Antiochus XI Epiphanes Philadelphus (Greek:Ἀντίοχος Ἐπιφανής Φιλάδελφος; died 93 BC) was aSeleucid monarch who reigned asKing of Syria between 94 and 93 BC, during the lateHellenistic period. He was the son ofAntiochusVIII and his wifeTryphaena. AntiochusXI's early life was a time of constant civil war between his father and his uncleAntiochusIX. The conflict ended with the assassination of AntiochusVIII, followed by the establishment of AntiochusIX inAntioch, the capital of Syria. AntiochusVIII's eldest sonSeleucusVI, in control of westernCilicia, marched against his uncle and had him killed, taking Antioch for himself, only to be expelled from it and driven to his death in 94 BC by AntiochusIX's sonAntiochusX.
Following the murder of SeleucusVI, AntiochusXI declared himself king jointly with his twin brotherPhilipI. Dubious ancient accounts, which may be contradicted by archaeological evidence, report that AntiochusXI's first act was to avenge his late brother by destroyingMopsuestia in Cilicia, the city responsible for the death of SeleucusVI. In 93 BC, AntiochusXI took Antioch, an event not mentioned by ancient historians but confirmed through numismatic evidence. AntiochusXI appears to have been the senior king, minting coinage as a sole king and reigning alone in the capital, while PhilipI remained in Cilicia, but kept his royal title. AntiochusXI may have restored the temple ofApollo andArtemis inDaphne, but his reign did not last long. In the autumn of the same year, AntiochusX regrouped and counter-attacked; AntiochusXI was defeated and drowned in theOrontes River as he tried to flee.
The name Antiochus is of Greek etymology and means "resolute in contention".[1] The capital of Syria,Antioch, was named afterAntiochus, father of the city's founder, KingSeleucusI (reigned 305–281 BC);[2] this name became dynastic and many Seleucid kings bore it.[3][4] Inc. 124 BCAntiochusVIII married thePtolemaic princessTryphaena, who died in 109 BC.[5][6] The couple had many children, includingSeleucusVI, the eldest; AntiochusXI andPhilipI;[7] their younger brotherDemetriusIII;[8] and the youngestAntiochusXII.[9] The mother of PhilipI was mentioned explicitly as Tryphaena by the fourth-century historianEusebius, who also mentioned that AntiochusXI and PhilipI were twins (didymoi).[10] AntiochusXI's date of birth is unknown, but by the time he came to power he was at least in his twenties.[11]
In 113 BC,Antiochus IX declared himself king and started a civil war against his half-brother AntiochusVIII. The conflict between the brothers would last a decade and a half;[12] it claimed the life of Tryphaena and ended with the assassination of AntiochusVIII at the hands of his ministerHerakleon of Beroia in 96 BC.[13] In the aftermath of AntiochusVIII's death, AntiochusIX took the capital Antioch and married AntiochusVIII's second wife and widow,Cleopatra Selene.[13] The sons of AntiochusVIII responded; DemetriusIII tookDamascus and ruled it,[14] while SeleucusVI killed AntiochusIX in 95 BC and took Antioch.[15] The new king was defeated by AntiochusIX's sonAntiochusX (r. 95–92/88 BC), who took the capital.[16] SeleucusVI escaped toMopsuestia inCilicia where he was killed by rebels in 94 BC.[17]
Syria in 95 BCAntiochus XI and PhilipI beardedJugate coin of Antiochus XI andPhilipI. AntiochusXI is depicted with a sideburn.
