Bangladesh Awami League বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ | |
|---|---|
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| Abbreviation | AL |
| President | Sheikh Hasina |
| General Secretary | Obaidul Quader |
| Governing body | Central Working Committee |
| Founders | |
| Founded | 23 June 1949 (76 years, 125 days) (East Pakistan Awami Muslim League) |
| Banned | 10 May 2025 (169 days)[a] |
| Split from | Muslim League |
| Merged into | |
| Headquarters | Dhaka |
| Newspaper | Uttaran[1][2] |
| Student wing | Bangladesh Chhatra League[b] |
| Youth wing | Bangladesh Awami Jubo League[c] |
| Women's wing | |
| Farmer wing | Bangladesh Krishak League |
| Trade union | Bangladesh Jatiya Sramik League |
| Volunteer wing | Bangladesh Awami Swechasebak League |
| Armed wing |
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| Ideology | See below |
| Political position | See below |
| National affiliation | Grand Alliance |
| Colors | Green |
| Slogan | Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu ("Victory toBengal, victory toBangabandhu") |
| Election symbol | |
| Party flag | |
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| Website | |
| Awami League official | |
| This article is part of a series on the |
| Politics of Bangladesh |
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TheBangladesh Awami League,[d] commonly known asAwami League,[e] is a majorpolitical party in Bangladesh. Founded on 23 June 1949, making it the oldest existing party in the country, it played a vital role in country'sstruggle for independence. The Awami League was one of the two traditionally dominant parties in the country, along with theBangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and had maintained a sole dominance over the country's political systembetween 2009 and 2024, before being ousted in theJuly Revolution. The party's activities were banned by thepost-revolution government on 10 May 2025, under theAnti-Terrorism Act.[3][4]
On 23 June 1949, the party was founded as theEast Pakistan Awami Muslim League (after 1955, theEast Pakistan Awami League) byAbdul Hamid Khan Bhashani,Yar Mohammad Khan,Shamsul Huq,Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and joined later byHuseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. It was established as the alternative to the domination of theMuslim League inPakistan and over centralisation of the government. The party quickly gained a massive popular support inEast Pakistan and eventually led the forces of Bengali nationalism in the struggle againstWest Pakistan's military and political establishment. The party under the leadership ofSheikh Mujibur Rahman, led the struggle for independence, first through massive populist and civil disobedience movements, such as theSix point movement andNon-cooperation movement (1971), and then during theBangladesh War of Independence.
After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, Awami League under the leadership ofSheikh Mujib won thefirst general elections. The party along with other left-wing political parties of Bangladesh were merged intoBangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BaKSAL) in January 1975, where Awami League politicians played the leading role in BaKSAL. After theAugust 1975 coup, the party was made onto the political sidelines, and many of its senior leaders and activists were executed or jailed. In 1981,Sheikh Hasina, the daughter ofSheikh Mujibur Rahman, became the president of the party and continued to hold the position to this date.
The party played a crucial role in the anti-authoritarian movements against the regime ofHussain Muhammad Ershad. After the restoration of democracy amidstmass uprising in 1990, the Awami League emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics. The party formed governments winning the1996,2008,2014,2018 and2024 general elections. Throughout its tenure as theruling party from 2009 to 2024 under Sheikh Hasina,[5] Bangladesh experienced significantdemocratic backsliding[6][7][8] and was consistently described asauthoritarian,[f] anddictatorial.[g] It was finally overthrown with theStudent–People's uprising in August 2024. Since then, the party remained underground. On 10 May 2025, theinterim government banned all activities by the Awami League, in cyberspace and elsewhere, under theAnti-Terrorism Act. The ban will last until theInternational Crimes Tribunal completes the trial of the party and its leaders.[21][22] On 12 May 2025, theBangladesh Election Commission suspended the registration of the Awami League as a party.[23][24]
Sheikh Hasina, the former prime minister of Bangladesh, andObaidul Quader have been serving the president and the general secretary of the party, respectively. Sheikh Hasina has headed the party since 1981. Amongst the leaders of the Awami League, five have become thePresident of Bangladesh, four have become thePrime Minister of Bangladesh and one became thePrime Minister of Pakistan.
