| Arab-Byzantine wars | |||||||||
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| Part of theMuslim conquests | |||||||||
 An illustration ofgreek fire being used against Byzantine rebels, first used by theByzantine Navy during the Arab–Byzantine wars | |||||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||||
TheArab–Byzantine wars orMuslim–Byzantine wars were a series of wars from the 7th to 11th centuries between multipleArab dynasties and theByzantine Empire. TheMuslim ArabCaliphates conquered large parts of theChristian Byzantine empire and unsuccessfully attacked the Byzantine capital ofConstantinople. The frontier between the warring states remained almost static for three centuries of frequent warfare, before the Byzantines were able to recapture some of the lost territory.
The conflicts began during theearly Muslim conquests under the expansionistRashidun Caliphate, part of the initialspread of Islam. In the 630s, Rashidun forces fromArabia attacked and quickly overran Byzantium's southern provinces.Syria was captured in 639 andEgypt was conquered in 642. TheExarchate of Africa wasgradually captured between 647 and 670. From the 650s onwards, Arab navies entered theMediterranean Sea, which became a major battleground. Both sides launched raids and counter-raids against islands and coastal settlements. The Rashiduns were succeeded by theUmayyad Caliphate in 661, who over the next fifty years captured ByzantineCyrenaica and launched repeated raids into ByzantineAsia Minor. Umayyad forces twice placed Constantinople under siege, in674 to 678 and717 to 718, but were unable to capture the heavily fortified Byzantine capital.
Following the failed second siege, the border stabilized at theTaurus Mountains inAsia Minor. The Umayyads launched frequent attacks across this frontier, which was heavily fortified by both sides and the surrounding region becamedepopulated. During this early period, the Byzantines were usually on the defensive, avoiding openfield battles and preferring to retreat to their fortified strongholds. After 740 they began to launch their own counter-offensive raids across the frontier and by sea.
In 750 the Umayyads were overthrown by theAbbasid Caliphate, who were less expansionist than their predecessors and did not seek to eliminate the Byzantines; embassies were exchanged and there were several periods of truce. Nevertheless conflict remained the norm, with almost annual raids and counter-raids, either by the Abbasid government or by localclient rulers, which continued until the mid-10th century. Byzantine attempts to take back the lands they had lost only provoked Abbasid retaliation, in the form of destructive invasions of Asia Minor. During the social unrest and simultaneous attack of the Byzantine border by multiple factions, Arab naval raids reached a peak in the 9th and early 10th centuries: their fleets attacked the coasts ofItaly andDalmatia, while Abassid vassals conqueredCrete in 827 and gradually tookSicily from 831 to 878.
Due topolitical instability beginning in 861, the Abbasid state entered a period of decline and fragmentation. Simultaneously, the Byzantines began a resurgence under their emperors of theMacedonian dynasty. Fromc. 920 to 976, the Byzantines pushed Arab forces back, recovering some of their lost territories in northern Syria and Armenia. TheEmirate of Crete was reconquered in 961. By the end of the 10th century theFatimid Caliphate had replaced the Abassids as the major Arab power; they halted the Byzantine reconquests although border conflicts continued.
The prolonged and escalatingByzantine–Sasanian wars of the 6th and 7th centuries and the recurring outbreaks of bubonic plague (Plague of Justinian) left both empires exhausted and vulnerable in the face of the sudden emergence and expansion of theArabs. The last of the wars between the Roman and Persian empires ended with victory for the Byzantines: EmperorHeraclius regained all lost territories, and restored theTrue Cross toJerusalem in 629.[1]
Nevertheless, neither empire was given any chance to recover, as within a few years they found themselves in conflict with the Arabs (newly united by Islam), which, according to Howard-Johnston, "can only be likened to a human tsunami".[2] According to George Liska, the "unnecessarily prolonged Byzantine–Persian conflict opened the way for Islam".[3]
In the late 620s, the Islamic ProphetMuhammad had already managed to unify much ofArabia under Muslim rule via conquest as well as making alliances with neighboring tribes, and it was under his leadership that the first Muslim–Byzantine skirmishes took place. Just a few months after Emperor Heraclius and the Persian generalShahrbaraz agreed on terms for the withdrawal of Persian troops from occupied Byzantine eastern provinces in 629, Arab and Byzantine troops confronted each other at theBattle of Mu'tah in response to the murder of Muhammad's ambassador at the hands of theGhassanids, a Byzantine vassal kingdom.[4]Muhammad died in 632 and was succeeded byAbu Bakr, the firstCaliph with undisputed control of the entire Arabian Peninsula after the successfulRidda wars, which resulted in the consolidation of a powerful Muslim state throughout the peninsula.[5]
According to Muslim biographies, Muhammed, having received intelligence that Byzantine forces were concentrating in northern Arabia with intentions of invading Arabia, led a Muslim army north toTabuk in present-day northwesternSaudi Arabia, with the intention of pre-emptively engaging the Byzantine army, however, the Byzantine army had retreated beforehand. Though it was not abattle in the typical sense, nevertheless the event represented the first Arab encounter against the Byzantines. It did not, however, lead immediately to a military confrontation.[6]
There is no contemporary Byzantine account of the Tabuk expedition, and many of the details come from much later Muslim sources. It has been argued that there is in one Byzantine source possibly referencing theBattle of Mu´tah traditionally dated 629, but this is not certain.[7] The first engagements may have started as conflicts with the Arab client states of the Byzantine and Sassanid empires: theGhassanids and theLakhmids ofAl-Hirah. In any case, Muslim Arabs after 634 certainly pursued a full-blown offensive against both empires, resulting in the conquest of theLevant,Egypt andPersia for Islam. The most successful Arab generals wereKhalid ibn al-Walid and'Amr ibn al-'As.