The reigns of the late Seleucid kings are poorly attested in ancient literature through brief passages and summaries, often riddled with conflations and contradictions;[18] the numismatic evidence is therefore the primary source when reconstructing the reigns of late Seleucid monarchs.[19] During SeleucusVI's reign, AntiochusXI and his twin probably resided in Cilicia.[20] In the aftermath of SeleucusVI's death, AntiochusXI and PhilipI declared themselves kings in 94 BC; the historianAlfred Bellinger suggested that their base was a coastal city north of Antioch,[21] while Arthur Houghton believed it wasBeroea, because the city's rulers were PhilipI's allies.[22][23]
It is more likely thatTarsus was the main base of operations;[24] both AntiochusXI and PhilipI's portraits appeared on the obverses ofjugate coins they struck,[7] and all the jugate coins were minted in Cilicia. Three series of jugate coins are known; as of 2008, one series has six known surviving specimens,[24] depicting both kings with beards.[25] The excellent craftsmanship of the portraits depicted on the coins of the six specimen series indicates that the minting facility was located in a city that was a center of culture, making Tarsus the likely site of the mint and so the probable base of operations.[24]
The other two coin series have fewer surviving specimens and depict AntiochusXI with a sideburn.[25] Those coins were not minted in Tarsus, and the sideburn indicates that those issues were produced by cities west of the main base, as the king passed them on his way to Tarsus; by the time AntiochusXI arrived at his headquarters, he was depicted with a full beard. On all jugate coins, AntiochusXI was portrayed in front of PhilipI, his name taking precedence,[24] showing that he was the senior monarch. According toJosephus, AntiochusXI became king before PhilipI, but the numismatic evidence suggests otherwise, as the earliest coins show both brothers ruling jointly.[26]
Hellenistic monarchs did not useregnal numbers but usually employed epithets to distinguish themselves from other kings with similar names; the numbering of kings is mostly a modern practice.[27][3] On his coins, AntiochusXI appeared with the epithetsEpiphanes (God Manifest) andPhiladelphus (Brother-Loving).[28][29] Epiphanes served to emphasize AntiochusXI's paternity as a son of AntiochusVIII, who bore the same epithet;[30] whilePhiladelphus was probably a sign of respect to SeleucusVI and PhilipI.[note 1][34] The beard sported by AntiochusXI on his jugate coins from Tarsus is probably a sign of mourning and the intention to avenge SeleucusVI's death.[35][36] The last issue of AntiochusXI from Antioch depicts him beardless, highlighting that thevow was fulfilled.[37]
Portrait of Antiochus XI exemplifying thetryphé tradition
Drawing his legitimacy from his father, Antiochus XI appeared on his coinage with an exaggerated hawked nose, in the likeness of AntiochusVIII.[38] The iconography of AntiochusXI's portrait was part of thetryphé-king tradition, heavily used by AntiochusVIII.[note 2] The ruler's portrait expresstryphé (luxury and magnificence), where his unattractive features and stoutness are emphasized.[note 3] The tradition oftryphé images started in Egypt, and was later adopted in Syria. TheRomans considered thetryphé portraits as evidence of the degeneracy and decadence of Hellenistic kings; the softness depicted in the portraits was seen as a sign of the rulers' incompetence, a way to explain the decline of the Hellenistic dynasties. However, the Roman view is not factual; those images were an intentional policy in a kingdom ravaged by civil war. Most late Seleucid monarchs, including AntiochusXI, spent their reigns fighting, causing havoc in their lands. The image of a warrior king on coins, as was customary for HellenisticBactrian kings for example, would have alienated the already impoverished population suffering the consequences of war. The people needed peace and copiousness, and thetryphé portrait was an attempt to imply that the king and his people were living a pleasurable life. By employing thetryphé image, AntiochusXI suggested that he would be a successful and popular king like his father.[note 4][44]
