^ In various local languages written inJawi script
^ Two-part plebiscite held in two dates. The first part held on January 21, 2019, was for the ratification of theBangsamoro Organic Law, the charter legislation of the region while the second part was to determine the final possible expanded scope of the region's territory. January 21, 2019, is recognized as the "Bangsamoro Foundation Day" as per the Bangsamoro Administrative Code.[4]^ Effective dissolution of the predecessor autonomous region,Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and turnover of governance to the interim body,Bangsamoro Transition Authority.
^ The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) used the scope of the formerAutonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao as its geographic reference for the 2020 census when it was released on July 7, 2021. Cotabato City and the Special Geographic Area were then not included its population count for Bangsamoro. Statistics for said localities were included in the PSA's count forSoccsksargen.[5][6] On November 9, 2021, as per PSA Board Resolution No. 13 Series of 2021, Cotabato City and the Special Geographic Area were included in its population count for Bangsamoro and removed from Soccsksargen.[7][8] Figures still includeSulu which was excluded from the region in 2024.
Bangsamoro, officially theBangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM;Filipino:Rehiyong Awtonomo ng Bangsamoro sa Muslim Mindanao;Arabic:منطقة باڠسامورو ذاتية الحكم في مينداناو المسلمة,romanized: Minṭaqah Banjisāmūrū dhātiyyah al-ḥukm), is anautonomous region in thePhilippines, located in the southwestern portion of the island ofMindanao.
The establishment of Bangsamoro was the culmination of several years of peace talks between thePhilippine government and several autonomist groups; in particular theMoro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which rejected the validity of the ARMM and called for the creation of a region with more powers devolved from the national government. A framework agreement known as theComprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro was negotiated between the national government and the MILF in 2014. After continued negotiations and debates over certain provisions, the Congress of the Philippines created and ratified a basic law for the region, now referred to as theBangsamoro Organic Law; the bill was signed into law on July 26, 2018.
Despite questions on the region's constitutionality, as it would have adopted aparliamentary system in an area of a country with apresidential system of government, no judicial ruling was made against the organic law and consequently a two-partplebiscite was held: one by ARMM citizens determining whether to dissolve the ARMM and immediately replace it with the Bangsamoro and, following the approval on the first part,[9][10][11] a second part taken by neighboring municipalities and barangays in the provinces of Lanao del Norte and Cotabato regarding their cession to the Bangsamoro region.[12][13][14][15] As a result of the second part of the plebiscite, 63 barangays of Cotabato province were handed over to the Bangsamoro government, adding to the autonomous region's territory.[16][12]
On September 9, 2024, theSupreme Court of the Philippines, voting unanimously, mostly upheld the constitutionality of the Bangsamoro Organic Law but declared the province ofSulu to not be part of the autonomous region because of its simple majority vote against its inclusion therein during the2019 Bangsamoro autonomy plebiscite.[18]
The recently coined term Bangsamoro is derived from theOld Malay wordbangsa ("race" or "nation") andMoro (the collective term for the various predominantly Muslim ethnic groups in the Philippines, from Spanishmoro, "Moor"[19]).
Approximate historical extent of the Muslim sultanates ofSulu,Maguindanao and Lanao
For the most part of Philippines' history, the region and most ofMindanao have been a separate territory, which enabled it to develop its own culture and identity. The westernmost and west-central areas have been the traditional homeland ofMuslim Filipinos since the 15th century, even before the arrival of the Spanish, who began to colonize most of the Philippines in 1565. Majority of Mindanao was the homeland of indigenousLumad groups, who were neitherChristians norMuslims.
Muslimmerchant arrived inTawi-Tawi in 1380 and started doing business while also preaching Islam teaching to the native of the area which led to the conversion of the native population toIslam. In 1457, theSultanate of Sulu was founded, and not long after that, the sultanates ofMaguindanao andBuayan were also established. At the time when most of the Philippines was underSpanish rule, these sultanates maintained their independence and regularly challenged Spanish domination of the Philippines by conducting raids on Spanish coastal towns in the north and repulsing repeated Spanish incursions in their territory. It was not until the last quarter of the 19th century that the Sultanate of Sulu formally recognized Spanishsuzerainty, but these areas remained loosely controlled by the Spanish as their sovereignty was limited to military stations and garrisons and pockets of civilian settlements inZamboanga andCotabato,[20] until they had to abandon the region as a consequence of their defeat in theSpanish–American War.