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East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed as a breakaway faction of theMuslim League in 1949, within two years of the formation of Pakistan. The wordMuslim was dropped in 1953 and it became a secular party.[25] The wordAwami is the adjectival form for theUrdu wordAwam, which means "people"; thus the party's name can be translated asBangladesh People's League. During theBangladesh War of Independence of 1971, most Awami League members joined theProvisional Government of Bangladesh andMukti Bahini to fight against thePakistan army and the nameBangladesh Awami League was eventually settled upon.
The most common electoral symbol for the party has been a traditionalboat,[26] a recognizable and relatable image in riverine Bangladesh.
The salutationJoy Bangla (Bengali:জয় বাংলা; meaning "Victory to Bengal" or "Long live Bengal") is the official slogan of the Awami League. It was the slogan and war cry of the Mukti Bahini that fought for the independence of Bangladesh during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The phraseJoy Bangla, JoyBangabandhu is used by the party members at the end of speeches and communications pertaining to or referring to the devotion towards Bangladesh and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib.
The Awami League party flag is a green field with four five-rayed red star at its centre, and a vertical red stripe at the hoist side. The flag also bears some resemblance to theflag of Pakistan, showing the ex-Pakistani origin of the Awami League. The four stars on the Flag represent the four fundamental principles of the party.
During the post-Mughal era, no political parties existed in the area known as Bangla or Bangal. After the British arrived and established government, the system of political representation (though much later) was adopted in the area of Bangla (Bengal) or introduced in Bengal. After the official departure of the British, the area known as East Bengal became a part of Pakistan, and the establishment of theMuslim was led by its founderMuhammad Ali Jinnah and hisMuslim League party.
In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission ofBengali script from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent student leaders includingShamsul Huq,Khaleque Nawaz Khan,Shawkat Ali,Kazi Golam Mahboob,Oli Ahad, and Abdul Wahed were arrested and the police were accused of repression while charging protesters. In March, senior Bengali political leaders were attacked while leading protests demanding thatBengali be declared an official language of Pakistan. Among them wasA. K. Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal.[27] Amid rising discontent in East Bengal, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced thatUrdu would be the sole state language of Pakistan, citing its significance to Islamic nationalism in South Asia.[28] The announcement caused an emotional uproar in East Bengal, where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a language they hardly understood on the basis of upholding unity. The resentment was further fuelled by rising discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was unknown to the majority in East Bengal.[29] Moreover, the rich literary heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East Bengal.[citation needed] The only significant language in Pakistan not written in thePersian-Arabic script wasBengali.[30] Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim League and the party's Bengali members began to take a stand for recognition.
On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established theEast Pakistan Awami Muslim League.[31]Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huq were elected the first president and general secretary of the party respectively,Ataur Rahman Khan was elected the vice-president,Yar Mohammad Khan was elected as the treasurer, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first joint secretaries.[32] The party was formed to champion the rights of the masses in Pakistan against the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing, the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal.
In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in theBengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of Pakistan, killing a number of students includingAbdus Salam,Rafiq Uddin Ahmed,Abul Barkat andAbdul Jabbar.[33] The events of 1952 are widely seen by historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971.[32]
Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, who had been theAll-India Muslim League (AIML)-nominated prime minister of Bengal in 1937 and held the same office after 1946 elections, did not agree to 'Muslim League' as the name of AIML in Pakistan. He initiated the thought that the ideal of political representation under religious identity was no longer prudent after independence and the organisation might be called the 'Pakistan League'. Moreover, he claimed that the Muslim League's objective of struggling to form a nation state had been achieved therefore political representation should continue focusing on nationalism based on Pakistani sovereignty. Suhrawardy's suggestion was not accepted and he parted ways with the party to be re-established as the Awami League in 1949. This was to serve the first shock to the country's political structure. In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim". In the run-up to the1954 East Bengal Legislative Assembly election, the Awami League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bangla political alliance including theKrishak Praja Party,Nizam-e-Islam andGanatantri Dal. The alliance was termed theJukta Front (United Front) and formulated theEkush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight for establishing rights in East Pakistan. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol.[32]
The election in April 1954 swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself won 143 seats while the Muslim League won only 9 seats. Veteran student leader and language movement stalwartKhaleque Nawaz Khan defeated incumbent prime minister of the then East BengaliNurul Amin in a landslide margin. Amin was defeated in his home Nandail constituency. Khaleque Nawaz Khan created history at age 27 by defeating the sitting prime minister and the Muslim League was wiped from the political landscape of the then East Pakistan.A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office ofChief Minister of East Bengal and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were leading movements against the Pakistani state.[32] They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister.
Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime MinisterMuhammad Ali Bogra, himself aBengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the establishment of theBangla Academy in Dhaka.[34]As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial autonomy in East Bengal,Governor-GeneralGhulam Muhammad dismissed the United Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of Pakistan.[32]
In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with theRepublican Party to secure a majority in the newNational Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central government. Awami League PresidentHuseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became thePrime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long-standing economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the food shortage in the country.[35]
The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The government moved to join theSoutheast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) andCentral Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defence alliances in Asia inspired by theNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called aconference in February 1957 at Kagmari, Tangail in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the Awami League and then formed the leftistNational Awami Party (NAP).[32]Yar Mohammad Khan funded the 5-day Kagmari Conference and was the treasurer of the conference committee.
The controversy over 'One Unit' (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces,east andwest) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also revived as soon as Suhrawardy became prime minister. In West Pakistan, there was strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties. The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government.[35]
By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started. Suhrawardy was at the mercy of the central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, PresidentIskander Mirza demanded the Prime Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of dismissal on 10 October 1957.[35]
On 7 October 1958, President Mirza declared martial law and appointed army chief GeneralAyub Khan asChief Martial Law Administrator. Khan eventually deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup.[36] By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies Disqualified Ordinance, Khan banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and most were kept under detention until 1963.
In 1962, Khan drafted a new constitution, modelled onindirect election, through anelectoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joinedNurul Amin,Khwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in forming the National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions. Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised executive authority.[32]
Widespread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of Khan. TheUniversity of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.[37]
On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room inBeirut, Lebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he had been poisoned.[32]
The6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-calledAgartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan's regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East Pakistan.[38][39] This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan and led directly to the events of theBangladesh Liberation War. The Awami League leaders, taking refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistan Army throughout 1971. Leader Sheikh Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army on 25 March 1971, but the Bangladeshi people continued the fight to free themselves for nine months.
After victory on 16 December 1971, the party formed the national government of Bangladesh. In 1972, under Sheikh Mujib, the party name was changed to "Awami League". The new government faced many challenges as they rebuilt the country and carried out mine clearing operations. The party had pro Pakistani newspaper editors arrested and shut down the nations' newspapers leaving only four in operation.[40] Food shortages were also a major concern of the Awami League. War had damaged all forms of farming. The party aligned itself with theNon-Aligned Movement (NAM), and leaned towards the Soviet bloc. The party was accused of corruption by supporters of Pakistan. In 1974Bangladesh suffered a famine: 70,000 people died, and support for Mujib declined. Bangladesh continued exportingjute to Cuba, violating US economic sanctions, theNixon government barred grain imports to Bangladesh. This exacerbated famine conditions.
In January 1975, facing violent leftist insurgents Mujib declared a state of emergency and later assumed the presidency, after the Awami League dominated parliament decided to switch fromparliamentary to apresidential form of government. Sheikh Mujib renamed the League theBangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), and banned all other parties. The consequences lead to a critical political state. BAKSAL was dissolved after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The move towards a secular form of government caused widespread dissatisfaction among many low ranking military personnel, most of whom received training from thePakistani army. On 15 August 1975 during the time ofMajor GeneralK. M. Shafiullah as a Chief of the Army Staff, some junior members of the armed forces inDhaka, led by Major Faruk Rahman and Major Rashid, murdered Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family members, including his wife and minor son. Within months, on 3 November 1975, four more of its top leaders,Syed Nazrul Islam,Tajuddin Ahmed,Muhammad Mansur Ali andA. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killedinside the Dhaka Central Jail as they were on behalf of BAKSAL. OnlySheikh Hasina andSheikh Rehana, daughters of Mujib, survived the1988 Chittagong Massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to India and lived in self-imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the future.
After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions and fared poorly in the 1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina returned as Ziaur Rahman allowed her to return after the largest party faction, the Awami League elected her its president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections that followed the assassination of PresidentZiaur Rahman. Throughout the following nine years of military rule byLieutenant GeneralHussain Muhammad Ershad the Awami League participated in some polls but boycotted most as Ershad did not believe in democracy. On 7 May 1986, Awami League participated in the general election of Bangladesh staged by military ruler Lt. Gen. H. M. Ershad even though the other major political party and the winner of previous elections Bangladesh Nationalist Party boycotted. British observers including a journalists termed the elections a "tragedy for democracy" and a "cynically frustrated exercise".[41]
The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections in 1991, in which Khaleda Zia became the first female prime minister.
AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic stability during theAsian economic crisis, the government successfully settled Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the riverGanges (also known asPadma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997. In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which twoanti-tank mines were planted under her helipad inGopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term in office.
The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October 2001, despite winning 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The BNP and its allies won a two-thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast, with BNP alone winning 41%, up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991.
In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several key members. Popular young leaderAhsanullah Master, a member of parliament from Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by agrenade attack on Hasina during a public meeting on 21 August 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters, including party women's secretaryIvy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomatShah M S Kibria, a member of parliament fromHabiganj, was killed in agrenade attack inSylhet later that year.
In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated incumbent mayorA.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of AviationMir Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005, the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a grenade thrown at him failed to explode.[42]
In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, includingSaber Hossain Chowdhury MP andAsaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalised after being critically injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms. Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of nationwide demonstrations and blockades centring on the selection of the leader of the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election was scheduled to take place on 22 January 2007 that the Awami League decided to boycott, the country's military intervened on 11 January 2007 and installed an interim government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers.
Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption and remove Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia of the AL and BNP respectively.[43] While these efforts largely failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used on 29 December 2008 national election.
The Awami League won thenational election held on 29 December 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included theJatiya Party led by former military ruler Lieutenant GeneralHussain Muhammad Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official Results,[44] Bangladesh Awami League won 230 out of 300 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total of 262 parliamentary seats.[45] The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, became the new prime minister. Her term of office began in January 2009.[46] The second Hasina cabinet had several new faces, including three women in prominent positions: DrDipu Moni (Foreign Minister),Matia Chowdhury (Agriculture Minister) andSahara Khatun (Home Minister). Younger MPs with a link to assassinated members of the 1972–1975 AL government wereSayed Ashraful Islam, son ofSyed Nazrul Islam,Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh, son ofSheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, andSohel Taj, son ofTajuddin Ahmad.
Since 2009, the Awami League government faced several major political challenges, including BDR (Bangladesh Rifles) mutiny,[47] power crisis,[48] unrest in garments industry[49] and stock market fluctuations.[50] Judicial achievements for the party included restoring original 1972 constitution, returning secularism to the constitution,[51] beginning of war crimes trials,[52] and guilty verdict in 1975 assassination trial.[53] According to the Nielsen 2-year survey, 50% felt the country was moving in the right direction, and 36% gave the government a favourable rating.[54]
In the2014 election the Awami League led alliance won a second term of which 154 Members (out of 300) of Parliament were selected where there were no election . Only 5% voter attended in the polling station and cast their votes. The opposition and one of the most popular parties (BNP) boycotted the election for removing the caretaker government (neutral government) system from the constitution after completion of 5 years tenure.[55][56] With 21 people dead due to the violence during election, along with further human rights abuses and an absence of opposition, this was one of the controversial general elections in Bangladesh's history.[57] This election was further tainted by arrests where dozens of opposition leaders and members were taken into custody.
Amid this crackdown of opposition, in 2018, another election was held where BNP and all major opposition parties took part. That election was marred by allegations of widespread electoral fraud, harassment of political opposition and imprisonment of opposition activists. The opposition alleged the complicity of law enforcement forces in compromising the integrity of the electoral process.[58]
On 7 January 2024, the twelfth National Parliamentary elections were held which were boycotted by BNP and major opposition parties. Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) condemned this process as one-sided and farcical.[59] The election saw Awami League again clinching a landslide victory, winning 224 out of 300 directly elected seats. The 62 elected members who contested the election as independents largely aligned with AL.[60]
On 5 June 2024, The High Court of Bangladesh reinstated the controversial Job Quota System, sparking countrywide students protests. On 4 July 2024, The Appellate Division refused to rescind the verdict. As a result, protests intensified. Then the Appellate Division imposed a stay on the ruling but protesters continued to carry on their movement unless the government agreed to their demands of taking a firm step for reforming the quota system. Prime Minister Hasina ignited controversy by her statement:
If the grandchildren of freedom fighters don't get quota benefits, will those then go to the grandchildren of theRazakars? That's my question to the countrymen.
