allowed the central government to revoke recognition of any chief, which now explicitly included theLitunga. TheKuta was outraged and discussed methods of resistance, and also appealed to the British for help. Popular opposition to the central government grew in Bulozi, and Lozi high-ranking members in UNIP were gradually sidelined whileBemba influence grew. Mwanawina died in 1968 and was replaced byGodwin Mbikusita, a purported son of Lewanika and hardline seccessionist. In the1968 elections, theZambian African National Congress (ZANC) won the most seats in Bulozi with 61% of the vote. In 1969, Kaunda proclaimed that Zambia was at "economic war" with Britain, South Africa, and the United States. Henationalised the copper industry and enacted several reforms, including removing theLitunga's right to assign land. Kaunda personally took control of UNIP, citing internecine divisions. The Barotse Province was renamed as "Western Province" and was given the same status as Zambia's other provinces. Later in 1969, the government passed a bill that officially revoked the 1964 Agreement to fierce opposition, though the position ofLitunga was still recognised by the central government.^{[42]: 208–21}

Zambia transitioned to aone-party state in 1973, and throughout the 1970s and 1980s, discourse about secession remained muted. TheLitunga sought an amiable relationship with the government, while people in Bulozi became disillusioned with politics. Mbikusita was succeeded byYeta IV in 1977, who was appointed to the Central Committee to represent Western Province. People had little appetite for secession amid grave insecurity caused by theAngolan War andSouth African Defence Force attacks on Western Province, whereSWAPO was basing itsguerrilla war against South Africa.^[43] FollowingNamibia's independence from South Africa in 1994, Lozis founded theCaprivi Liberation Army (CLA) (whose leadership descended fromManduna, who had been appointed by Lewanika). The CLAattacked the government in Caprivi in 1999, though they were quickly defeated.^[44]: 295 In Zambia Lozi figures played key roles in the re-establishment ofmulti-party democracy in 1990 through theMovement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). Following the1991 elections,Frederick Chiluba formed the new government. Despite MMD receiving overwhelming support from Lozis in the elections, Chiluba (himself a Bemba) did little to placate Lozi voters. Tensions grew between the Barotse Royal Establishment (BRE) and the central government, and secession gained popular support amid public demonstrations. In 1995, the government passed the Lands Act whichde facto transferred theLitunga's informal right to allocate land (which he had retained despite its formal removal in 1969) to the president.^[45][43] TheKuta responded by stipulating that the 1964 Agreement be incorporated into the constitution, or that the kingdom would return to its pre-1964 status. Currents of militant resistance grew, culminating in theBarotse Patriot Front (BPF), which in 1998 stated they would engage in armed conflict if Barotseland was not permitted to secede; after supporting the CLA in the 1999 Caprivi Conflict, they were banned by the Zambian government. Ason of Mbikusita founded a Loziseparatist political party calledAgenda for Zambia (AZ); in the1996 general election, AZ won a seat in Bulozi, though their presidential candidate only won 27% of the vote in Western Province and 2.6% overall.^{[43][44]: 311}

Yeta IV was succeeded byLubosi Imwiko II. In 2005, the Mung'omba Constitution Review Commission recommended that the government and the BRE "resolve the outstanding issue of the Barotseland Agreement", after whichPresident Mwanawasa commissioned the National Constitutional Conference, which reported in 2010. The BRE opposed the draft constitution because it did not refer to the 1964 Agreement. Just before the anniversary of Zambian independence in October 2010, public protests inMongu against the draft constitution turned into rioting, to which the police employed tear gas and gunfire to disperse the crowd. These riots continued until climaxing in January 2011 when police killed two people and injured and arrested many more. The BRE distanced itself from the Lozi separatist organisations involved, and stressed the difference between restoring the 1964 Agreement and secession. In the 2011 general election,Michael Sata promised to "implement that agreement within 90 days" during his campaign, and later won the presidency. Despite this, the 1964 Agreement was not implemented. In 2012, theKuta passed a resolution stating "We now inform Zambia and the international community that we finally accept the unilateral nullification and theabrogation of the Barotseland Agreement 1964 ... we can no longer be obliged to honor an international Agreement that the other party has nullified and abrogated, which has reverted us to our original status" (though theLitunga did not support this). The argument was that since the 1964 Agreement had abolished all treaties before it, and given that the Agreement itself had been terminated, Zambia had no legal basis to govern Barotseland, and the kingdom would revert to its pre-1889 sovereign status.^{[43][44]: 321} Activists have since lobbied theAfrican Union and theUnited Nations with little success. Barotseland joined theUnrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) in 2013, and as of 2019, it was engaged in a process to petition theInternational Court of Justice (ICJ).^[46]: 48