TheMoros had a history of resistance against Spanish, American, and Japanese rule for over 400 years. The violent armed struggle against theJapanese,Filipinos,Spanish, andAmericans is considered by modern Moro Muslim leaders as part of the four centuries long "national liberation movement" of the Bangsamoro (Moro Nation), although the term is only used in mainland Mindanao as those in theSulu archipelago had a much distinct culture.[21] The 400-year-long resistance against the Japanese, Americans, and Spanish by the Moro Muslims persisted and morphed into a war for independence against the Philippine state.[22]
The Filipinos in the northern and central Philippines either volunteered or were forced to surrender the existing city-states to become a part of the Spanish regime except for the islands occupied by the Muslims in the southern Philippines. The three-century rule of the Spaniards did not result in the full conquest of the archipelago due to the resistance of the Moros. The violence and brutality of the Spaniards in their attempts to suppress the Moro groups have resulted in killing numerous families and setting villages on fire.[23]
The United States'Insular Government of the Philippine Islands had only been in existence for two years in 1903 when it initiated the "Homestead Program," which was meant to encourage migration of landless populations from non-Muslim areas of the country into the Muslim-majority areas in Mindanao.Lanao andCotabato in particular saw an influx of migrants fromLuzon andVisayas. This influx of migrants led to tensions about land ownership and disenfranchisement of Lumads and Muslims, because the mostly-Christian migrants established claims on the land, whereas the native peoples of Mindanao didn't have a land titling system in place at the time. This US-ledHomestead Program, which was later continued or copied by Philippine administrations after independence, is therefore often cited as one of the root-causes of what would later become the largerMoro conflict.[24]
Three years later, in 1945, combinedUnited States andPhilippine Commonwealth Army troopsliberated Mindanao, and with the help of local guerrilla units, ultimately defeated the Japanese forces occupying the region.
Under pressure to resolve agrarian unrest in various parts of the country and noting that Mindanao was rich in mineral resources and weather favorable to agriculture, later Philippine presidents continued the promotion of migration which the American colonial government began in 1903. Massive arrivals of non-Muslim migrants happened particularly during the Commonwealth period under PresidentManuel Quezon and later underright-wing presidentsRamon Magsaysay andFerdinand Marcos.[25] As a result, the proportion of indigenous peoples in Mindanao to shrink from majority in 1913 to minority by 1976.[25] The best lands in Mindanao were given to settlers and owners of corporate agriculture, while most development investments and government services were offered to the Christian population. This caused the Muslim population to be backward and rank among the poorest in their own country.[26] The resettlement programme was not entirely peaceful as some settlers managed to obtain land from the native Muslims through harassment and other violent efforts which drove the Muslims out of their own lands.[27]
The Muslims felt alienated by the Philippine government and felt threatened by the migrants' economic and political domination in their own homeland, the same way the Lumads were displaced centuries ago when Islam arrived in the Philippines. Some Muslim groups turned to extortion and violence to protect their land and avoid being displaced. These activities prevented the Muslims from easily integrating with the rest of the country.[28]
The Philippine government did not immediately recognize Islamic laws which resulted in the system of education and the socioeconomic development of the Muslims. Children studying in public schools were forced to learn about Christianity while the Bangsamoros struggled with their economy, land, and ownership, and the persistence of hostile and unjust actions compared to the Christian communities in Mindanao.[23]
As an effect of the resettlement, traditional Muslim leaders (also referred asdatu) were also voted out during the polls as Christians, who made up a significant majority of the voters, preferred the Christian politicians over them. These localdatus suffered a loss in prestige as they could no longer control the Muslim lands.[29] These politicians lost much of the capabilities they had possessed initially to manage the Muslim populace.[30]
In March 1968, fishermen inManila Bay rescued a Muslim man named Jibin Arula from the waters. They discovered that he had suffered from gunshot wounds, and he later recounted that he was the lone survivor of what would later be termed the "Jabidah Massacre."[27][31]
According to Jibin Arula's account, theMarcos administration had gathered a group ofTausūg recruits for an operation called "Project Merdeka" (merdeka being the Malay "freedom"). The military began training them on the island ofCorregidor to form a secretcommando unit calledJabidah, which would destabilize and take overSabah.[32] The trainees eventually rejected their mission, for reasons that are still debated by historians today. Jibin Arula said that whatever the reasons behind their objections, all of the recruits aside from him were killed, and he escaped only by pretending to be dead.[31] Marcos loyalistJuan Ponce Enrile, who served asJustice Secretary andDefense Minister during theMarcos administration, claimed this was a hoax, which was reputed asfake news and an attempt "absolve him (Enrile) of his crimes as the architect of martial law".[33][34][35]
In Lanao del Sur, Domocao Alonto established the Ansar El Islam (Helpers of Islam) along withSayyid Sharif Capt. Kalingalan Caluang,Rashid Lucman, Salipada Pendatun, Hamid Kamlian, Udtog Matalam, and Atty. Macapantun Abbas Jr. Accordingly, "it is a mass movement for the preservation and development of Islam in the Philippines".[36] The advocacy of Ansar El Islam would, later on, inspire the creation of theMoro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the MILF.
