Following the2005 federal election, Merkel was elected chancellor, leadinga grand coalition consisting of the CDU, theChristian Social Union (CSU), and theSocial Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). She was the first woman to be elected chancellor, and the first chancellor of reunified Germany to have been raised in the former East Germany.[b] In the2009 federal election, the CDU obtained the largest share of the vote, and Merkel subsequently formed a coalition government with theFree Democratic Party (FDP), an alliance more favourable to the CDU than the grand coalition.[12] In the2013 federal election, the CDU won a landslide victory and formed a second grand coalition with the SPD, after the FDP lost all of its representation in the Bundestag.[13] In the2017 federal election, Merkel led the CDU to become the largest party for the fourth time, resulting in the formation of a third grand coalition with the SPD.[14]
Merkel was born Angela Dorothea Kasner in 1954, in theEimsbüttel quarter ofHamburg,[19][20] the daughter ofHorst Kasner (1926–2011;néKaźmierczak),[21][22] aLutheran pastor and a native of Berlin, and his wife Herlind (1928–2019; née Jentzsch), born inDanzig (nowGdańsk,Poland), a teacher of English andLatin. She has two younger siblings,Marcus Kasner, a physicist, and Irene Kasner, an occupational therapist. In her childhood and youth, Merkel was known among her peers by the nickname "Kasi", derived from her last name Kasner.[23][page needed][24]
Merkel is of German and Polish descent. Her paternal grandfather,Ludwik Kasner, was a German policeman of Polish ethnicity. After beingcaptured in France duringWorld War I, he joined theBlue Army and likely fought against Germany.[25][26] He married Merkel's grandmother Margarethe, a German from Berlin, and relocated to her hometown where he again worked in the police. In 1930, they Germanised the Polish name Kaźmierczak to Kasner.[27][28][29][30] Merkel's maternal grandparents were theDanzig politicianWilli Jentzsch and Gertrud Alma (née Drange), a daughter of thecity clerk ofElbing (nowElbląg, Poland) Emil Drange. Since the mid-1990s, Merkel has publicly mentioned her Polish heritage on several occasions and described herself as a quarter Polish, but her Polish roots became better known as a result of a 2013 biography.[31]
Religion played a key role in the Kasner family's migration from West Germany to East Germany.[32] Merkel's paternal grandfather was originally Catholic but the entire family converted to Lutheranism during the childhood of her father,[28] who later studied Lutheran theology inHeidelberg and Hamburg. In 1954, when Angela was just three months old, her father received a pastorate at the church inQuitzow [de] (a district ofPerleberg in Brandenburg), which was then inEast Germany.[33] The family moved toTemplin and Merkel grew up in the countryside 90 km (56 mi) north ofEast Berlin.[33]
In 1968, Merkel joined theFree German Youth (FDJ), the officialcommunist youth movement sponsored by the ruling Marxist–LeninistSocialist Unity Party of Germany.[34][35] Membership was nominally voluntary, but those who did not join found it difficult to gain admission to higher education.[36] She did not participate in the secularcoming-of-age ceremonyJugendweihe, however, which was common in East Germany. Instead, she wasconfirmed.[37] During this time, she participated in several compulsory courses onMarxism–Leninism, with her grades only being regarded as "sufficient".[38] Merkel later said that "Life in the GDR was sometimes almost comfortable in a certain way, because there were some things one simply couldn't influence."[39] Merkel learned to speak Russian fluently at school, and she was awarded prizes for her proficiency in Russian and mathematics, being at the top of her class in these subjects. She completed her school education with the best possible averageAbitur grade of 1.0.[40]
Academic career
Merkel continued her education atKarl Marx University, Leipzig, where she studiedphysics from 1973 to 1978.[33] While a student, she participated in the reconstruction of the ruin of theMoritzbastei, a project students initiated to create their own club and recreation facility on campus. Such an initiative was unprecedented in theGDR of that period, and initially resisted by the university. With the backing of the local leadership of theSED party, the project was allowed to proceed.[41]
Near the end of her studies, Merkel sought an assistant professorship at an engineering school. As a condition for getting the job, Merkel was told she would need to agreeto report on her colleagues to officers of theStasi. Merkel declined, using the excuse that she could not keep secrets well enough to be an effective spy.[42]