The state was headed by aLitunga (king,lit. 'owner of the land').[36]^: 85 Succession to the title was available to malepatrilineal descendants ofMbuyu only,^[24]: 67 which regularly caused succession crises as candidates vied for the kingship.^[9]: 153 The government was seated in the capital, and consisted oflegislative,judicial,consultative, andadministrative bodies. TheMulongwanji (National Council orKuta) includedManduna ("Councillors",sg.Induna) and was headed by theNgambela (Prime Minister), and dealt with general national matters such as law-making or war.^[10]: 41 It was theKuta's role to appoint a newLitunga,^[47]: 258 and candidates depended on support from seniorManduna.^[18]: 101 TheNgambela acted as both theLitunga's spokesperson and as the principal representative of the people. TheNatamoyo ("Master/Mother of Life") held a special role where they could veto any decision made by theKuta orLitunga if it were deemed harsh or unjust, and their residence served as asanctuary for anyone set to be executed. TheLitunga could promote or demoteManduna, but not theNgambela orNatamoyo.^{[10]: 36, 41–2} Another centre of power existed in the south (calledLwambi), ruled by a member of the royal family, and was subordinate to the north (calledNamuso); the southern ruler had representativeManduna in theMulongwanji, and theLitunga had some in theLwambi Kuta.^[22]: 56

TheMulongwanji consisted of severalfactions ofManduna: theMakwambuyu (seated on theLitunga's right in theKuta) was composed of Loziaristocrats, including theNgambela andNatamoyo, and it appointed the kingdom's administrative heads; theLikombwa (seated on theLitunga's left) advanced theLitunga's interests in opposition to theMakwambuyu, which represented the public;^[aj] and theLinabi, which consisted of the royal family.Manduna in theMulongwanji also comprised several innerKuta or councils, namely theSikalo Kuta (composed of the most senior members of the factions),Saa Kuta (a less senior version of theSikalo),Katengo Kuta (its purpose in early times is unclear),^[ak] andSitumbo sa Mulonga (theLitunga's personal hand-picked council which offered him advice).^{[al][10]: 42–4}

Appointments to governmental positions generally came through theLifunga institution, where theLitunga (or representatives of him) travelled throughout the kingdom and brought child prodigies back to the capital. The children (boys and girls) lived in royal or senior households and underwentapprenticeships, later gaining responsibilities and duties based on merit. Girls did domestic work in the royal household, and some becameAnatambumu ("Mothers of the King"), who comprised a council headed by theQueen Mother (Makoshi), which engaged in governing.^{[10]: 39–40} TheMakoshi had the power to veto theLitunga's decisions.^[24]: 78 In the late-19th century, during Lewanika's reign, women were excluded from government, and theLifunga institution was expanded to recruit labourers, causing people to hide their children out of fear.^{[10]: 39–40}

Makolo (sg.Likolo) were groups of men that served as armies or labourers and initially corresponded to territories. They were each headed by anInduna, who lived at the capital and discussedpolicy with theLitunga and his advisors through a representative.Makolo likely began asbands of followers and were created and employed by members of the royal dynasty, though over time they all came under the control of theLitunga, who also appointed theirManduna (sometimes as a reward for service or bravery shown). At one point, all women, men, and children were part of aLikolo, which was determined by their father's or guardian's association, meaning they generally comprised patrilineal kin.Makolo engaged in work that depended on their territories' resources and could raid or work on public construction for theLitunga if needed.^{[10]: 25–6, 35–7, 39} It was tradition for each newLitunga to create aLikolo.^[29]: 142 The southern ruler had control of subgroups ofMakolo (Lwambi Makolo), though the ruler's authority over these was superseded by that of theLitunga's.^{[22]: 56–7}