According to Eusebius, the brothers sacked Mopsuestia and destroyed it to avenge SeleucusVI.[10] Eusebius's statement is doubtful because in 86 BC,Rome conferred inviolability upon the cult ofIsis andSarapis in Mopsuestia, which is proven by an inscription from the city.[45] After Mopsuestia, AntiochusXI left PhilipI in Cilicia and advanced on Antioch, driving AntiochusX from the city at the beginning of 93 BC.[note 5][24] Ancient historians do not note AntiochusXI's reign in the capital, stating that he fought against AntiochusX and was defeated.[28] The 6th-centuryByzantine monk and historianJohn Malalas, whose work is considered generally unreliable by scholars,[46] mentions the reign of AntiochusXI in his account of the Roman period in Antioch.[47] The material evidence for AntiochusXI's success in taking the capital was provided in 1912, when an account of a coin struck by him in Antioch was published.[28]
Tetradrachm of Antiochus XI, Antioch mint
Philip I did not take residence in the capital and AntiochusXI minted coinage as a sole king.[note 6][49] PhilipI kept the royal title while remaining in the city which was his base during the preparations to avenge SeleucusVI.[50] The numismatistEdward Theodore Newell assigned AntiochusXI a reign of a few weeks in the capital, but according to the numismatist Oliver Hoover, estimating the average annualdie usage rate of the King suggests a reign of several months.[note 7][48] According to Malalas, King Antiochus Philadelphus, i.e. AntiochusXI,[note 8] built a temple forApollo andArtemis inDaphne, and set up two golden statues representing the gods, as well as conferring the right of asylum to anyone who took refuge in the temple;[56] this statement cannot be correct since the temple was attested during the time ofAntiochusIII (r. 222–187 BC).[57] The historian Glanville Downey, observing Malalas's writing style in Greek, suggested that by "building", Malalas meant renovating or restoring, which indicates that a predecessor of AntiochusXI may have desecrated the temple and melted down the golden statues.[note 9][56]
By autumn 93 BC, Antiochus X counter-attacked, defeating AntiochusXI,[7] who drowned in theOrontes River as he tried to flee.[59] Ancient accounts dealing with the last battle differ: according to the first-century historian Josephus, AntiochusXI fought alone, while Eusebius has both AntiochusXI and PhilipI in the battle. Eusebius failed to note the reign of AntiochusXI in Antioch, stating that the final battle took place immediately after the destruction of Mopsuestia; a statement contradicted by numismatic evidence. In the view of Bellinger, the brothers' combined armies must have been deployed, but since only AntiochusXI perished, it is probable that PhilipI stayed behind at his capital with AntiochusXI leading the armies in the field.[26]
Nothing is known regarding Antiochus XI's marriages or children.[60] According to the first century biographerPlutarch, the first-century BC Roman generalLucullus said that theArmenian king,TigranesII, who conquered Syria in 83BC, "put to death the successors ofSeleucus, and [carried] off their wives and daughters into captivity". Ancient sources regarding the late Seleucid period are fragmentary and do not mention many details. Therefore, the statement of Lucullus makes it possible that a wife or daughters of AntiochusXI existed, and that they were taken by the Armenian king.[61] Following his victory, AntiochusX regained the capital and ruled it until his death.[62]
^The historianAlfred von Gutschmid suggested that whenever a Hellenistic king assumed the epithet Philadelphus, it meant that he had been asked by his reigning brother to share the throne.[31] In the case of AntiochusXI and PhilipI, since both used the epithet, von Gutschmid considered it an exception of the rule. He suggested that the brothers assumed their epithet to legitimize their claim to the throne, which was contested by the line of AntiochusIX, by emphasizing their relation to their brother, the former king SeleucusVI. Von Gutschmid's arguments were criticized by many scholars, especiallyEvaristo Breccia [it],[32] who considered the epithet a homage to SeleucusVI and an affirmation of the fraternal concord between AntiochusXI and PhilipI.[33]