In the Levant, the invadingRashidun army were engaged by aByzantine army composed of imperial troops as well as local levies.[note 1] According to Islamic historians,Monophysites andJews throughoutSyria welcomed the Arabs as liberators, as they were discontented with the rule of the Byzantines.[note 2]
The Roman EmperorHeraclius had fallen ill and was unable to personally lead his armies to resist the Arab conquests of Syria andRoman Paelestina in 634. In abattle fought near Ajnadayn in the summer of 634, theRashidun Caliphate army achieved a decisive victory.[9] After their victory at theFahl, Muslim forcesconquered Damascus in 634 under the command ofKhalid ibn al-Walid.[10] The Byzantine response involved the collection and dispatch of the maximum number of available troops under major commanders, includingTheodore Trithyrius and the Armenian general Vahan, to eject the Muslims from their newly won territories.[10]
At theBattle of Yarmouk in 636, however, the Muslims, having studied the ground in detail, lured the Byzantines into pitched battle, which the Byzantines usually avoided, and into a series of costly assaults, before turning the deep valleys and cliffs into a catastrophic death-trap.[11] Heraclius' farewell exclamation (according to the 9th-century historianAl-Baladhuri)[12] while departingAntioch forConstantinople, is expressive of his disappointment: "Peace unto thee, O Syria, and what an excellent country this is for the enemy!"[note 3] The impact of Syria's loss on the Byzantines is illustrated byJoannes Zonaras' words: "[...] since then [after the fall of Syria] the race of the Ishmaelites did not cease from invading and plundering the entire territory of the Romans".[15]
In April 637 the Arabs, after a long siege,captured Jerusalem, which was surrendered byPatriarchSophronius.[note 4] In the summer of 637, the Muslims conqueredGaza, and, during the same period, the Byzantine authorities inEgypt andMesopotamia purchased an expensive truce, which lasted three years for Egypt and one year for Mesopotamia.Antioch fell to the Muslim armies in late 637, and by then the Muslims occupied the whole of northern Syria, except for upperMesopotamia, which they granted a one-year truce.[7]
At the expiration of this truce in 638–639, the Arabs overran Byzantine Mesopotamia andByzantine Armenia, and terminated the conquest of Palestine by stormingCaesarea Maritima and effecting their final capture ofAscalon. In December 639, the Muslims departed from Palestine to invade Egypt in early 640.[7]
By the time Heraclius died, much of Egypt had been lost, and by 637–638 the whole of Syria was in the hands of the armies of Islam.[note 5] With 3,500–4,000 troops under his command, 'Amr ibn al-A'as first crossed into Egypt from Palestine at the end of 639 or the beginning of 640. He was progressively joined by further reinforcements, notably 12,000 soldiers byZubayr ibn al-Awwam. 'Amr first besieged and conqueredBabylon Fortress, and then attackedAlexandria. The Byzantines, divided and shocked by the sudden loss of so much territory, agreed to give up the city by September 642.[18] The fall of Alexandria extinguished Byzantine rule in Egypt, and allowed the Muslims to continue their military expansion into North Africa; between 643 and 644 'Amr completed the conquest ofCyrenaica.[19]Uthman succeeded CaliphUmar after his death.[20]
According to Arab historians, the local ChristianCopts welcomed the Arabs just as the Monophysites did in Jerusalem.[21] The loss of this lucrative province deprived the Byzantines of their valuable wheat supply, thereby causing food shortages throughout the Byzantine Empire and weakening its armies in the following decades.[22]
The Byzantine navy briefly won backAlexandria in 645, but lost it again in 646 shortly after theBattle of Nikiou.[23] The Islamic forces raidedSicily in 652, whileCyprus andCrete were captured in 653. However, Crete reverted to Eastern Roman rule until the 820s.
