Paekche orBaekje[6] (Korean:백제;Hanja:百濟;RR:Baekje;MR:Paekche;pronounced[pɛk̚.tɕ͈e]) was a Korean kingdom located in southwesternKorea from 18 BCE[1] to 660 CE. It was one of theThree Kingdoms of Korea, together withGoguryeo andSilla. While the three kingdoms existed separately, Paekche had the largest population, at approximately 3,800,000 (760,000 households), which was much larger than that ofSilla (850,000 people) and comparable to that ofGoguryeo (3,500,000 people).[5]
Paekche was founded byOnjo, the third son of Goguryeo's founder,Donmeyong andSoseono, atWiryeseong (now southernSeoul). Paekche, like Goguryeo, claimed to succeedBuyeo, a state established inManchuria around the time ofOld Chosŏn's fall.
Paekche alternately battled and allied with Goguryeo and Silla as the three kingdoms expanded control over the peninsula. At its peak in the 4th century, Paekche controlled most of the western Korean peninsula, as far north asPyongyang, and may have even held territories inChina, such as in theLiaoxi Commandery, though this view is controversial. It became a significant regional sea power, with political and trade relations with China andJapan.
Paekche was a great maritime power;[7] its nautical skills, which made it thePhoenicia of East Asia, was instrumental in the dissemination ofBuddhism throughout East Asia and continental culture to Japan.[8][9]
The most common name used by most historians is Paekche (백제), meaning "hundred counties", but was originally founded by Onjo as 十濟, which figuratively means "tens of counties".[10] Only during the reign ofGeunchogo (肖古王) was it renamed as Paekche. It is also attested as 居陀羅 Kudara, meaning "great place", which could have been a possible endonym that was later on borrowed intoOld Japanese.[11][page needed]
Paekche was mainly composed of the indigenous populations of the previousMahan confederacy and the KoreanicYemaek people fromGoguryeo andBuyeo. In addition, smaller migrations happened via the inhabitants of theJin state and theLelang Commandery through trade and conquest, who were also admitted into the polities of Paekche.
According to theSamguk sagi, Paekche was founded in 18 BCE[1] byKing Onjo, who led a group of people from Goguryeo south to theHan basin.[12] Jumong had left his sonYuri in Buyeo when he left that kingdom to establish the new kingdom of Goguryeo. Jumong became King Dongmyeong, and had two more sons withSoseono, Onjo andBiryu. Upon Yuri's later arrival in Goguryeo, Jumong promptly appointed him crown prince. Realizing Yuri would become the next king, Soseono left Goguryeo, taking her two sons, Biryu and Onjo, south to found their own kingdoms with their people, along with ten vassals. She is remembered as a key figure in the founding of both Goguryeo and Paekche.
Biryu then approached his brother, Onjo, to request the throne of Shipje. When Onjo refused, Biryu declared war but lost. In shame, Biryu committed suicide, and his people moved to Wiryeseong, where King Onjo welcomed them and renamed his countryPaekche "Hundred Vassals".
King Onjo moved the capital from the south to the north bank of the Han River, then back to the south, likely all within present-day Seoul, under pressure from other Mahan states.King Gaeru is believed to have moved the capital north of the river toBukhansanseong in 132, probably in present-dayGoyang to the northwest of Seoul.
Through the early centuries of theCommon Era, sometimes called theProto–Three Kingdoms period, early Paekche gradually gained control over the other Mahan peoples.
The Paekche Kingdom, which initially belonged to theMahan confederacy, first integrated theHan River (Korea) basin area, then overthrew Mokji state (목지국;目支國), the dominant country, and then integrated Mahan as a territorial state.
During the reign ofKing Goi (234–286), Paekche became a full-fledged kingdom, as it continued consolidating the Mahan confederacy. In 249, according to the ancient Japanese textNihon Shoki, Paekche's expansion reached theGaya confederacy to its east, around theNakdong River valley. Paekche is first described in Chinese records as a kingdom in 345. The first diplomatic missions from Paekche reached Japan around 367 (According to theNihon Shoki: 247).