The kingdom was divided intoSilalo (sg.Lilalo), headed byManduna, who were appointed by theLitunga and approved byvillage heads. TheLwambi ruler had control over someSilalo Manduna, though the division betweenLwambi andNamuso rule did not perfectly align with territorial units. ASilalo Induna had a regionalKuta (council) composed of village headmen, which people could spectate, and people were mandated to attend when a law was being made to gauge public opinion.Silalo Induna also had a correspondingInduna in theMulongwanji to report matters to when they visited, who in turn reported to theNgambela.Silalo themselves were composed of severalSilalanda (sg.Lilalanda), which were groupings of villages (munzi). ALilalanda was led by the most senior headman of its villages, who also had their ownKuta and resolved disputes between villages. Villages typically accommodated kin, and their headmen had to be accepted by the village'sfamily heads and approved by theLitunga. It was the responsibility of the headmen to resolve minor disputes between people and ensure people's needs were met. AnthropologistMax Gluckman wrote in 1941 that these divisions only concerned land use and not governance of people, citing the unstable settlement of the Plain because of seasonal flooding. He considered theMakolo to serve as the kingdom's administrative units.Mutumba Mainga disagrees with this and says that settlements on the Plain were permanent, citing lengthy family histories about landholdings and villages. She also says thatMakolo often corresponded toSilalo because they were both dependent on kinship.^{[22]: 48–50, 52–3, 56}

Lozi tradition holds that members of the royal dynasty have divine ancestry due to their descent fromMbuyu andNyambe, imbuing them withmali a silena (royalty), which determined eligibility for kingship. A newLitunga underwent an elaborateinstallation ritual (coliso), which involvedpurification rituals, before being presented to the public.^[10]: 30 Some rites were carried out at Mbuyu's grave inMakono and Mboo's inImwambo (afterwards, the newLitunga made sacrifices at all royal graves to seek their endorsement).^{[18]: 96–7} TheLitunga was bound toritual seclusion and spoke only through an intermediary. After death, aLitunga was believed to become more powerful and remain able to affect people's lives,^{[10]: 30–1} acting as a mediator between the living and Nyambe.^[47]: 258 The emphasis on powerful royal ancestralspirits served to protect the livingLitunga from being blamed for disasters or mistakes.^[30]: 107A group of families lived near where a deceasedLitunga chose to be buried, and one person took on the position ofNomboti orNameto. TheNomboti tended to the deceasedLitunga's grave, appeased him with sacrifices, and acted as an intermediary between him and the public. Sacrifices were placed on theLimbwata (an opening in the grave), and the deceasedLitunga's spirit was believed to be consulted via theNomboti for major policy decisions and the installation of a new monarch. Traditionally, fires were put out after a monarch's death to symbolise the death of the nation, and only relit once the new monarch lights a fire.^{[10]: 30–2}

TheLitunga was responsible for public infrastructure, such as building mounds to protect settlements from flooding, or canals for drainage and transport.^[10]: 35 People in the kingdom had to pay tribute to theLitunga in the form of part of their catch or harvest (calledMubingu).^[10]: 33 During Lewanika's reign, around a quarter or a third of the population were slaves captured in raids or received in tribute (buzike),^{[35]: 72–3} who undertook public construction or agricultural work on state farms (bonamukau).^[27]: 193 TheLitunga redistributed some tribute to areas where certain goods were lacking and needed.^{[22]: 60 [49]: 15}