| "The people ofHoms replied [to the Muslims], "We like your rule and justice far better than the state of oppression and tyranny in which we were. The army of Heraclius we shall indeed, with your 'amil's' help, repulse from the city." The Jews rose and said, "We swear by theTorah, no governor of Heraclius shall enter the city of Homs unless we are first vanquished and exhausted!" [...] The inhabitants of the other cities—Christian and Jews—that had capitulated to the Muslims, did the same [...] When by Allah's help the "unbelievers" were defeated and the Muslims won, they opened the gates of their cities, went out with the singers and music players who began to play, and paid the kharaj." |
| Al-Baladhuri[24] – According to the Muslim historians of the 9th century, local populations regarded Byzantine rule as oppressive, and preferred Muslim conquest instead.[a] |
In 647, a Rashidun-Arab army led byAbdallah ibn al-Sa’ad invaded the ByzantineExarchate of Africa.Tripolitania was conquered, followed bySufetula, 150 miles (240 km) south ofCarthage, and the governor and self-proclaimed Emperor of AfricaGregory was killed. Abdallah's booty-laden force returned to Egypt in 648 after Gregory's successor, Gennadius, promised them an annual tribute of some 300,000nomismata.[25]
Following acivil war in the Arab Empire theUmayyads came to power underMuawiyah I. Under the Umayyads the conquest of the remaining Byzantine and northern Berber territories in North Africa was completed and the Arabs were able to move across large parts of the Berber world, invadingVisigothic Spain through theStrait of Gibraltar,[21] under the command of the allegedly Berber generalTariq ibn-Ziyad. But this happened only after they developed a naval power of their own,[note 6] and they conquered and destroyed the Byzantine stronghold of Carthage between 695 and 698.[27] The loss of Africa meant that soon, Byzantine control of the Western Mediterranean was challenged by a new and expanding Arab fleet, operating from Tunisia.[28]
Muawiyah began consolidating the Arab territory from theAral Sea to the western border of Egypt. He put a governor in place in Egypt atal-Fustat, and launched raids intoAnatolia in 663. Then from 665 to 689 a new North African campaign was launched to protect Egypt "from flank attack by ByzantineCyrene". An Arab army of 40,000 tookBarca, defeating 30,000 Byzantines.[29]
A vanguard of 10,000 Arabs underUqba ibn Nafi followed fromDamascus. In 670,Kairouan (modernTunisia) was established as a base for further invasions; Kairouan would become the capital of the Islamic province ofIfriqiya, and one of the main Arabo-Islamic religious centers in theMiddle Ages.[30] Then ibn Nafi "plunged into the heart of the country, traversed the wilderness in which his successors erected the splendid capitals ofFes andMorocco, and at length penetrated to the verge of theAtlantic and thegreat desert".[31]
In his conquest of theMaghreb, Uqba Ibn Nafi took the coastal cities ofBejaia andTangier, overwhelming what had once been theRoman province ofMauretania where he was finally halted.[32] As the historian Luis Garcia de Valdeavellano explains:[33]
In their struggle against the Byzantines and the Berbers, the Arab chieftains had greatly extended their African dominions, and as early as the year 682 Uqba had reached the shores of the Atlantic, but he was unable to occupy Tangier, for he was forced to turn back toward theAtlas Mountains by a man who became known to history and legend asCount Julian.