ThenLanao del Sur congressmanRashid Lucman called forCongress to begin proceedings toimpeach President Marcos after the exposé implied that Marcos was ultimately responsible for the massacre.[37] When his proposal didn't get enough congressional support, he became convinced that Muslims should rule themselves in Muslim Mindanao - a conviction which led him to eventually establish the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO),[38] which later joined forces with theMoro National Liberation Front (MNLF).[37]
Cotabato governor Datu Udtog Matalam[39] saw the anger of the Muslim people of Mindanao and established theMuslim Independence Movement (MIM), which openly called for thesecession of the region to create a Muslim state.[40] The MIM did not last long because Datu Udtog Matalam negotiated with Marcos and accepted a post in his cabinet, but many of its members broke away and became the main force of the MNLF.[41]
On September 23, 1972, Ferdinand Marcos announced that he had placed the entirety of the Philippines, including Muslim Mindanao, undermartial law. During this tumultuous period, relationships and alliances played a critical role in shaping the events. Tun Mustapha, then Chief Minister of Sabah, shared a common lineage with Sayyid Capt. Kalingalan “Apuh Inggal” Caluang, both tracing their ancestry back to the Sultans of Sulu. This shared heritage fostered a close bond between the two leaders, promoting goodwill and cooperation between their respective territories. With Tun Mustapha's support, the first cadre of MNLF fighters, including figures like Al Hussein Caluang, received training in Sabah after their time in Luuk, Sulu (now known as Kalingalan Caluang). While Datu Udtog Matalam's MIM was already defunct, one of its former members,Nur Misuari, established the MNLF a month after the declaration of Martial Law, on October 21, 1972.[41]
Proclamation 1081 dissolved the various political groups that had been previously established in the Moro provinces, and with the MIM having already been dissolved, Marcos' declaration of martial law effectively assured the MNLF, which was moreradical than its predecessors, would come to dominate the Moroseparatist movement.[42]
On December 23, 1976, theTripoli Agreement was signed between the Philippine government and theMNLF with the deal brokered by then-Libyan leaderMuammar Gaddafi. Under a deal an autonomous region was to be created in Mindanao.[43]
Marcos would later implement the agreement by creating two regional autonomous governments, rather than one, in Regions 9 and 12,[43] which cover ten (instead of thirteen) provinces. This led to the collapse of the peace pact and the resumption of hostilities between the MNLF andPhilippine government forces.[44][45]
In signing the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, however, Misuari did not consult one of the MNLF's key commanders,Salamat Hashim. Salamat formed asplinter faction along with 57 other MNLF ground commanders, which then became theMoro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).[46]
A year after Marcos was ousted from power during thePeople Power Revolution, the government under PresidentCorazon Aquino signed the 1987Jeddah Accord inSaudi Arabia with the MNLF, agreeing to hold further discussions on the proposal for autonomy to the entirety of Mindanao and not just the thirteen provinces stated in the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. In 1989, however, an act establishing theAutonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was passed. The MNLF demanded that the thirteen Tripoli Agreement provinces, majority of which were Christian provinces, be included in the ARMM, but the government refused; eight of those provinces were predominantlyChristian. Shortly thereafter, the government held only four provinces as onlyLanao del Sur,Maguindanao,Sulu andTawi-tawi voted to be included in the ARMM. The four provinces were the only Muslim-majority provinces at the time.[45]
Aplebiscite was held in 1989 for the ratification of the charter which created theAutonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), with Zacaria Candao, a counsel of the MNLF as the first elected regional governor. On September 2, 1996, a finalpeace deal was signed between the MNLF and the Philippine government under PresidentFidel Ramos. MNLF leader and founderNur Misuari was elected regional governor three days after the agreement.[43] Anotherplebiscite was held in 2001 for the expansion of the region, with the city ofMarawi and the province ofBasilan (excludingIsabela) joining the region.