Protesters were further galvanized at this comment. Bangladesh Students' League, aided by the Police and other agencies, violently cracked down on the protesters. In spite of that crackdown, the protests could not be quelled. The government imposed internet shutdown as well as curfews to forcefully stop the momentum of the movement. Eventually, the protests morphed into a movement aimed at ensuring theresignation of Sheikh Hasina. On 5 August 2024, millions of protesters defied curfew orders and marched towards Ganobhaban. Consequently, Hasina resigned and left Bangladesh for India.[61] This ended 15 years of continuous awami rule inBangladesh.
In the immediate aftermath of the fall of the AL government, many of its leaders went into hiding. The properties and residences of many AL leaders were looted, vandalized and set on fire.[62] Many ministers and influential politicians from AL have been arrested and taken into remand.[63] Many of them were prohibited from leaving Bangladesh.[64] The bank accounts of many AL leaders and their families have also been frozen.[65][66]
The student wing of Bangladesh Awami League has been officially banned by the Government of Bangladesh from all types of political and organizational activities and declared as a terrorist organization on 23 Oct 2024.[67][68]
On 10 May 2025, the interim government of Bangladesh banned all activities of the Awami League in cyberspace and elsewhere under theAnti-Terrorism Act until theInternational Crimes Tribunal completes the trial of the party and its leaders.[69][70] In continuation of this, on 12 May 2025, theElection Commission of Bangladesh suspended the registration of the Awami League as a party.[71][72]
 | This section needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(September 2024) |
As abig tent party,[75] the party has been labelled ascentrist[80] andcentre-left.[86] It has been described assecular[95] (though this is disputed),[96][97][98]social-democratic,[8][10]social-liberal,[91] andeconomic-liberal,[99] with a historical, though still influential, ideological base combiningleft-wing nationalism,[8][10]socialism,[100] anddemocratic socialism.[101][102] The party'snationalist outlook is primarily concentrated in its fundamental principles and historical role of nationalism in the Independence War.[103][104][105]
The ideology of Awami League has been evolved through political and socio-economic landscape of the country since its creation. The Party President Sheikh Hasina claimed that her party's ideology has been blended withpragmatism.[106] Party's constitution states four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies:democracy,socialism,secularism andBengali nationalism.[107] The origins of these principles can be traced toSheikh Mujibur Rahman'spolitical thought.[108][109][110]
Awami League has been committed to secularism for a long time.[111] The party has promoted a strong secular image and depicted itself as a defender of secularism againstIslamism. Most of the party leaders support the restoration of the original constitution of 1972 by removingIslam as thestate religion.[94][93] Since Islam has been made as thestate religion of Bangladesh, Awami League has been trying to defended secularism in light of Islam.[112] Being a pragmatist party, Awami League often compromises with the Islamist political parties in social issues, which has been criticised.[113] The party's tolerance of the Islamic practices, retaining of Islam as thestate religion, silence during theattacks on secularists in Bangladesh,[114] has been questioned.
Sheikh Hasina supported calls to remove theStatue of Justice in Bangladesh Supreme Court. Many criticised these calls, saying Sheikh Hasina was bowing down to the pressure of Islamist political hard-liners.[115]
In 2021, During a visit to a Puja venue Awami League's formerMinistry of Information Dr Murad Hasan proposed to removeBismillah (in the name of Allah) from constitution saying, “Bangladesh is asecular nation and will return to its 1972 constitution offered byFather of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.[116][117]
In 2022, former Law MinisterAnisul Huq said the government wishes to restore the Constitution of 1972 and abolish thestate religion.[118][119] FormerMinister of industriesAmir Hossain Amu also tried to remove state religion. he stated “We wanted to abolish the state religion. But it could not happen as one or two membersvetoed”[120]
According to a report byAl Jazeera, a significant number of Hindus think that they weren't safe under Awami League rule as many anti-Hindu violences occurred and the ruling party members were involved in the harassment of Hindus.[121]
Previously the party advocated for asocialist economy withdemocratic socialism. Inspiring fromSoviet andIndian economic models, Awami League under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman implemented an economic system based on strictprotectionism,state intervention andeconomic regulation under aplanned economy and limited market activities, which was characterized as "neither capitalist nor socialist" in nature.[122] During the 1980s, AL began to reposition itself towards more centre-left. Many ideologues strongly objected of this policy shift in the party. Nevertheless, in 1992, AL formally took a liberal economic approach.[100] Since the 2010s, AL government has been very pro-market "which focused on boosting exports, attractingforeign investment, improving infrastructure, diversifying the economy, and enhancing the business environment."[123]