— Luis Garcia de Valdeavellano
As the first tide of the Muslim conquests in the Near East ebbed off, and a semi-permanent border between the two powers was established, a wide zone, unclaimed by either Byzantines or Arabs and virtually deserted (known in Arabic asal-Ḍawāḥī, "the outer lands" and inGreek asτὰ ἄκρα,ta akra, "the extremities") emerged inCilicia, along the southern approaches of theTaurus andAnti-Taurus mountain ranges, leaving Syria in Muslim and theAnatolian plateau in Byzantine hands. Both EmperorHeraclius and the Caliph 'Umar (r. 634–644) pursued a strategy of destruction within this zone, trying to transform it into an effective barrier between the two realms.[34]
Nevertheless, the Umayyads still considered the complete subjugation of Byzantium as their ultimate objective. Their thinking was dominated by Islamic teaching, which placed the infidel Byzantines in theDār al-Ḥarb, the "House of War", which, in the words of Islamic scholarHugh N. Kennedy, "the Muslims should attack whenever possible; rather than peace interrupted by occasional conflict, the normal pattern was seen to be conflict interrupted by occasional, temporary truce (hudna). True peace (ṣulḥ) could only come when the enemy accepted Islam or tributary status."[35]
Both as governor of Syria and later as caliph,Muawiyah I (r. 661–680) was the driving force of the Muslim effort against Byzantium, especially by his creation of a fleet, which challenged theByzantine navy and raided the Byzantine islands and coasts. To stop the Byzantine harassment from the sea during the Arab-Byzantine Wars, in 649 Muawiyah set up a navy, manned byMonophysitise Christian,Copt andJacobite Syrian Christian sailors and Muslim troops. This resulted in the defeat of the Byzantine navy at theBattle of the Masts in 655, opening up the Mediterranean.[36][37][38][39][40] The shocking defeat of the imperial fleet by the young Muslim navy at theBattle of the Masts in 655 was of critical importance: it opened up the Mediterranean, hitherto a "Roman lake", to Arab expansion, and began a centuries-long series of naval conflicts over the control of the Mediterranean waterways.[41][42] 500 Byzantine ships were destroyed in the battle, and EmperorConstans II was almost killed. Under the instructions of the caliphUthman ibn Affan, Muawiyah then prepared for thesiege of Constantinople.
Trade between the Muslim eastern and southern shores and the Christian northern shores almost ceased during this period, isolating Western Europe from developments in the Muslim world: "In antiquity, and again in the high Middle Ages, the voyage from Italy to Alexandria was commonplace; in early Islamic times the two countries were so remote that even the most basic information was unknown" (Kennedy).[43] Muawiyah also initiated the first large-scale raids into Anatolia from 641 on. These expeditions, aiming both at plunder and at weakening and keeping the Byzantines at bay, as well as the corresponding retaliatory Byzantine raids, eventually became established as a fixture of Byzantine–Arab warfare for the next three centuries.[44][45]
The outbreak of theMuslim Civil War in 656 bought a precious breathing pause for Byzantium, which EmperorConstans II (r. 641–668) used to shore up his defences, extend and consolidate his control over Armenia and most importantly, initiate a major army reform with lasting effect: the establishment of thethemata, the large territorial commands into which Anatolia, the major contiguous territory remaining to the Empire, was divided. The remains of the old field armies were settled in each of them, and soldiers were allocated land there in payment of their service. Thethemata would form the backbone of the Byzantine defensive system for centuries to come.[46]
After his victory in the civil war, Muawiyah launched a series of attacks against Byzantine holdings in Africa, Sicily and the East.[47] By 670, the Muslim fleet had penetrated into theSea of Marmara and stayed atCyzicus during the winter. Four years later, a massive Muslim fleet reappeared in the Marmara and re-established a base at Cyzicus, from there they raided the Byzantine coasts almost at will. Finally in 676, Muawiyah sent an army to investConstantinople from land as well, beginning theFirst Arab Siege of the city.Constantine IV (r. 661–685) however used a devastating new weapon that came to be known as "Greek fire", invented by a Christianrefugee from Syria named Kallinikos ofHeliopolis, to decisively defeat the attacking Umayyad navy in theSea of Marmara, resulting in the lifting of the siege in 678. The returning Muslim fleet suffered further losses due to storms, while the army lost many men to the thematic armies who attacked them on their route back.[48] Among those killed in the siege wasEyup, the standard bearer of Muhammed and the last of his companions; to Muslims today, his tomb is considered one of the holiest sites in Istanbul.[49]