In 1996, peace talks between the Philippine government and MNLF's rival group, the MILF, began.[43] The first deal between the national government and the MILF was made in 2008: the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD). The agreement would be declaredunconstitutional by theSupreme Court many weeks later.[43] The deal would have led to the creation of theBangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE). Under the administration of PresidentBenigno Aquino III, two deals were agreed upon between the national government and the MILF: theFramework Agreement on the Bangsamoro, which was signed on October 15, 2012, and theComprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, on March 27, 2014,[47][48] which included plans regarding the establishment of a new autonomous region. In 2012, Aquino announced intentions to establish a new autonomous political entity to be namedBangsamoro to replace theARMM, which he called a "failed experiment".[49] Under his administration, a draft for a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) was formulated but failed to gain traction to become law, owing in part to theMamasapano clash that occurred in January 2015[43] that involved the murder of 44 mostly-ChristianSpecial Action Force (SAF) personnel by allegedly combined forces of the MILF and theBangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) after an operation to kill Malaysian militantZulkifli Abdhir, known by the alias "Marwan".[50]
Voters look for their names at a precinct inMarawi during the January 21 BOL plebiscite.
Under the presidency of Aquino's successor,Rodrigo Duterte, a new draft for the BBL was made and became legislated into law as theBangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) in 2018.[43] Aplebiscite to ratify the BOL was held on January 21, 2019, with a majority of ARMM voters deciding for the ratification of the law. Voters inCotabato City voted to join the new autonomous region, while voters inIsabela City voted against inclusion. TheCommission on Elections proclaimed that the BOL was "deemed ratified" on January 25, 2019.[51][52] The provincial government ofSulu, where majority voted against inclusion, was also not in favor of the law, with its governor challenging theconstitutionality of the law before theSupreme Court. Despite voting against inclusion, Sulu was still included in the Bangsamoro region due to rules stated in the BOL, sparking outrage from residents.[53][54]
In February 2019, the second round of the plebiscite was held in the province ofLanao del Norte and some towns inNorth Cotabato. The plebiscite resulted in the inclusion of 63 of 67barangays in North Cotabato that participated. It also resulted in the rejection from the province of Lanao del Norte against the bid of six of its Muslim-majority towns to join the Bangsamoro, despite the six towns (Baloi,Munai,Nunungan,Pantar,Tagoloan andTangcal) opting to join the Bangsamoro by a sheer majority, with one town even voting for inclusion by 100%. A major camp of the MILF was within the Muslim areas of Lanao del Norte.[55][56]
With the ratification of the BOL following the plebiscite on January 21, 2019, the abolition process of the ARMM began, paving way for the setting up of the Bangsamoro autonomous region. Under the BOL, a transitional body, theBangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), was organized pending the election of the new region's government officials in 2022. The second part of the plebiscite held on February 6, 2019, expanded the scope of the future Bangsamoro region to include 63 barangays in North Cotabato.[57] The members of the BTA took their oaths on February 22, 2019, along with the ceremonial confirmation of the plebiscite results of both the January 21, and February 6, 2019, votes. The official turnover from the ARMM to BARMM took place on February 26, 2019, which meant the full abolition of the former.[58][59]
The inauguration of BARMM and the inaugural session of the Bangsamoro Parliament took place on March 29, 2019.[60]
In 2020, the Bangsamoro parliament requested that the BTA be extended for an additional three years past 2022, to allow further time for the transition.[62]
On October 28, 2021, Duterte signed Republic Act No. 11593, postponing BARMM's first regular parliamentary elections from 2022 to 2025. The law also extended the transition period of the Bangsamoro until 2025.[63]
On September 9, 2024, theSupreme Court ruled against the constitutionality of the inclusion ofSulu in BARMM due to the simple majority of residents voting against the province's inclusion in the region during the2019 Bangsamoro autonomy plebiscite.[65] The status of which administrative region Sulu belongs to is unclear although theCommission on Electionsen banc had the consensus that Sulu should revert to theZamboanga Peninsula, the region it belonged to prior its inclusion in the ARMM back in 1989.[66][67][68]
Bangsamoro consists of five provinces, threecomponentcities, 116municipalities, and 2,490barangays. The city ofIsabela, despite being part ofBasilan, is not under the administrative jurisdiction of the autonomous region. Likewise, 63 barangays inNorth Cotabato also are part of Bangsamoro as theSpecial Geographic Area (SGA), despite North Cotabato and their respective parent municipalities not being under the administrative jurisdiction of the autonomous region.[69] The barangays were reconstituted into eight municipalities following aplebiscite on April 13, 2024.[70]
AdditionallySulu province wasde facto part of Bangsamoro from 2019 to 2024.