The Plain had plenty ofgame,fowl, and fish. Large herds of cattle were kept, and milk was highly regarded (sour milk was sometimes mixed with honey to makeIlya).^[47]: 258 During flood season, cattle were herded out of the Plain to valleys or small plains amid the forest.^{[49]: 9–13} Types of fishing includedspearfishing (ku waya), withtraps and dams (makuko andbwalelo), and with fences (liandi).Small fry (nakatenge) were caught with baskets (mashino).^[35]: 55 Communal hunts, sometimes led by theLitunga, involved trapping antelope on islands during the annual floods and were killed to make skins and dried meat.^[35]: 78Sorghum (makonga) was the principal crop before being eclipsed bymaize in the 20th century,^{[35]: 58–9} and fields were fertilised by cattle.^{[49]: 9–10} The migration of theMbundu into the Plain in the early-19th century introducedcassava,millet, andyams to the Luyana.^{[20]: 125–6} Farming at the edges of the Plain byseepage areas was likely popularised among the Luyana/Lozi by the Mbunda, though theNkoya andMakwanga [ceb] had developed the technique for it earlier.^[49]: 9 Hunting, fishing, keeping cattle, and tribute labour such as canal-building were men's work, while cooking and catching small fry were women's. Regarding agriculture, men typically did sowing while women did hoeing, though women later came to do both.^{[35]: 55–6}

According to 19th-century records, iron was largely taken from thebeds of streams, rivers, and swamps, andsmelting was predominantly specialised in by theTotela. Roles tended to be hereditary, and products included spears, axes, hoes, blades, and hammers.Pottery was largely undertaken by women. TheNdundulu, Makwanga, and Mbunda specialised inwoodworking. The Lozi crafteddugout canoes frommukwa trees, reportedly having learnt their techniques from the Totela. Baskets were usually made from grass,baobab fibre, or bark. Mats were made from reeds knotted together with bark; theMakoma made tight mats out ofpapyrus that were waterproof and could be used for the construction of huts. Huts were typically made of mats and reeds. Usually, men would lay a cement foundation and craft the roof, while women constructed the walls.^{[50]: 17–22}

The communities of theBulozi Floodplain and those of the forests relied upon each other for certain goods; from the forest communities, those of the Plain imported wood,canoes,bark to make rope, honey, andbeeswax, among others. The communities of the Plain exported to those of the forests cattle, milk, and fish.^[10]: 34 Initially, this trade was conducted via barter, though afterNgombala's conquests, he established a tribute system (Namba) wherein the forest communities were obligated to send some of what they produced to the capital. Another institution calledMaketiso involved the communities sending young men and women to the Plain when requested in order to meetlabour demand. These systems were overseen byLindumeleti (sg.Ndumeleti), who reported to theLitunga if they were not carried out, which was often met with force.[22]^: 59–60

All people in the kingdom were consideredmutanga (servants) while theLitunga wasmutanga wa sichaba (servant of the nation/people), and each person bore reciprocal social responsibility.^{[35]: 71–2} All land was believed to belong to theLitunga, though people (including slaves) had a right to own land with the condition that it was used (unused land was returned to theLitunga to re-grant).^[51]: 46 National hunts (Lisula) were held annually and led by theLitunga.^[10]: 38 Cattle conferred social status,^[47]: 257 and there were numerous royal herds (likomu za mbuwa).^[35]: 84 TheKuomboka Ceremony took place during seasonal high floods and involved moving to higher land. It is said to have dated back to the 17th century, when there was a great flood calledmeyi a lungwangwa. Held annually, the date of the ceremony was based on the height of the water and themoon's phase. TheLitunga consulted the Royal Graves beforehand, after which the royalMaoma drums were sounded to call the paddlers. Barges receivedpraise names fromLitunga,^[am] though since the reign ofYeta III (1916–1945), all 'state barges' have been calledNalikwanda.^{[an][39]: 38–41, 59}