The setback at Constantinople was followed by further reverses across the vast Muslim empire. As Gibbon writes, "this Mahometan Alexander, who sighed for new worlds, was unable to preserve his recent conquests. By the universal defection of the Greeks and Africans he was recalled from the shores of the Atlantic." His forces were directed at putting down rebellions, and in one such battle he was surrounded by insurgents and killed. Then, the third governor of Africa, Zuheir, was overthrown by a powerful army, sent from Constantinople byConstantine IV for the relief ofCarthage.[32] Meanwhile, asecond Arab civil war was raging inArabia and Syria resulting in a series of four caliphs between the death of Muawiyah in 680 and the ascension ofAbd al-Malik in 685, and was ongoing until 692 with the death of the rebel leader.[50]
The Saracen Wars ofJustinian II (r. 685–695 and 705–711), last emperor of theHeraclian Dynasty, "reflected the general chaos of the age".[51] After a successful campaign he made a truce with the Arabs, agreeing on joint possession ofArmenia,Iberia andCyprus; however, by removing 12,000ChristianMardaites from their nativeLebanon, he removed a major obstacle for the Arabs in Syria, and in 692, after the disastrousBattle of Sebastopolis, the Muslims invaded and conquered all of Armenia.[52] Deposed in 695, withCarthage lost in 698, Justinian returned to power from 705 to 711.[51] His second reign was marked by Arab victories in Asia Minor and civil unrest.[52] Reportedly, he ordered his guards to execute the only unit that had not deserted him after one battle, to prevent their desertion in the next.[51]
Justinian's first and second depositions were followed by internal disorder, with successive revolts and emperors lacking legitimacy or support. In this climate, the Umayyads consolidated their control of Armenia and Cilicia, and began preparing a renewed offensive against Constantinople. In Byzantium, the generalLeo the Isaurian (r. 717–741) had just seized the throne in March 717, when the massive Muslim army under the famed Umayyad prince and generalMaslama ibn Abd al-Malik began moving towards the imperial capital.[53] The Caliphate's army and navy, led by Maslama, numbered some 120,000 men and 1,800 ships according to the sources. Whatever the real number, it was a huge force, far larger than the imperial army. Thankfully for Leo and the Empire, the capital's sea walls had recently been repaired and strengthened. In addition, the emperor concluded an alliance with the Bulgar khanTervel, who agreed to harass the invaders' rear.[54]
From July 717 to August 718, the city wasbesieged by land and sea by the Muslims, who built an extensive double line ofcircumvallation andcontravallation on the landward side, isolating the capital. Their attempt to complete the blockade by sea however failed when theByzantine navy employedGreek fire against them; the Arab fleet kept well off the city walls, leaving Constantinople's supply routes open. Forced to extend the siege into winter, the besieging army suffered horrendous casualties from the cold and the lack of provisions.[55]
In spring, new reinforcements were sent by the new caliph,Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz (r. 717–720), by sea from Africa and Egypt and over land through Asia Minor. The crews of the new fleets were composed mostly of Christians, who began defecting in large numbers, while the land forces were ambushed and defeated inBithynia. As famine and an epidemic continued to plague the Arab camp, the siege was abandoned on 15 August 718. On its return, the Arab fleet suffered further casualties to storms and an eruption of the volcano ofThera.[56]
The first wave of the Muslim conquests ended with the siege of Constantinople in 718, and the border between the two empires became stabilized along the mountains of eastern Anatolia. Raids and counter-raids continued on both sides and became nearly ritualized, but the prospect of outright conquest of Byzantium by the Caliphate receded. This led to far more regular, and often friendly, diplomatic contacts, as well as a reciprocal recognition of the two empires.
In response to the Muslim threat, which reached its peak in the first half of the 8th century, theIsaurian emperors adopted the policy ofIconoclasm, which was abandoned in 786 only to be readopted in the 820s and finally abandoned in 843. Under theMacedonian dynasty, exploiting the decline and fragmentation of theAbbasid Caliphate, the Byzantines gradually went on the offensive, and recovered much territory in the 10th century, which was lost however after 1071 to theSeljuk Turks.