King Geunchogo (346–375) expanded Paekche's territory to the north through war againstGoguryeo, while annexing the remaining Mahan societies in the south. During Geunchogo's reign, the territories of Paekche included most of the westernKorean peninsula (except the twoPyeongan provinces), and in 371, Paekche defeated Goguryeo atPyongyang. Paekche continued substantial trade with Goguryeo, and actively adoptedChinese culture and technology.Buddhism was introduced and accepted in 384, though it was not until 528 thatKing Seong officially established Buddhism as the state religion.
Paekche also became a sea power and continued mutual goodwill relationships with theJapanese rulers of theKofun period, transmitting continental cultural influences to Japan. TheChinese writing system,Buddhism, advancedpottery, ceremonial burial, and other aspects of culture were introduced by aristocrats, artisans, scholars, and monks throughout their relationship.[13][14][15][16]
During this period, theHan River basin remained the heartland of the country.
In the 5th century, Paekche retreated under the southward military threat of Goguryeo, and in 475, the Seoul region fell to Goguryeo. Paekche's capital was located atUngjin (present-dayGongju) from 475 to 538.
Isolated in mountainous terrain, the new capital was secure against the north but also disconnected from the outside world. It was closer toSilla than Wiryeseong had been, however, and a military alliance was forged between Silla and Paekche against Goguryeo.
Most maps of the Three Kingdoms period show Paekche occupying theChungcheong andJeolla provinces, the core of the country in the Ungjin and Sabi periods.
Gilt-bronze Crown of Paekche from the Sinchon-ri tumulus
In 538,King Seong moved the capital toSabi (present-dayBuyeo County), and rebuilt his kingdom into a strong state. Temporarily, he changed the official name of the country as theNambuyeo (남부여;南扶餘;Korean pronunciation:[na̠m.pu.jʌ̹]; lit. "SouthernBuyeo"), a reference toBuyeo to which Paekche traced its origins. The Sabi period witnessed the flowering of Paekche culture, alongside the growth ofBuddhism.[17]
Under pressure fromGoguryeo to the north andSilla to the east, Seong sought to strengthen Paekche's relationship with China. The location of Sabi, on the navigableGeum River, made contact with China much easier, and both trade and diplomacy flourished during his reign and continuing on into the 7th century.
In the 7th century, with the growing influence of Silla in the southern and central Korean peninsula, Paekche began its decline.
In 660, the coalition troops of Silla andTang China attacked Paekche, which was then allied with Goguryeo. A heavily outmanned army led by GeneralGyebaek was defeated in the Battle ofHwangsanbeol near Nonsan. The capital Sabi fell almost immediately thereafter, resulting in the annexation of Paekche by Tang China.[18] Tang government set upUngjin Commandery for the purpose of governing the Paekche area.[19]King Uija and his sonBuyeo Yung were sent into exile in China while at least some of the ruling class fled toJapan. The fall of Sabi resulted in one of the infamous episodes in Korean history, as countless Paekche court ladies, concubines and women of the nobility committed suicide by jumping off a cliff near Sabi rather than be captured by the Silla-Tang Alliance. To memoralize this tragic event in history, a pavilion stands at the so-called "Rock of the Falling Flowers" commemorating Paekche's defeat and the suicide of the kingdom's court ladies and concubines who jumped off the cliff.[20]
Paekche forces attempted a brief restoration movement but faced Silla–Tang joint forces. A Buddhist monkDochim (도침;道琛) and the former Paekche generalBuyeo Boksin rose to try to revive Paekche. They welcomed the Paekche princeBuyeo Pung back from Japan to serve as king, with Juryu (주류, 周留, in modernSeocheon County,South Chungcheong) as their headquarters. They put the Tang general Liu Renyuan (劉仁願) under siege inSabi.Emperor Gaozong sent the generalLiu Rengui, who had previously been demoted to commoner rank for offending Li Yifu, with a relief force, and Liu Rengui and Liu Renyuan were able to fight off the Paekche resistance forces' attacks, but were themselves not strong enough to quell the rebellion, and so for some time the armies were in stalemate.