Figures for Basilan exclude thecomponent city ofIsabela, which is under the administration ofRegion IX.
Figures for Maguindanao del Norte include theindependent component city ofCotabato.
† 63 barangays of Cotabato province are part of the region.
^A The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) used the scope of the formerAutonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao as its geographic reference for the 2020 census when it was released on July 7, 2021. Cotabato City and the Special Geographic Area were then not included its population count for Bangsamoro. Statistics for said localities were included in the PSA's count forSoccsksargen.[5][6] On November 9, 2021, as per PSA Board Resolution No. 13 Series of 2021, Cotabato City and the Special Geographic Area were included in its population count for Bangsamoro and removed from Soccsksargen.[7][8]
As per the organic law, the people "at the advent of theSpanish colonization, were considered natives or original inhabitants ofMindanao and theSulu archipelago and its adjacent islands, shall have the right to identify themselves, their spouses and descendants" as part of the Bangsamoro people.[72]
There are two other main minority groups which lives in the region among the Moros; theLumad and the settler communities. There are five main groups under the Lumads, the largest of which are theTeduray.[72] The settlers are primarily Christian which includes various ethnic groups such as theTagalog, theIlocanos, theVisayans, theZamboangueños, and theChinese.[72][74]
The Moro and Lumad speak their native languages. Non-native languages spoken areIlocano,Chabacano,Hiligaynon,Cebuano, andTagalog, of which the latter two serve aslingua francas. This is the case for Cebuano because of the mass arrival of Cebuano settlers to Mindanao. Tausug are at ease in speaking Cebuano, because both Tausug and Cebuano areVisayan languages. Chabacano may be the lingua franca of the natives in Sulu Archipelago, along with Tagalog, but it is the main lingua franca in Basilan. Many locals and barter traders in Sulu Archipelago can also speakSabah Malay. See also:Malay language in the Philippines
Between the ratification of the BOL and the inauguration of its first permanent government in 2025, the BTA will head the region. After the ratification of the BOL, theBangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC) begins to transition the ARMM into the BARMM.
The regional government is headed by achief minister. Murad Ebrahim is the current chief minister, who was appointed by the former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte, on an interim basis. The interim chief minister is also the head of the BTA, which also serves the function of serving as the transitional Bangsamoro Parliament.
Once the first regular session of the Bangsamoro Parliament is organized come 2025, the chief minister will be elected by the members of the Bangsamoro Parliament from the majority party or coalition holding the most seats won. The chief minister of the Bangsamoro is the chief executive of the regional government and is assisted by a cabinet having a minimum of 10 ministers and two deputy chief ministers. The holder of this position appoints the members of the cabinet, subject to confirmation by Parliament. The chief minister has control of all the regional executive commissions, agencies, boards, bureaus, and offices.
Cabinet TheBangsamoro Cabinet is composed of twodeputy chief ministers and ministers, all appointed among members of the parliament. The deputy chief ministers are selected through nomination of the chief minister and are elected by the members of the Parliament. The ministers in the cabinet on their part are appointed by the chief minister.[81]
Council of Leaders TheCouncil of Leaders advises the chief minister on matters of governance of the autonomous region. It is roughly an equivalent of an unelectedSenate, though only advisory, withoutlegislative powers, and not part of the Parliament.[81]
Under the BOL, theBangsamoro Parliament serves as the legislature of the autonomous region, mandated to have 80 deputies and is led by thespeaker. Thewa'lī, a ceremonial head, could dissolve the parliament at his discretion.
Regionalordinances are created by the Bangsamoro Parliament, composed of members of Parliament. Members are meant to be elected by direct vote. Regional elections are planned to be held one year aftergeneral elections (national and local) depending on legislation from Congress. The first Bangsamoro regional elections are to be held in 2025. Regional officials have a fixed term of three years, which can be extended by an act of Congress.