Following the failure to capture Constantinople in 717–718, the Umayyads for a time diverted their attention elsewhere, allowing the Byzantines to take to the offensive, making some gains in Armenia. From 720/721 however the Arab armies resumed their expeditions against Byzantine Anatolia, although now they were no longer aimed at conquest, but rather large-scale raids, plundering and devastating the countryside and only occasionally attacking forts or major settlements.[57][58]
Under the late Umayyad and early Abbasid caliphs, the frontier between Byzantium and the Caliphate became stabilized along the line of the Taurus-Antitaurus mountain ranges. On the Arab side,Cilicia was permanently occupied and its deserted cities, such asAdana,Mopsuestia (al-Massisa) and, most importantly,Tarsus, were refortified and resettled under the early Abbasids. Likewise, inUpper Mesopotamia, places likeGermanikeia (Mar'ash),Hadath and Melitene (Malatya) became major military centers. These two regions came to form the two-halves of a new fortified frontier zone, thethughur.[45][59]
Both the Umayyads and later the Abbasids continued to regard the annual expeditions against the Caliphate's "traditional enemy" as an integral part of the continuingjihad, and they quickly became organized in a regular fashion: one to two summer expeditions (pl.ṣawā'if, sing.ṣā'ifa) sometimes accompanied by a naval attack and/or followed by winter expeditions (shawātī). The summer expeditions were usually two separate attacks, the "expedition of the left" (al-ṣā'ifa al-yusrā/al-ṣughrā) launched from the Cilicianthughur and consisting mostly of Syrian troops, and the usually larger "expedition of the right" (al-ṣā'ifa al-yumnā/al-kubrā) launched fromMalatya and composed ofMesopotamian troops. The raids were also largely confined to the borderlands and the central Anatolian plateau, and only rarely reached the peripheral coastlands, which the Byzantines fortified heavily.[57][60]
Under the more aggressive CaliphHisham ibn Abd al-Malik (r. 723–743), the Arab expeditions intensified for a time, and were led by some of the Caliphate's most capable generals, including princes of the Umayyad dynasty like Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik andal-Abbas ibn al-Walid or Hisham's own sonsMu'awiyah,Maslama andSulayman.[61] This was still a time when Byzantium was fighting for survival, and "the frontier provinces, devastated by war, were a land of ruined cities and deserted villages where a scattered population looked to rocky castles or impenetrable mountains rather than the armies of the empire to provide a minimum of security" (Kennedy).[35]
In response to the renewal of Arab invasions, and to a sequence of natural disasters such as the eruptions of the volcanic island ofThera,[62] the EmperorLeo III the Isaurian concluded that the Empire had lost divine favour. Already in 722 he had tried to force the conversion of the Empire's Jews, but soon he began to turn his attention to the veneration oficons, which some bishops had come to regard asidolatrous. In 726, Leo published an edict condemning their use and showed himself increasingly critical of theiconophiles. Heformally banned depictions of religious figures in a court council in 730.[63][64]
This decision provoked major opposition both from the people and the church, especially theBishop of Rome, which Leo did not take into account. In the words of Warren Treadgold: "He saw no need to consult the church, and he appears to have been surprised by the depth of the popular opposition he encountered".[63][64] The controversy weakened the Byzantine Empire, and was a key factor in the schism between thePatriarch of Constantinople and theBishop of Rome.[65][66]
The Umayyad Caliphate however was increasingly distracted by conflicts elsewhere, especially itsconfrontation with theKhazars, with whom Leo III had concluded an alliance, marrying his son and heir,Constantine V (r. 741–775) to the Khazar princessTzitzak. Only in the late 730s did the Muslim raids again become a threat, but the great Byzantine victory atAkroinon and the turmoil of theAbbasid Revolution led to a pause in Arab attacks against the Empire. It also opened up the way for a more aggressive stance byConstantine V (r. 741–775), who in 741 attacked the major Arab base ofMelitene, and continued scoring further victories. These successes were also interpreted by Leo III and his son Constantine as evidence of God's renewed favour, and strengthened the position of Iconoclasm within the Empire.[67][68]
Unlike their Umayyad predecessors, the Abbasid caliphs did not pursue active expansion: in general terms, they were content with the territorial limits achieved, and whatever external campaigns they waged were retaliatory or preemptive, meant to preserve their frontier and impress Abbasid might upon their neighbours.[69] At the same time, the campaigns against Byzantium in particular remained important for domestic consumption. The annual raids, which had almost lapsed in the turmoil following theAbbasid Revolution, were undertaken with renewed vigour from ca. 780 on, and were the only expeditions where the Caliph or his sons participated in person.[70][71]
As a symbol of the Caliph's ritual role as the leader of the Muslim community, they were closely paralleled in official propaganda by the leadership by Abbasid family members of the annual pilgrimage (hajj) toMecca.[70][71] In addition, the constant warfare on the Syrian marches was useful to the Abbasids as it provided employment for the Syrian and Iraqi military elites and the various volunteers (muṭṭawi‘a) who flocked to participate in thejihad.[72][73]
"Thethughūr are blocked by Hārūn, and through him
the ropes of the Muslim state are firmly plaited
His banner is forever tied with victory;
he has an army before which armies scatter.
All the kings of theRūm give himjizya
unwillingly, perforce, out of hand in humiliation."