Paekche requested Japanese aid, and King Pung returned to Paekche with a contingent of 10,000 soldiers. Before the ships from Japan arrived, his forces battled a contingent of Tang forces in Ungjin County.[20]
In 663, Paekche revival forces and a Japanese naval fleet convened in southern Paekche to confront the Silla forces in theBattle of Baekgang. The Tang dynasty also sent 7,000 soldiers and 170 ships. After five naval confrontations, all of which the Silla-Tang joint fleet won, that took place in August 663 at Baekgang, considered the lower reaches ofGeum River orDongjin river, the Silla–Tang forces emerged victorious, and Buyeo Pung escaped to Goguryeo.[20]
The establishment of a centralized state in Paekche is usually traced to the reign ofKing Goi, who may have first establishedpatrilineal succession. Like mostmonarchies, a great deal of power was held by thearistocracy.King Seong, for example, strengthened royal power, but after he was slain in a disastrous campaign against Silla, the nobles took much of that power away from his son.
The ruler titles of Paekche were *eraγa (於羅瑕), mostly used by the nobility, and *k(j)ə-n kici (鞬吉支), as he would be called by the commoners. The queen consort was called *oluk (於陸) andpasɨkasɨ (벗〯갓) meaning "woman companion".[21]
TheHae clan and theJin clan were the representative royal houses who had considerable power from the early period of Paekche, and they produced many queens over several generations. TheHae clan was probably the royal house before the Buyeo clan replaced them, and both clans appear descended from the lineage ofBuyeo andGoguryeo. The "Great Eight Families" (Sa, Yeon, Hyeop, Hae,Jin, Guk, Mok, and Baek) were powerful nobles in theSabi era, recorded in Chinese records such asTongdian.
Central government officials were divided into sixteen ranks, the six members of the top rank forming a type of cabinet, with the top official being elected every three years. In theSol rank, the first (Jwapyeong) through the sixth (Naesol) officials were political, administrative, and military commanders. In theDeok rank, the seventh (Jangdeok) through the eleventh (Daedeok) officials may have headed each field.Mundok,Mudok,Jwagun,Jinmu andGeuku from the twelfth to the sixteenth, may have been military administrators.
According to theSamguk yusa,[22] during the Sabi period, the chief minister (Jaesang) of Paekche was chosen by a unique system. The names of several candidates were placed under a rock (Cheonjeongdae) near Hoamsa temple. After a few days, the rock was moved and the candidate whose name had a certain mark was chosen as the new chief minister. Whether this was a form ofselection by lot or a covert selection by the elite is not clear. This council was called theJeongsaamhoeui (政事巖會議, The council of rocks with state affairs).
The town leaders and its subjects participated in the military of Paekche on a local level, and loot and captives were distributed among them. The subjects usually worked in the supply division. The position of Jwajang led the military.[23] Geunchogo established the division of central military and local militaries. The people of Paekche usually served in the military for three years.[23] As Paekche entered the Sabi period, the military was divided into the royal private guard, the capital central military and the local military.[23] The royal private guard handled matters such as protecting the palace.[23] The weapons available to the soldiers were diverse.[23]
The first ever bone remains of Paekche people were found in the eungpyeongri tombs in buyeo, which made possible reconstructions of appearances of Paekche people possible, and the tombs seem to have no sign of being looted.[24]
Paekche was established by immigrants from Goguryeo who spoke what could be aBuyeo language, a hypothetical group linking the languages ofOld Chosŏn,Buyeo,Goguryeo, and Paekche. In a case ofdiglossia, the indigenousSamhan people, having migrated in an earlier wave from the same region, probably spoke a variety of the same language. Kōno Rokurō has argued that the kingdom of Paekche was bilingual, with the gentry speaking a Buyeo language and the common people aHan language.[25] A view was proposed byAlexander Vovin, who noted that Japonic languages were spoken in theTamna Kingdom on modern-dayJeju before the arrival of Koreanic, noting the presence of a Japonic substratum in theJeju language.[26][27][28]
Wooden tablets dated to the late Paekche era have been discovered by archaeologists, and some of them involve the rearrangement ofClassical Chinese words according to nativesyntax. From this data, the word order of Paekche appears to have been similar to that of Old Korean. However, no uncontroversial evidence of non-Chinese grammaticalmorphemes has been found.[29] Compared to Silla tablets, Paekche tablets are far more likely to employ conventional Classical Chinese syntax and vocabulary without any native influence.[30]Buddhism, a religion originating in what is nowIndia, was transmitted toKorea viaChina in the late 4th century.[31] TheSamguk yusa records the following 3 monks among first to bring theBuddhist teaching, orDharma, toKorea:Malananta (late 4th century) – anIndianBuddhist monk who brought Buddhism to Paekche in the southernKorea,Sundo – a Chinese Buddhist monk who brought Buddhism toGoguryeo in northern Korea andAdo monk who brought Buddhism toSilla in central Korea.[32]
Paekche artists adopted many Chinese influences and synthesized them into a unique artistic tradition. Buddhist themes are extremely strong in Paekche artwork. The beatificBaekje smile found on many Buddhist sculptures expresses the warmth typical of Paekche art.Taoist influences are also widespread. Chinese artisans were sent to the kingdom by theLiang dynasty in 541, and this may have given rise to an increased Chinese influence in the Sabi period.