Infants were believed to embodyancestral spirits and were initially given names that had negative connotations. During the first few years, they wereprotected by charms and developed without being disciplined "like a wild tree" until they stoppedsuckling, at which time they were named by an old relative. From the ages of five or six, children worked hard.^{[52]: 94–5} Boys underwentinitiation school (milaka) at the ages of nine or eleven until late-teens or mid-twenties, which primarily involved learning how to keep cattle, as well as crafts such aswoodcarving. Girls' initiation school (sikenge) was held after their firstmenstruation (believed to be ancestors gifting them with the capacity for parenthood), and involved entering seclusion and learning the knowledge and skills for social, religious, and economic life.^{[53]: 11–2, 18–9} The Luyana/Lozi did not haveclans, though they did have ancestral names calledmishiku (sg.mushiku) given to them from their great grandparents, where people having the samemushiku meant that they had ancestors who bore thatmushiku. In the present day,mishiku do not constitute groups, nor do people with the samemushiku have obligations to each other, though such people regard each other as kin.[54]^{: 32–3 [22]: 50}

Meals typically consisted ofbuhobe (hotporridge made ofcereal orroots) andbusunso (a sauce that can be made of fish,sour milk (mafi), meat,sweet potato,groundnuts, orpumpkin).^{[35]: 54–5} At dusk, people brought their cooked food to theheadman's courtyard, who distributed it among the community in a practice calledsilyela, where men, women, children, and slaves ate separately in groups (this practice has since largely been replaced by dining innuclear families). A custom calledlikute (roughly meaning "politeness") involved a variety of greetings incorporating gestures, hand clapping, and phrases; proverbs allude to popularity's importance for self-preservation.^{[52]: 89–90, 94–5} Lozitraditional dress is thesiziba for men (consisting of a shirt andknee-length skirt, sometimes paired with a sleeveless jacket andmashushu (redberet)), and themusisi for women (possibly influenced bycrinolines worn by wives of 19th-century missionaries).^{[55][56]: 70}

A new year was accompanied by the start of agricultural work. Lozi years were 13 months long. A month's length was determined by the moon'swaxing andwaning, and they were grouped into seasons.^[8]: 6 Seasonal floods meant that settlements were built ontermite mounds (mazulu) and artificialmounds (liuba), though people were often forced into the forests at the height of the flooding season.^[8]: 1 Mounds bore villages and had small fields attached to them.^[49]: 9 Huts came in three forms:maongo (sing.longo) were rectangular, built inmifelo style using saplings;litungu (sing.situngu) were circular with thatched conical roofs;masaela were Kololo-style, large, and circular, with double-concentric walls and were favoured by elites.[51]^: 47–8 When a town moved, huts were deconstructed and carried to the new location.^{[50]: 21–22} Villages comprised kin and were permanently settled, typically through many generations; though people dispersed widely during high floods, they tended to regard their settlements on the Plain as their homes.^{[10]: 34 [22]: 50} People sometimes left their village following a dispute or divorce.^[54]: 32-3 Villages were socially organised into courtyards (malapa),^[51]: 48 with adjacent huts to a courtyard constituting asubsistent unit.^[35]: 54 The only disease common to the Luyana in early times wasleprosy (called "fire of God"); lepers werequarantined in a hut downwind of the village.^[47]: 259

TheKuta controlled the transmission of history through institutions such as the Royal Graves (Litino), titles and positions which had their own traditions, and the Royal Band (Bambeti) composed of around 20 members.^{[9]: 17–8 [50]: 23} The Royal Band playedpraise songs and narrative songs, and could give cryptic advice or criticism to the currentLitunga.^{[9]: 17–8} Their instruments included thesilimba (agourd-resonatedxylophone),ng'oma drum, and two higher-pitched double-pegged drums. Lozi music genres includelisboma, considered to be the Lozi'snational music, andmakwasha, which is sung by everyone and played on akahanzi (lamellophone).^{[57]: 352, 395–6} The Luyana had two mainceremonial dances:Ngomalume (awar dance performed by men) andLiwale (performed by women), which were not accompanied by singing and were performed at royal events.^{[58][47]: 259}Ngomalume involves belly movement, and it was said that "no hungry man can dance [it] effectively". Other dances includedLiimba,Lishemba, andSipelu, all accompanied by singing and often drums, which were performed in the evening.Sipelu involves men and women in opposite lines, where only one or two pairs danced at a time.Siyemboka was introduced by the Mbunda and was performed at beer parties, festivals, ceremonies, and girls' initiations.^[58]