Under the BOL, the BTA was organized as a transitional body pending the election of the new region's government officials in 2025, with the first regularsession of the parliament to be held in 2025 following the elections.[citation needed]
The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region has its own regional justice system which appliesShari'ah to its residents like its predecessor, the ARMM. Unlike its predecessor though, the BOL, which became effective as of August 10, 2018,[82] has a provision for the creation of a Shari'ah High Court, which, if and when realized, would consist of five justices including a presiding justice and would overseeappellate courts,district courts, andcircuit courts. Non-Muslims could also volunteer to submit themselves under the jurisdiction of Shari'ah law. The Bangsamoro justice system also recognizes traditional or tribal laws but these would only apply to disputes ofindigenous peoples within the region.[83]
The Bangsamoro Organic Law provides that BARMM "shall remain an integral and inseparable part of the national territory of the Republic." The Philippine president exercises general supervision over the regional chief minister. The regional government has fiscal autonomy or the power to create its own sources of revenues and to levy taxes, fees, and charges, subject to Constitutional provisions and the provisions ofRepublic Act 11054. The regional government has to gain approval from the central government'sDepartment of Finance to receive donations and grants from foreign entities.[84]
Before the various successes in the Bangsamoro peace processes, economic development in the region had been described as seeing "decades of sluggish economic growth,"[93] with much economic activity coming from the informal sector - effectively "shadow economies" which were identified as drivers of conflict.[94]
Three years after the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro and in anticipation of the passage of the Bangsamoro Organic Law, economic growth in the Bangsamoro began to see rapid expansion beginning in 2017.[93]
In 2021, the BARMM recorded regional growth rate of 7.5%, exceeding its pre-pandemic gross domestic product levels, and making it the 2nd fastest growing region in the Philippines for that year.[95] That same year, thePhilippine Statistics Authority praised the region for its reduction in poverty incidence citing a 17.4 percent reduction among Philippine regions. The PSA noted that infrastructure projects and peace deals had a significant impact.[96]
TheShariff Kabunsuan Cultural ComplexTausug dancersGuinakit Fluvial Parade as part of the Shariff Kabunsuan Festival celebrations.Kuyog Street Dancing Competition, Cotabato City
The people of the Bangsamoro region, including Muslims,Lumads, and Christians, have a culture that revolves aroundkulintang music, a specific type of gong music, found among both Muslim and non-Muslim groups of the Southern Philippines. Each ethnic group in BARMM also has their own distinct architectures, intangible heritage, and craft arts.[97][98] A fine example of a distinct architectural style in the region is the Royal Sulu architecture which was used to make theDaru Jambangan (Palace of Flowers) inMaimbung, Sulu. The palace was demolished during theAmerican period after being heavily damaged by atyphoon in 1932, and was never rebuilt.[99][100] It used to be the largest royal palace built in the Philippines. A campaign to faithfully re-establish it in Maimbung town has been ongoing since 1933. A very small replica of the palace was made in a nearby town in the 2010s, but it was noted that the replica does not mean that the campaign to reconstruct the palace in Maimbung has stopped as the replica does not manifest the true essence of a Sulu royal palace. In 2013, Maimbung was designated as the royal capital of the formerSultanate of Sulu by one of the family claimants to the Sulu Sultanate throne where the pretenders are buried there.[clarification needed][101][102]
The region possesses a vast array of natural landscapes and seascapes with different types of environs. The mainland area includes theLiguasan Marsh, a proposed UNESCO tentative site, andLake Lanao, one of the 17 most ancient lakes in the world. The Sulu archipelago region includes theTurtle Islands Wildlife Sanctuary (aUNESCO tentative site),Bongao Peak, and the Basilan Rainforest.
Ahod "Kagi Murad" B. Ebrahim – Chairman of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, Chief Minister of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and Party President of United Bangsamoro Justice Party
Mujiv Sabbihi Hataman – former Anak Mindanao Party-list Representative and Regional Governor (Officer-in-Charge) of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) from December 2011 until June 2013, appointed by Philippine PresidentBenigno S. Aquino III, after regular elections in August 2011 were postponed to coincide with theSynchronized National and Local elections of May 2013.
Abdulgani A. Salapuddin – former MNLF[clarification needed] commander, schooled at theSorbonne University in Paris, France, became three-term governor, then three-term congressman, the last two times as the elected Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Orlando Quevedo – Cardinal of the Catholic Church, Archbishop of Cotabato
^The seat of government as defined by theBangsamoro Organic Law. The recognized seat from Bangsamoro's establishment in 2019[1] until it was moved to Parang inMaguindanao (now Maguindanao del Norte) in 2023. The regional government stillde facto exercise power from theBangsamoro Government Center in Cotabato City.