Thetomb of King Muryeong (501–523), although modeled on Chinese brick tombs and yielding some imported Chinese objects, also contained many funerary objects of the Paekche tradition, such as the gold crown ornaments,gold belts, and gold earrings. Mortuary practices also followed the unique tradition of Paekche. This tomb is seen as a representative tomb of theUngjin period.
Delicate lotus designs of the roof-tiles, intricate brick patterns, curves of the pottery style, and flowing and elegant epitaph writing characterize Paekche culture. The Buddhist sculptures and refinedpagodas reflect religion-inspired creativity. A splendidgilt-bronze incense burner (백제금동대형노Baekje Geumdong Daehyeongno) excavated from an ancient Buddhist temple site at Neungsan-ri,Buyeo County, exemplifies Paekche art.
Little is known of Paekche music, but local musicians were sent with tribute missions to China in the 7th century, indicating that a distinctive musical tradition had developed by that time.
Paekche sent an envoy toNorthern Wei of Northern Dynasties for the first time in 472, andKing Gaero asked for military aid to attackGoguryeo. KingsMuryeong andSeong sent envoys toLiang several times and received titles of nobility.
Tomb of King Muryeong is built with bricks according with Liang's tomb style.
To confront the military pressure ofGoguryeo to its north andSilla to its east, Paekche (Kudara in Japanese) established close relations with Japan. According to the Korean chronicleSamguk sagi, Paekche and Silla sent some princes to the Japanese court as hostages.[33] Whether the princes sent to Japan should be interpreted as diplomats as part of an embassy or literalhostages is debated.[34] Due to the confusion on the exact nature of this relationship (the question of whether the Paekche Koreans were family or at least close to the Japanese Imperial line or whether they were hostages) and the fact that theNihon Shoki, a primary source of material for this relationship, is a compilation of myth, makes it difficult to evaluate. TheSamguk sagi, which also documents this, can also be interpreted in various ways and at any rate it was rewritten in the 13th century, easily seven or eight centuries after these particular events took place. Adding to the confusion is the discovery (in Japan) that the "Inariyama sword, as well as some other swords discovered in Japan, utilized the Korean 'Idu' system of writing". The swords "originated in Paekche and that the kings named in their inscriptions represent Paekche kings rather than Japanese kings".[34] The techniques for making these swords were the apparently similar to styles from Korea, specifically from Paekche.[citation needed] In Japan, the hostage interpretation is dominant.[citation needed]
Other historians, such as those who collaborated on 'Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan' and Jonathan W. Best, who helped translate what was left of the Paekche annals,[35] have noted that these princes set up schools in Yamato Japan and took control of the Japanese naval forces during the war with Goguryeo, taking this as evidence of them being more along the lines of diplomats with some kind of familial tie to the Japanese imperial family and as evidence against any hostage status.
As is with many long-histories and competing records, very little can be definitively concluded. Further research has been difficult, in part due to the 1976 restriction on the study of royal tombs in Japan (to include tombs such as the Gosashi tomb, which is allegedly the resting place ofEmpress Jingū). Prior to 1976, foreign researchers did have access, and some found Korean artifacts in Japanese dig sites. Recently in 2008, Japan has allowed controlled limited access to foreign archaeologists, but the international community still has many unanswered questions.National Geographic has written that Japan "the agency has kept access to the tombs restricted, prompting rumors that officials fear excavation would reveal bloodline links between the "pure" imperial family and Korea – or that some tombs hold no royal remains at all."[36]
Guze Kannon is a buddhist statue made in the image of King Seong[note 1] in the Korean style.[37] The statue, originally come from Paekche,[38] is kept in the Dream Hall at the Japanese templeHōryū-ji.