Lozi traditional religion involvesNyambe (also calledMulimu), royal and non-royalancestral spirits (balimu), andshadows/spirits (miluti). The two 'denominations' of Lozi religion, the Nyambecult and the institution of the Royal Graves (Litino), complemented each other (a third 'denomination' focussing onwitchcraft anddivination arrived later in the 19th century). Nyambe is regarded as theCreator andFirst Cause, and as beingomnipotent andomniscient, as indicated by several proverbs.^[ao] Tradition holds that Nyambe made thefirst man, Kamunu, who was punished by Nyambe every time he killed an animal. Eventually, Nyambe is driven up into heaven by humans' combativeness and intelligence (which they used to learn from him). After this, Nyambe was symbolised by the Sun, to which prayers were directed at sunrise. The act of paying homage was calledshoelala, whileritual sacrifice was calledsombo. The cult of Nyambe is thought to have originated in modern-dayKalabo District, where there is a hill namedlilunda la Nyambe ("the hill of Nyambe") that is believed to have been where Nyambe and his wife Nasilele lived, with other nearby landmarks also associated with the tradition. The Nyambe cult is found throughout the Plain, meaning the hill may have been acentre from which it spread; due to little knowledge of the hill throughout the Plain today, its sacredness would have faded over time, possibly because the later royal dynasty did not adhere to the cult.^{[18]: 95–100 [59]: 146}

Another tradition attributes the origin of the Royal Graves to the firstLitunga,Mboo, whose spirit is said to have chosen to move from his grave inIkatulamwa (his capital)^[26]: 124 toImwambo. Nyambe is still regarded as the Creator, but the royals are the first people. In this 'denomination', prayers and sacrifices are aimed towards the spirits of deceasedLitunga rather than Nyambe (see§ Ideology of kingship). Ancestral spirits were believed to be able to influence and affect the present. The first reference in tradition to sacrifices being devoted to the ancestralLitunga is duringNgombala's reign (the 6thLitunga). Ancestors of non-royals played a similar role at the familial level and were worshiped during family crises or to improve health, prosperity, and fortune. Failure to care for them was believed to cause illness or misfortune.^{[18]: 96–100}

Witchcraft, divination, andtraditional medicine were popularised among the Lozi during their time in exile after theKololo conquest in the mid-19th century, where they were separated from their sacred sites and came into close contact with theMbunda andLuvale, who dealt in these practices.Mutumba Mainga says that witchcraft and divination "may be described as a denial, rather than a form, of religion", as they reject sacredness and worship.Monica Wilson wrote that witchcraft was the inversion of accepted behavioural norms, and the "wilful misdirection of the mystical powers" innate to each person. In this 'denomination', misfortune, illness, and death were attributed to witchcraft andsorcery performed by people, and divination sought to identify and cleanse these people and to give insight into the future, serving to give adherents control over their lives.Healers (naka) and witches (muloi) were differentiated by their motives and intent.^{[26]: 115 [59]: 147–8 [18]: 97–102}

The followingregnal list is largely taken fromAfrican States and Rulers, 3rd ed. (2006).^[60]: 27 The locations of the Royal Graves (Litino,sg.Sitino) are largely derived fromAdolphe Jalla'sLitaba za Sicaba sa Malozi ("History of the Lozi Nation"), first published in 1909 or 1910.^[13]: 209

The following is a list of holders of theNalolo 'southern kingship' (Lwambi) according to Lawrence Flint andMutumba Mainga.^[68]: 280

• Lozi Kingdom
• Lozi people
• History of Zambia
• Former British protectorates
• Former countries in Africa
• States and territories established in the 17th century
• States and territories disestablished in 1899
• Separatism in Africa
• Members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization
• States with limited recognition

• Articles containing Luyana-language text
• Articles containing Lozi-language text
• CS1 foreign language sources (ISO 639-2)
• Articles with short description
• Short description is different from Wikidata