Sheikh Hasina's views onsocialism has changed over times. In 1991, she noted that socialism was a failed system.[124] However, in 2024, she said that "fulfilling the people's basic needs" had been her "version of 'socialism'".[100]
The party has taken a slightlyconservative position on social issues and promotion of Islam, including the establishment ofIslamic Foundation Bangladesh, declaration of public holidays in the Islamic festivals and, more recently, the construction of 360 Model Mosques across the country.[125] The party's position on theLGBT rights is also conservative, the AL-ledParliament refused to overturnSection 377, in 2009 and 2013.[126] It was reported in 2017 that the party in government has been cracking down on the LGBT community. This has included the arrests of those accused of being homosexual.[114]
Before the2008 general elections in Bangladesh, the Awami League announced in its manifesto, its "Vision 2021" and "Digital Bangladesh" action plans to transform Bangladesh into a fast-developing middle-income country by 2021.[127] The policy was criticised as a policy emblematic oftechnological optimism in the context of Bangladesh and the state repression of media, low internet penetration, inadequate electricity generation.[128] Prior to the2024 Bangladeshi general election, Awami League announcedSmart Bangladesh initiative associated with theBangladesh Vision 2041 framework in its manifesto, a national strategic plan aiming to further develop the socio-economic standings of Bangladesh by transforming the country into a technologically advanced and sustainable society with lowincome inequality and highstandard of living.[129][130][131]
In 2011, Awami League government passed the 15th amendment to theConstitution of Bangladesh wherein Article 18A was added which endeavours to protect and improve environment.[132] Awami League under Sheikh Hasina also promised to protect the country's environment in its manifesto for the 2024 election. Her government also adopted theBangladesh Delta Plan 2100, an "adaptation-based technical and economic master plan, which has considered the effects of water resources management, land use, environment, and climate change, and its interaction on the development results".[133] Sheikh Hasina's government has been praised for combating natural calamities, greening her country and promoting international consciousness regardingclimate change.[134]
During thepremiership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman between 1972 and 1975, Rahman's personal influence in the country's foreign policy was instrumental.[135]: 92 Rahman himself wanted to make his country as theSwitzerland of Asia.[135]: 92 His government was successful in obtaining recognition from the major countries of the world before 15 August 1975, although the People's Republic of China andSaudi Arabia recognized Bangladesh just after 15 August.[135]: 92
Awami League is often described aspro-India. "Bangladesh has enjoyed a good relationship with India under PM Sheikh Hasina".[136] After Awami League formed government under Hasina in 1996, her government adopted an India-oriented foreign policy.[135]: 97 This continued since 2009, when she secured power for the second time. In 2015, Hasina signed a historicland exchange agreement withIndian PMNarendra Modi which resolved the decade-longIndia–Bangladesh enclaves problem.
Awami League continued good relationship with China. "Hasina has adroitly balanced ties with both India and China".[137]
Sheikh Hasina government allowedRohingyas to takerefuge in Bangladesh, for which she received credit and praise in home and abroad.[138]
Awami League continues to support Palestinian cause. In 1972, Awami League government officially rejected the Israeli recognition of Bangladesh.[139] In 2014, Sheikh Hasina said, "We have been continuing our support to the Palestinians and occupation of their land by the Israelis is never acceptable".[140]
As a big tent party, the AL is not committed to a specific group and tries to appeal to a greater population. According to the political scientistRounaq Jahan, due to AL's formal commitment to secularism andpluralism, it has maintained a greater support base among the religious andethnic minorities. Traditionally, AL also enjoyed support from the rural areas, but in recent years, the party has also picked up support from the urban middle classes and business groups.[103]
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TheConstitution of the Bangladesh Awami League (Bengali:বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ এর গঠনতন্ত্র,romanized: Bānlādēśa ā'ōẏāmī līgēra gaṭhanatantra) has 24 Articles and includes contents of General Program, Membership, Organization System, Central Organizations, Name, Aims and Objectives, Fundamental Principles, Commitments. In accordance with the changing situation and tasks, revisions were made in some of the articles at the National Conference.[141]
TheNational Conference NC (Bengali:জাতীয় সম্মেলন,romanized: Jātīẏô shôm'mēlôn) is the party's highest body, and, since the 1st National Conference in 1949, has been convened every three years (sometimes on an irregular basis). According to the party's constitution, the National Conference may be postponed on except "under extraordinary circumstances." The party constitution gives the NC following responsibilities:
In practice, the party councillors and delegates rarely discuss issues at length at the National Conference. Most substantive discussion takes place before the Conference, in the preparation period, among a group of top party leaders. In between National Conferences, the Central Working Committee is the highest decision-making institution.