^Thede jure seat of government since mid-2023 as per Bangsamoro Autonomy Act No. 37.[2] However the regional government has yet to establish a physical government center in the municipality which shall be done in a gradual basis.
^Ainee Sinsuat claims governorship. Macacua is the recognized governor of the province by the Bangsamoro government
^"Bangsamoro Autonomy Act No. 13"(PDF). Bangsamoro Parliament. RetrievedFebruary 24, 2021.The seat of the Bangsamoro Government shall be in Cotabato City, unless otherwise provided by the Bangsamoro Parliament in a subsequent law.[permanent dead link]
^Ul Khaliq, Riyaz (January 18, 2021)."Philippines: Bangsamoro begins anniversary celebrations". Anadolu Agency. RetrievedFebruary 24, 2021.Last year, the BARMM passed the Bangsamoro Administrative Code, which marks January 21 as the Bangsamoro Foundation Day and declared it a non-working holiday.
^Kapahi, Anushka D.; Tañada, Gabrielle (2018). "The Bangsamoro Identity Struggle and the Bangsamoro Basic Law as the Path to Peace".Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses.10 (7):1–7.JSTOR26458484.
^abWerning, Rainer (2009). "Southern Philippines: Bitter Legacies of a Long-Lasting War". In Graf, Arndt; Kreuzer, Peter; Werning, Rainer (eds.).Conflict in Moro Land: Prospects for Peace?. Universiti Sains Malaysia. pp. 6–8.
^Rodell, Paul A. (2005). "The Philippines and the Challenges of International Terrorism". In Smith, Paul J. (ed.).Terrorism and Violence in Southeast Asia: Transnational Challenges to States and Regional Stability. M. E. Sharpe. pp. 125–127.
^abMuslim, Macapado A. (1994).The Moro Armed Struggle in the Philippines: The Nonviolent Autonomy Alternative. Office of the President and College of Public Affairs, Mindanao State University. pp. 91–93.
^Wurfel, David (1988). Kahin, George McT. (ed.).Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 31.
^Rüland, Jürgen (2006). "Ethnic Conflict, Separatism and Terrorism". In Hoadley, Stephen; Rüland, Jürgen (eds.).Asian Security Reassessed. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 233.
^McKenna, Thomas M. (1988).Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines. University of California Press. p. 137.
^Alonto, Rowena (2009). 13 Stories of Islamic Leadership vol 1 (PDF). Asian Institute of Management – Team Energy Center for Bridging Societal Divides. p. 26.
^George, T. J. S. (1980).Revolt in Mindanao: The Rise of Islam in Philippine Politics. Oxford University Press. pp. 130–134.
^Majul, Cesar A. (1985).The Contemporary Muslim Movement in the Philippines. Mizan Press. p. 45.
^abYegar, Moshe (2002).Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand and Western Burma/Myanmar. Lexington Books. pp. 267–268.
^Depasupil, William (September 13, 2024)."Comelec to place Sulu in Region 9".The Manila Times. RetrievedSeptember 13, 2024.Theleaning of the Commission en banc is to include itfor this [2025] election in Region 9,
^Umel, Richel; Dela Cruz, Sheila Mae (September 13, 2024)."BARMM execs seek help to deal with Sulu's exit".INQUIRER.net. RetrievedSeptember 13, 2024.Another [issue] is to which administrative region Sulu will belong to. The nearest to it is the Zamboanga Peninsula (Region 9), to which Lamitan City in Basilan, which is not part of the BARMM, belongs.
^"Environment and Natural Resources"(PDF).Bangsamoro Development Plan Integrative Report. Bangsamoro Development Agency. 2015. Archived from the original on March 4, 2016. RetrievedMay 31, 2016.
^Quintos, Patrick (January 25, 2019)."After Bangsamoro Organic Law is ratified, now comes the hard part".ABS-CBN News. RetrievedJanuary 26, 2019.The autonomous Bangsamoro government will be parliamentary-democratic, similar to the United Kingdom, and based on a political party system.
^"Culture and Identity"(PDF).Bangsamoro Development Plan Integrative Report. Bangsamoro Development Agency. 2015. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on August 8, 2017. RetrievedMay 31, 2016.