Wishing to emphasize his piety and role as the leader of the Muslim community, CaliphHarun al-Rashid (r. 786–809) in particular was the most energetic of the early Abbasid rulers in his pursuit of warfare against Byzantium: he established his seat atRaqqa close to the frontier, he complemented thethughur in 786 by forming a second defensive line along northern Syria, theal-'Awasim, and was reputed to be spending alternating years leading theHajj and leading a campaign into Anatolia, including the largest expedition assembled under the Abbasids,in 806.[75][76]
Continuing a trend started by his immediate predecessors, his reign also saw the development of far more regular contacts between the Abbasid court and Byzantium, with the exchange of embassies and letters being far more common than under the Umayyad rulers. Despite Harun's hostility, "the existence of embassies is a sign that the Abbasids accepted that the Byzantine empire was a power with which they had to deal on equal terms" (Kennedy).[77][78]
Civil war occurred in the Byzantine Empire, often with Arab support. With the support of CaliphAl-Ma'mun, Arabs under the leadership ofThomas the Slav invaded, so that within a matter of months, only twothemata in Asia Minor remained loyal to EmperorMichael II.[79] When the Arabs capturedThessalonica, the Empire's second largest city, it was quickly re-captured by the Byzantines.[79] Thomas's 821 siege of Constantinople did not get past thecity walls, and he was forced to retreat.[79]
The Arabs did not relinquish their designs on Asia Minor and in 838 began another invasion,sacking the city ofAmorion.
While a relative equilibrium reigned in the East, the situation in the western Mediterranean was irretrievably altered when theAghlabids began their slowconquest of Sicily in the 820s. UsingTunisia as their launching pad, the Arabs started by conqueringPalermo in 831,Messina in 842,Enna in 859, culminating in the capture ofSyracuse in 878.[80] Separately, in around 827, a band of Andalusians expelled from Alexandria by the Abbasids arrived inCrete.[81] The Andalusians established their main city and fortress atChandax,[81] which later became their capital once they had subdued the Byzantine territory, establishing theEmirate of Crete.[82]
In 863 during the reign ofMichael III, the Byzantine general Petronas defeated and routed an Arab invasion force under the command ofUmar al-Aqta at theBattle of Lalakaon inflicting heavy casualties and removing theEmirate of Melitene as a serious military threat.[83][84] Umar died in battle and the remnants of his army was annihilated in subsequent clashes, allowing the Byzantines to celebrate the victory as revenge for the earlier Arab sacking of Amorion, while news of the defeats sparked riots inBaghdad andSamarra.[85][84] In the following months the Byzantines successfully invaded Armenia killing the Muslim governor in ArmeniaEmir Ali ibn Yahya as well as thePaulician leaderKarbeas.[86] These Byzantines victories marked a turning point which ushered in a century long Byzantine offensive eastward into Muslim territory.[85]
Religious peace came with the emergence of theMacedonian dynasty in 867, as well as a strong and unified Byzantine leadership;[87] while the Abbasid empire had splintered into many factions after 861.Basil I revived the Byzantine Empire into a regional power, during a period of territorial expansion, making the Empire the strongest power inEurope, with an ecclesiastical policy marked by good relations withRome. Basil allied with theHoly Roman EmperorLouis II against the Arabs, and his fleet cleared theAdriatic Sea of their raids.[88]
With Byzantine help, Louis IIcaptured Bari from the Arabs in 871. The city became Byzantine territory in 876. The Byzantine position onSicily deteriorated, andSyracuse fell to theEmirate of Sicily in 878. Catania was lost in 900, and finally the fortress ofTaormina in 902.Michael of Zahumlje apparently on 10 July 926 sackedSiponto (Latin:Sipontum), which was a Byzantine town inApulia.[88] Sicily would remain under Arab control until the Norman invasion in 1071.
Although Sicily was lost, the generalNikephoros Phokas the Elder succeeded in takingTaranto and much ofCalabria in 880, forming the nucleus for the laterCatepanate of Italy. The successes in theItalian Peninsula opened a new period of Byzantine domination there. Above all, the Byzantines were beginning to establish a strong presence in theMediterranean Sea, and especially theAdriatic.
UnderJohn Kourkouas, the Byzantines conquered the emirate ofMelitene, along withTheodosiopolis the strongest of the Muslim border emirates, and advanced into Armenia in the 930s; the next three decades were dominated by the struggle of thePhokas clan and their dependants against theHamdanid emir ofAleppo,Sayf al-Dawla. Al-Dawla was finally defeated byNikephoros II Phokas, who conqueredCilicia and northern Syria, including thesack of Aleppo, and recovered Crete. His nephew and successor,John I Tzimiskes, pushed even further south, almost reachingJerusalem, but his death in 976 ended Byzantine expansion towardsPalestine.