The Central Working Committee (Bengali:কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যনির্বাহী সংসদ,romanized: Kēndrīẏa kāryanirbāhī sansada) of the Awami League is a political body that comprises the top leaders of the Party. It is currently composed of 81 full members and 29 alternate members. Members are elected once every three years by the National Conference of the Bangladesh Awami League.[142][143]The Central Working Committee is made up of the following:
and
ThePresidium of the Awami League is the topmost decision-making body of the Awami League, and in turn, as Awami League has been the sole ruling party of Bangladesh since 2009, unofficially one of the highest and most important decision-making bodies of the country itself.
The members of the current Presidium are:[citation needed]
Almost 38Advisory Council (Bengali:উপদেষ্টা পরিষদ,romanized: Upadēṣṭā pariṣada) members working as party's think-tank and are not Part of the Central Working Committee The Awami League Advisory Council is the highest governing of Bangladesh Awami League.[143]
The Centre for Research and Information (CRI) is thethink-tank and research cell of the Awami League. The foundation offers political education, conducts scientific fact-finding research for political projects, grants scholarships to gifted individuals, researches the history of Awami League, and supports and encourages youth, international understanding, and development-policy co-operation.[145][146][147][148][149]
| Type | Official name | Common Term |
|---|---|---|
| Student Wing | Bangladesh Chhatra League | Chhatra League |
| Youth Wing | Bangladesh Awami Jubo League | Jubo League |
| Women's Wing | Bangladesh Mohila Awami League | Mohila League |
| Farmer Wing | Bangladesh Krishak League | Krishak League |
| Trade Union Wing | Bangladesh Jatiya Sramik League | Jatiya Sramik League |
| Volunteer Wing | Bangladesh Awami Swechasebak League | Swechasebak League |
| Female youth wing | Bangladesh Jubo Mohila League | Jubo Mohila League |
| Fisherman wing | Bangladesh Awami Matsyajeebi League | Matsyajeebi League |
| President[152][153] | Elected (National Council; NC) | In Office | Term length | General Secretary[154][155] |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani | NC: 1949, 53, 55 | 23 June 1949 – 27 July 1956 | 7 years, 34 days | Shamsul Huq Sheikh Mujibur Rahman |
| Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy | (acting) | 27 July 1956 – 10 October 1957 | 1 year, 75 days | Sheikh Mujibur Rahman |
| Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish | NC: 1957, 64 | 10 October 1957 – 25 January 1966 | 8 years, 107 days | Sheikh Mujibur Rahman |
| Sheikh Mujibur Rahman | NC: 1966, 70, 72 | 25 January 1966 – 18 January 1974 | 7 years, 358 days | Tajuddin Ahmad Zillur Rahman |
| Muhammad Qamaruzzaman | NC: 1974 | 18 January 1974 – 24 February 1975 | 1 year, 37 days | Zillur Rahman |
| Dissolution (see:BAKSAL) | ||||
| Syeda Zohra Tajuddin (Convenor) | Special Council: 1977 | 4 April 1977 – 16 February 1978 | 318 days | None |
| Abdul Malek Ukil | NC: 1978 | 16 February 1978 – 16 February 1981 | 3 years, 0 days | Abdur Razzaq |
| Sheikh Hasina | NC: 1981, 87, 92, 97, 02, 09, 12, 16, 19, 22 | 16 February 1981– present | 44 years, 252 days | Abdur Razzaq Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury Zillur Rahman Abdul Jalil Sayed Ashraful Islam Obaidul Quader |
 President of Bangladesh | |||
| Name | Term in office | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Sheikh Mujibur Rahman | 1971–1972 | ||
| Abu Sayeed Chowdhury | 1972–1973 | ||
| Mohammad Mohammadullah | 1974–1975 | ||
| Sheikh Mujibur Rahman | 1975(Assassinated) | ||
| Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad | 1975(Deposed) | ||
| Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem | 1975–1977 | ||
| Zillur Rahman | 2009–2013 | ||
| Mohammad Abdul Hamid | 2013–2023 | ||
| Mohammed Shahabuddin | 2023–Present | ||
.svg) Vice President of Bangladesh | |||
| Name | Term in office | Note | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Syed Nazrul Islam | 1971–1972 | Acting party president (1966–1969) while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was in prison[156] | |
 Prime Minister of Bangladesh | |||
| Name | Term in office | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Tajuddin Ahmad | 1971–1972 | ||
| Sheikh Mujibur Rahman | 1972–1975 | ||
| Muhammad Mansur Ali | 1975 | ||
| Sheikh Hasina | 1996–2001; 2009–2024(Deposed) | ||