In any case, these Koreans, diplomats and royal relatives or not, brought to Japan knowledge of the Chinese writing system, Buddhism, iron processing for weapons, and various other technologies.[13][14][15][16][39] In exchange, Japan provided military support.[40]
According to mythical accounts in the controversialNihon Shoki,Empress Jingū extracted tribute and pledges of allegiance from the kings of Paekche,Silla, andGoguryeo. At the height ofJapanese nationalism in the early 20th century, Japanese historians used these mythical accounts along with a passage in theGwanggaeto Stele to establish ideological rationale to the imperialist outcry for invasion of Korea.[41][42] Other historians have pointed out that there is no evidence of this Japanese account in any part of Korea, in addition to not being in any viable text in China or Korea.[43][44] Regarding the Gwanggaeto Stele, because the lack of syntax and punctuation the text can be interpreted 4 different ways.[34][45] Due to this problem in interpretation, nothing can be concluded. Also complicating the matter is that in theNihongi a Korean namedAmenohiboko is described inNihon Shoki as a maternal predecessor of Tajima-no-morosuku (但馬諸助),[46] This is highly inconsistent and difficult to interpret correctly.
Scholars believe that theNihon Shoki gives the invasion date of Silla and Paekche as the late 4th century. However, by this time, Japan was a confederation of local tribes without sophisticated iron weapons, while the Three Kingdoms of Korea were fully developed centralized powers with modern iron weapons and were already utilizing horses for warfare. It is very unlikely that a developing state such as Yamato had the capacity to cross the sea and engage in battles with Paekche and Silla.[41][47][48] TheNihon Shoki is widely regarded to be an unreliable and biased source of information on early relations with Korea, as it mixes heavy amounts of supposition and legend with facts.[49][50][51]
Some Japanese scholars interpret theGwanggaeto Stele, erected in 414 byKing Jangsu ofGoguryeo, as describing a Japanese invasion in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula. However, Mohan claims that Goguryeo fabricated the Japanese invasion in order to justify its conquest of Paekche.[41] If this stele was a dedication to a Korean king, it can be argued that it would logically highlight Korea's conquests and not dedicate it to a strange incident regarding Japan. In any case, because of these various possible interpretations, the circumstances surrounding the stele are still highly debated and inconclusive.
Chinese scholars participated in the study of the Stele during the 1980s. Wang Jianqun interviewed local farmers and decided that no intentional fabrication occurred, adding that the lime on the Stele was pasted by local copy-making workers to enhance readability.[52] Xu Jianxin of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences discovered the earliest rubbed copy which was made before 1881. He also concluded that there was no evidence the Japanese had intentionally damaged any of the characters on the Stele.[53]
Today, most Chinese and Japanese scholars contradict the conspiracy theories, based on the study of the Stele itself and advocate Japanese intervention in the era,[53][54][55] although its size and effect are disputed.
In the project of writing a common history textbook, Kim Tae-sik of Hongik University (Korea) denied Japan's theory.[56] But,Kōsaku Hamada of Kyushu University (Japan) reported their interpretations of the Gwanggaeto Stele text, neither of them adopting the intentionally damaged stele theory in their interpretations.[57]
The fall of Paekche and military support from Japan
Some members of the Paekche nobility and royalty emigrated to Japan even before the kingdom was overthrown. In response to Paekche's request, Japan in 663 sent the generalAbe no Hirafu with 20,000 troops and 1,000 ships to revive Paekche withBuyeo Pung (known in Japanese as Hōshō), a son ofUija of Paekche who had been anemissary to Japan. Around August 661, 10,000 soldiers and 170 ships, led by Abe no Hirafu, arrived. Additional Japanese reinforcement, including 27,000 soldiers led byKamitsukeno no Kimi Wakako (上毛野君稚子) and 10,000 soldiers led byIohara no Kimi (廬原君) also arrived at Paekche in 662.