^An engraved gem is kept by theMuseum of Fine Arts, Boston. Its accession number is 13.244. Its style resembles the style used for AntiochusXI's portraits; the gem could be depicting him, or his brother DemetriusIII.[39] Such portraits onintaglios served a function parallel but different from the portraits depicted on coins. Both portraits emphasized the characters of the monarch they depicted,[40] but while coin portraits were means of guaranteeing value and genuineness, and thus followed standardized models, aimed at delivering a political message of continuity which signified the king's dynastic connections and his prowess as a monarch, gem portraits did not follow the standards used for coinage,[41] and served a more private purpose, depicting the ruler in a more delicate manner.[40] Gems bearing royal portraits and cut under direct royal auspice served many functions; they were probably used as personal gifts to followers and foreign ambassadors, and bearers of royal intaglios indicated their loyalty to the king, or his memory, by using his portrait as theirsignet.[42]
^Gluttony and corpulence were a sign of a monarch's wealth in Hellenistic art. Many kings were depicted with double chins and fleshy faces.[43]
^Evidence that the Roman conception of the meaning oftryphé portraits was incorrect, includes the iconography ofSeleucia Pieria'sTyche (tutelary deity) during the reign of AntiochusVIII. The goddess's features resemble those of the king. Iftryphé was a sign of degeneration, then it would have never been used to portray a deity.[44]
^Eusebius stated that both brothers marched on Antioch, while the first century historian Josephus mentioned only AntiochusXI; the latter account is more accurate and is supported by numismatic evidence.[24]
^The numismatist Arthur Houghton attributed a jugate coin of AntiochusXI and PhilipI to Antioch, but later retracted the attribution in favour of aCilician mint.[48]
^The estimation is conducted using the Esty formula, which was developed by the mathematician Warren W. Esty; it is a mathematical formula that can calculate the relative number of obverse dies used to produce a certain coin series. The calculation can be used to measure the coinage production of a certain king and thus estimate the length of his reign.[51]
^This epithet was also used by KingAntiochusXIII (r. 82–64 BC),[52] who had the distinction of being the last Seleucid king, after whose death Rome annexed Syria.[53] Malalas used the epithet "Dionysus" when referring to AntiochusXIII,[54] which was in fact an epithet of AntiochusXII, who never controlled Antioch.[55] According to the historian Glanville Downey, the Byzantine historian conflated AntiochusXIII with AntiochusXII,[53] and used the epithet "Philadelphus" when referring to AntiochusXI.[47]
Bellinger, Alfred R. (1949). "The End of the Seleucids".Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.38. Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.OCLC4520682.
Clinton, Henry Fynes (1851).Fasti Hellenici. Vol. III: The Civil and Literary Chronology of Greece and Rome, from the CXXIVth Olympiad to the Death of Augustus (second ed.). Oxford University Press.OCLC1063922992.
Coloru, Omar (2015). "I Am Your Father! Dynasties and Dynastic Legitimacy on Pre-Islamic Coinage Between Iran and Northwest India".Electrum: Journal of Ancient History.22. Instytut Historii. Uniwersytet Jagielloński (Department of Ancient History at the Jagiellonian University).ISSN1897-3426.
Dąbrowa, Edward (2011). "ΑΡΣΑΚΗΣ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΗΣ. Were the Arsacids Deities 'Revealed'?".Studi Ellenistici.24. Fabrizio Serra Editore.ISBN978-88-6227-351-0.ISSN1828-5864.
Den Boeft, Jan; Drijvers, Jan Willem; Den Hengst, Daniël; Teitler, Hans (1995).Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXII. Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus. Vol. 3. Brill.ISBN978-90-69-80086-8.
Downey, Robert Emory Glanville (1951). "The Occupation of Syria by the Romans".Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association.82. The Johns Hopkins University Press:149–163.doi:10.2307/283427.ISSN2325-9213.JSTOR283427.
Downey, Robert Emory Glanville (2015) [1961].A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest. Princeton University Press.ISBN978-1-400-87773-7.
Dumitru, Adrian (2016). "Kleopatra Selene: A Look at the Moon and Her Bright Side". In Coşkun, Altay; McAuley, Alex (eds.).Seleukid Royal Women: Creation, Representation and Distortion of Hellenistic Queenship in the Seleukid Empire. Historia – Einzelschriften. Vol. 240. Franz Steiner Verlag.ISBN978-3-515-11295-6.ISSN0071-7665.