Awami League has been described asauthoritarian by various national and international observers.[9][10][157][158] In 2011, the AL-led government abolished the neutral non-partisancaretaker government system through passage of the 15th amendment of the constitution with its majority in Parliament,[159] despite the protests of opposition parties, including theBNP.[160] Since 2014, thefreedom of the press in Bangladesh has declined dramatically. Awami League government targeted and detained many leading newspapers, television channels and pro-opposition journalists.[161] According to Ali Riaz, "Awami League has established total control over state machinery and politics" since 2018.[157]In a 2021 reportHuman Rights Watch said that in government the party has "doubled down on an authoritarian crackdown on free speech, arresting critics, and censoring media."[162] This followed a prior violent crackdown on those that criticised the party in 2018.[163] The general elections of2014 and2018 was criticised by the United States and theEuropean Union for irregularities.[164][165]
Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, dissolved armed wing of Awami League, formed under the supervision of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and active from 1972 to 1975, became involved in numerous charges of political killings, shooting bydeath squads, and rape.Human Rights Watch states that institutionalized violence committed by the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, established the culture of impunity and widespread prevalence of abuses by security forces in independent Bangladesh.[166]
Awami League has been accused for promoting "political nationalism", a form ofradical nationalism. This form ofnationalism emphasizes on "exclusion based on political identity" over other factors, although it is "more inclined to accept religious diversity, cultural differences, and racial diversity within a state, but cannot accept political differences in ideology or party support". The party always styles itself as the "proliberation force" and positions itself as the "sole custodian" of the spirit of Liberation War, while diminishing the opposition's contributions to the Liberation War; which has been described as an attempt to delegitimize the opposition in the context of electoral politics. Critiques argue that this type of self-proclaimed interpretation of Bangladesh Liberation War results in an illiberal socio-political landscape in the country that marginalizes the opposition.[158]
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1973 | Sheikh Mujibur Rahman | 13,798,717 | 73.20% | 293 / 300 | New |  1st | Government |
| 1979 | Asaduzzaman Khan | 4,734,277 | 24.56% | 39 / 300 |  254 | 2nd | Opposition |
| 1986 | Sheikh Hasina | 7,462,157 | 26.16% | 76 / 300 | 37 |  2nd | Opposition |
| 1988 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 | 76 | — | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| 1991 | 10,259,866 | 30.08% | 88 / 300 | 88 | 2nd | Opposition | |
| Feb 1996 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 | 88 | — | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| Jun 1996 | 15,882,792 | 37.44% | 146 / 300 | 146 | 1st | Coalition Government | |
| 2001 | 22,365,516 | 40.13% | 62 / 300 | 84 | 2nd | Opposition | |
| 2008 | 33,634,629 | 48.04% | 230 / 300 | 168 | 1st | Government | |
| 2014 | 12,357,374 | 72.14% | 234 / 300 | 4 | 1st | Government | |
| 2018 | 63,805,379 | 74.96% | 257 / 300 | 23 | 1st | Government | |
| 2024 | — | — | 224 / 300 | 33 | 1st | Government | |
Footnotes
Citations
Soon after, a new prayer room was created, a few meters from the Baitul Mukarram, due to disputes and debates between secular (connected with the center-left Awami league) and more conservative (connected with the Islamic Forum in the United Kingdom) Bangladeshi sectors.
However, only one party really counts, the centre-left Awami League (People's League, or AL), which has been in power since 2009.
With the 76-year-old at the helm, the center-left Awami League first came to power in 1996 and, in two separate terms, ruled for 20 years.
Politics in Bangladesh has been dominated for years by the rivalry between Ms Hasina's centre-left, socially and economically liberal Awami League and the more right-wing BNP with Begum Zia at its helm.
The Awami League which led the struggle for national liberation, self-describes itself as the 'proliberation force' in Bangladesh politics committed to promoting secular and social democratic values associated with the nation's foundational principles: nationalism, democracy, secularism and socialism.
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