This attempt, however, failed at theBattle of Baekgang, and the prince escaped to Goguryeo. According to theNihon Shoki, 400 Japanese ships were lost in the battles. Only half of the troops were able to return to Japan.
The Japanese army retreated to Japan with several thousand Paekche refugees. The former royal family members were initially treated as "foreign guests" (蕃客) and were not incorporated into the political system of Japan for some time. Buyeo Pung's younger brother Seon'gwang (Zenkō in Japanese) (善光 or禅広) used the family nameKudara no Konikishi ("King of Paekche") (百濟王) (they are also called the Kudara clan, as Paekche was called Kudara in Japanese).
Paekche is believed to have introduced theman'yōgana writing system to Japan, of which the modernhiragana andkatakana scripts are descendants.Kojiki and theNihon shoki both state this, and though direct evidence is hard to come by, most scholars tend to accept this idea.[58]
On 17 April 2009, Ōuchi Kimio (大內公夫) ofŌuchi clan visitedIksan, Korea to pay tribute to his Paekche ancestors. The Ōuchi are descendants ofPrince Imseong.[59]
In 2010,Paekche Cultural Land was opened to visitors. The theme park aims to preserve Paekche architecture and culture.[60]
^abc"Korea, 1–500 A.D."Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. October 2000. Archived fromthe original on 14 November 2015.
^Lee Injae, Owen Miller, Park Jinhoon, Yi Hyun-Hae, 2014, Korean History in Maps, Cambridge University Press, pp. 44–49, 52–60.
^"Koguryo".Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved27 June 2017.
^Janhunen, Juha (2010). "RECONSTRUCTING THE LANGUAGE MAP OF PREHISTORICAL NORTHEAST ASIA".Studia Orientalia 108 (2010).... there are strong indications that the neighbouring Baekje state (in the southwest) was predominantly Japonic-speaking until it was linguistically Koreanized.
^Vovin, Alexander (2013). "From Koguryo to Tamna: Slowly riding to the South with speakers of Proto-Korean".Korean Linguistics.15 (2): 222–240
^"Buddhist Sculpture".Arts of Korea. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2000. Archived fromthe original on 15 February 2001. Retrieved5 December 2022.
^Lee, Seungjae (2017).Mokgan-e girokdoen Godae Hangugeo 木簡에 기록된 古代 韓國語 [The Old Korean Language Inscribed on Wooden Tablets] (in Korean). Seoul: Iljogag.ISBN978-89-337-0736-4.
^abcMohan, Pankaj N. "Rescuing a Stone from Nationalism: A Fresh Look at the Kwanggaeto Stele of Koguryo."Journal of Inner and East Asian Studies, 1 (2004): 89–115.
^'Gina L. Barnes', "State Formation in Korea", 2001 Curzon Press
^Kōsaku, Hamada (2005).４ 世紀の日韓関係 [Japanese-Korean Relationships in 4th Century](PDF). The Japan-Korea Cultural Foundation. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 30 October 2008. Retrieved26 August 2008.
Best, Jonathan W. (2007).A History of the Early Korean Kingdom of Paekche, together with an annotated translation of "The Paekche Annals" of the "Samguk sagi". Harvard East Asian Monographs. Massachusetts: Harvard University, Asia studies.
Brown, Delmer M., ed. (1993).The Cambridge History of Japan. Cambridge University Press.ISBN9780521223522.
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne & Palais, James B. (2006).East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History. Houghton Mifflin.ISBN9780618133840.
Il-yeon (2006) [1281].Samguk Yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea. Vol. Book Two. Translated by Tae-Hung Ha & Grafton K. Mintz. Silk Pagoda.ISBN1-59654-348-5.
Kim, Jinwung (2012).A History of Korea: From "Land of the Morning Calm" to States in Conflict. Indiana University Press.ISBN0253000246.
Kōzō, Yamamura (1997).The Cambridge history of Japan. John Whitney Hall. Cambridge University Press.ISBN0-521-22354-7.
Lee, Kenneth B (1997).Korea and East Asia : the story of a Phoenix. Praeger.ISBN0-2759-5823-X.
.jpg)