Eusebius (1875) [c. 325]. Schoene, Alfred (ed.).Eusebii Chronicorum Libri Duo (in Latin). Vol. 1. Translated by Petermann, Julius Heinrich. Apud Weidmannos.OCLC312568526.
Fleischer, Robert (1996). "Hellenistic Royal Iconography on Coins". In Bilde, Per (ed.).Aspects of Hellenistic Kingship. Studies in Hellenistic Civilization. Vol. 7. Aarhus University Press.ISBN978-8-772-88474-5.ISSN0906-3463.
Hallo, William W. (1996).Origins. The Ancient Near Eastern Background of Some Modern Western Institutions. Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East. Vol. 6. Brill.ISBN978-90-04-10328-3.ISSN0169-9024.
Hoover, Oliver D. (2000). "A Dedication to Aphrodite Epekoos for Demetrius I Soter and His Family".Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik.131. Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.ISSN0084-5388.
Houghton, Arthur (1998). "The Struggle for the Seleucid Succession, 94–92 BC: a New Tetradrachm of Antiochus XI and Philip I of Antioch".Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau.77. Schweizerischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft.ISSN0035-4163.
Houghton, Arthur; Lorber, Catherine; Hoover, Oliver D. (2008).Seleucid Coins, A Comprehensive Guide: Part 2, Seleucus IV through Antiochus XIII. Vol. 1. The American Numismatic Society.ISBN978-0-980-23872-3.OCLC920225687.
Kosmin, Paul J. (2014).The Land of the Elephant Kings: Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire. Harvard University Press.ISBN978-0-674-72882-0.
McGing, Brian C. (2010).Polybius' Histories. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-199-71867-2.
Muccioli, Federicomaria (1994). "Considerazioni Generali Sull'epiteto Φιλάδελϕοϛ nelle Dinastie Ellenistiche e Sulla sua Applicazione nella Titolatura Degli Ultimi Seleucidi".Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte (in Italian).43 (4). Franz Steiner Verlag:402–422.ISSN0018-2311.JSTOR4436349.
Newell, Edward Theodore (1917). "The Seleucid Mint of Antioch".American Journal of Numismatics.51. American Numismatic Society.ISSN2381-4594.
Ogden, Daniel (1999).Polygamy, Prostitutes and Death: The Hellenistic Dynasties. Duckworth with the Classical Press of Wales.ISBN978-0-715-62930-7.
Otto, Walter Gustav Albrecht; Bengtson, Hermann (1938).Zur Geschichte des Niederganges des Ptolemäerreiches: ein Beitrag zur Regierungszeit des 8. und des 9. Ptolemäers. Abhandlungen (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse) (in German). Vol. 17. Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.OCLC470076298.
Rigsby, Kent J. (1996).Asylia: Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World. Hellenistic Culture and Society. Vol. 22. University of California Press.ISBN978-0-520-20098-2.
Ross, Alan S. C. (1968). "Aldrediana XX: Notes on the Preterite-Present Verbs".English Philological Studies.11. W. Heffer & Sons, Ltd for the University of Birmingham.ISSN0308-0129.
Scott, Roger (2017) [1989]. "Malalas and his Contemporaries". In Jeffreys, Elizabeth; Croke, Brian; Scott, Roger (eds.).Studies in John Malalas. Byzantina Australiensia. Vol. 6. Brill. pp. 67–85.ISBN978-9-004-34462-4.
Wright, Nicholas L. (2012).Divine Kings and Sacred Spaces: Power and Religion in Hellenistic Syria (301–64 BC). British Archaeological Reports (BAR) International Series. Vol. 2450. Archaeopress.ISBN978-1-407-31054-1.
.svg)