After putting an end to the internal strife,Basil II launched a counter-campaign against the Arabs in 995. The Byzantine civil wars had weakened the Empire's position in the east, and the gains ofNikephoros II Phokas andJohn I Tzimiskes came close to being lost, withAleppo besieged and Antioch under threat. Basil won several battles inSyria, relieving Aleppo, taking over theOrontes valley, and raiding further south. Although he did not have the force to drive into Palestine and reclaimJerusalem, his victories did restore much ofSyria to the empire – including the larger city of Antioch which was the seat ofits eponymous Patriarch.[89]
No Byzantine emperor sinceHeraclius had been able to hold these lands for any length of time, and the Empire would retain them for the next 110 years until 1078.Piers Paul Read writes that by 1025, Byzantine land "stretched from theStraits of Messina and the northern Adriatic in the west to theRiver Danube andCrimea in the north, and to the cities of Melitene andEdessa beyond theEuphrates in the east."[89]
Under Basil II, the Byzantines established a swath of newthemata, stretching northeast from Aleppo (a Byzantine protectorate) to Manzikert. Under the Theme system of military and administrative government, the Byzantines could raise a force at least 200,000 strong, though in practice these were strategically placed throughout the Empire. With Basil's rule, the Byzantine Empire reached its greatest height in nearly five centuries, and indeed for the next four centuries.[90]
As with any war of such length, the drawn-out Byzantine–Arab Wars had long-lasting effects for both the Byzantine Empire and the Arab world. The Byzantines experienced extensive territorial loss. However, while the invading Arabs gained strong control in the Middle East and Africa, further conquests in Western Asia were halted. The focus of the Byzantine Empire shifted from the western reconquests of Justinian to a primarily defensive position, against the Islamic armies on its eastern borders. Without Byzantine interference in the emerging Christian states of western Europe, the situation gave a huge stimulus tofeudalism andeconomic self-sufficiency.[91]
The view of modern historians is that one of the most important effects was the strain it put on the relationship between Rome and Byzantium. While fighting for survival against the Islamic armies, the Empire was no longer able to provide the protection it had once offered to the Papacy; worse still, according toThomas Woods, the Emperors "routinely intervened in the life of the Church in areas lying clearly beyond the state's competence".[92] TheIconoclast controversy of the 8th and 9th centuries can be taken as a key factor "which drove theLatin Church into the arms of theFranks."[66] Thus it has been argued thatCharlemagne was an indirect product ofMuhammad:
TheHoly Roman Empire of Charlemagne's successors would later come to the aid of the Byzantines under Louis II and during the Crusades, but relations between the two empires would be strained; based on theSalerno Chronicle, we know the Emperor Basil had sent an angry letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping the title of emperor.[94]
Walter Emil Kaegi states that extant Arabic sources have been given much scholarly attention for issues of obscurities and contradictions. However, he points out that Byzantine sources are also problematic, such as the chronicles ofTheophanes andNicephorus and those written in Syriac, which are short and terse while the important question of their sources and their use of sources remains unresolved. Kaegi concludes that scholars must also subject the Byzantine tradition to critical scrutiny, as it "contains bias and cannot serve as an objective standard against which all Muslim sources may be confidently checked".[95]
Among the few Latin sources of interest are the 7th-century history ofFredegarius, and two 8th-century Spanish chronicles, all of which draw on some Byzantine and oriental historical traditions.[96] As far as Byzantine military action against the initial Muslim invasions, Kaegi asserts that "Byzantine traditions ... attempt to deflect criticism of the Byzantine debacle from Heraclius to other persons, groups, and things".[97]
The range of non-historical Byzantine sources is vast: they range from papyri to sermons (most notable those ofSophronius andAnastasius Sinaita), poetry (especially that of Sophronius andGeorge of Pisidia) including theAcritic songs, correspondence often of a patristic provenance, apologetical treatises, apocalypses, hagiography, military manuals (in particular theStrategikon ofMaurice from the beginning of the 7th century), and other non-literary sources, such as epigraphy, archeology, and numismatics. None of these sources contains a coherent account of any of the campaigns and conquests of the Muslim armies, but some do contain invaluable details that survive nowhere else.[98]
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