Merkel worked and studied at the Central Institute forPhysical Chemistry of theAcademy of Sciences inBerlin-Adlershof from 1978 to 1990. At first, she and her husbandsquatted inMitte.[43] At the Academy of Sciences, she became a member of its FDJ secretariat. According to her former colleagues, she openly propagatedMarxism as the secretary for "Agitation and Propaganda".[44] However, Merkel has denied this claim and stated that she was secretary for culture, which involved activities like obtaining theatre tickets and organising talks by visiting Soviet authors.[45] She stated: "I can only rely on my memory, if something turns out to be different, I can live with that."[44]
Thefall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 served as the catalyst for Merkel's political career.[50] Although she did not participate in the crowd celebrations the night the wall came down, one month later Merkel became involved in the growing democracy movement, joining the new partyDemocratic Awakening (Demokratischer Aufbruch, abbreviated to DA).[50] Party LeaderWolfgang Schnur appointed her as press spokeswoman of the party in February 1990. However, Schnur was revealed to have served as an "informal co-worker" for theStasi just a few weeks ahead of thefirst (and only) multi-party election in 1990 and was later expelled from the party. As a result, the DA lost most of its electoral support, only managing to obtain four seats in theVolkskammer. However, because the DA was a member party of theAlliance for Germany, which won the election in a landslide, the DA was included in the government coalition. Merkel was appointed deputy spokesperson of this last pre-unification government underLothar de Maizière.[51]
De Maizière was impressed with the way Merkel handled journalists investigating Schnur's role in the Stasi.[42][50] In April 1990, the DA merged with theEast German Christian Democratic Union, which in turn merged with its western counterpart after reunification.[52][53]
In November 1991, Merkel, with the support of the federal CDU, ran for the state leadership of the CDU in the state of Brandenburg, which neighbours Berlin. She lost toUlf Fink.[56] In June 1993, Merkel was elected leader of the CDU in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, succeeding her former mentorGünther Krause.[57]
Policy
Although Merkel had little interest in the political position as such, it has been described as instrumental in building her early political image.[58][59] During her tenure, the government codified the right topreschool education, although the law only went into effect in 1996.[60] In June 1992, § 218 of theStGB, which governed abortion rights, was rewritten to allow abortions until the 12th week of pregnancy.[61] Though she was personally opposed to abortion at the time, Merkel abstained during the vote on the bill.[62] The law was later overturned by theFederal Constitutional Court on the basis that there must be a general prohibition of abortion.[61][63]
1994–1998: Minister for the Environment
Merkel in a CDU campaign poster, 1995
In 1994, she was promoted to the position ofMinister for the Environment and Nuclear Safety, which gave her greater political visibility and a platform on which to build her personal political career. As one of Kohl's protégées and his youngest Cabinet Minister, she was frequently referred to by Kohl as "my girl" (mein Mädchen).[64] During this period, she was closely mentored by Kohl.[59]
As Minister of the Environment, Merkel was instrumental in setting up the United Nations1995 Berlin Climate Change Conference. She is often credited as having brought about its most notable result, the first international commitment to a reduction ofgreenhouse gas emissions.[65][58][66] Around this time, she also first hiredBeate Baumann, who would remain a close advisor to Merkel.[59] Merkel's performance as Minister of the Environment was criticised as "pitiful" byGerhard Schröder.[58]
After theKohl Government wasdefeated at the 1998 election, Merkel was appointed Secretary-General of theCDU.[59] The 1998 election had widespread impacts; it was the CDU's worst performance in a federal election since 1949, and it resulted in Germany's first post-war left-wing government,[c] led by theSPD.[67]
In the wake of this defeat on the federal level, Merkel oversaw a string of CDU election victories in six out of seven state elections in 1999, breaking the long-standing SPD-Green hold on theBundesrat. Following aparty funding scandal that compromised many leading figures of the CDU – including Kohl himself and his successor as CDU Leader,Wolfgang Schäuble – Merkel criticised her former mentor publicly and advocated a fresh start for the party without him.[59]
Early 2000s
Chairperson of the CDU
On 10 April 2000, Merkel was elected to replace Schäuble as Chairperson of the CDU, becoming the first female leader of a German party.[68] Her election surprised many observers, as her personality offered a contrast to the party she had been elected to lead; Merkel is acentristProtestant originating from predominantly Protestant northern Germany, while the CDU is a male-dominated,socially conservative party with strongholds in western and southern Germany, and its Bavarian sister party, the CSU, has deep Catholic roots.[69]
Following Merkel's election as CDU Leader, the CDU did not obtain electoral victories in subsequent state elections. In February 2001, her rivalFriedrich Merz voiced his intention to becomeGerhard Schröder's main challenger for Chancellorship in the2002 election. Merkel's ambition to become Chancellor was well-known, but she lacked the support of the most influential members within her own party. Rival candidate and leader of the CSUEdmund Stoiber was much more popular within the party at the time. In a private negotiation that came to be known as theWolfratshausen Breakfast, [de] Merkel agreed to cede the opportunity to challenge Schröder to Stoiber; in exchange, she was to become leader of the CDU/CSU faction in the Bundestag following the election.[70][71][72] Although pre-election polling had indicated that voters strongly favoured Stoiber, he went on to lose the election by a thin margin. The election campaign was dominated by theIraq War. While Chancellor Schröder had made clear he would not join the war in Iraq,[73] Merkel was in support of the war at the time, although she later claimed that she had opposed it.[74][75]
2002–2005: Leader of the Opposition
After Stoiber's defeat in 2002, in addition to her role as CDU Leader, Merkel became Leader of the Opposition in theBundestag, as had been agreed upon between her and Stoiber. Friedrich Merz, who had held the post prior to the 2002 election, was eased out to make way for Merkel.[76]
Merkel supported a substantialreform agenda for Germany's economic and social system and was considered more pro-market than her own party (the CDU). She advocatedGerman labour law changes, specifically removing barriers to laying off employees and increasing the allowed number of work hours in a week. She argued that existing laws made the country less competitive, because companies could not easily control labour costs when business was slow.[77]
Merkel argued that Germany should phase outnuclear power less quickly than the Schröder administration had planned.[78][79]
Merkel advocated a strong transatlantic partnership and German-American friendship. In the spring of 2003, defying strong public opposition, Merkel came out in favour of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, describing it as "unavoidable".[74] She also criticised the government's support for theaccession of Turkey to the European Union, instead arguing in favour of a "privileged partnership".[80]
On 30 May 2005, Merkel won the CDU/CSU nomination to challenge ChancellorGerhard Schröder of theSPD in the2005 federal elections. Her party began the campaign with a 21–point lead over theSPD in national opinion polls, although her personal popularity lagged behind that of the incumbent. However, the CDU/CSU campaign suffered[81] when Merkel, having made economic competence central to the CDU's platform, confusedgross andnet income twice during a televised debate.[82] She regained some momentum after she announced that she would appointPaul Kirchhof, a former judge at the German Constitutional Court and leading fiscal policy expert, as Minister of Finance.[81]
Merkel and the CDU lost ground after Kirchhof proposed the introduction of aflat tax in Germany, again undermining the party's broad appeal on economic affairs.[83] This was compounded by Merkel's proposal to increaseVAT[84] to reduce Germany's deficit and fill the gap in revenue from a flat tax. The SPD were able to increase their support simply by pledging not to introduce flat taxes or increase VAT.[81] Although Merkel's standing recovered after she distanced herself from Kirchhof's proposals, she remained considerably less popular than Schröder, who had been perceived as the more generally competent and trustworthy candidate.[85] The CDU's lead was down to 9 percentage points on the eve of the election, with Merkel having a significant lead in popularity based on opinion polls.[86][87] On 18 September 2005, Merkel's CDU/CSU and Schröder's SPD went head-to-head in the national elections, with the CDU/CSU winning 35.2% (CDU 27.8% / CSU 7.5%)[85] of the second votes[d] to the SPD's 34.2%.[87] The result was so close that both Schröder and Merkel initially claimed victory.[59][87] Neither the SPD–Green coalition nor the CDU/CSU and its preferred coalition partners, theFree Democratic Party, held enough seats to form a majority in the Bundestag.[87] Agrand coalition between the CDU/CSU and SPD would face the challenge of both parties demanding the chancellorship.[87][88] However, after three weeks ofnegotiations, the two parties reached a deal for a grand coalition whereby Merkel would become Chancellor and the SPD would hold 8 of the 16 seats in the cabinet.[88] The deal was approved by both parties at party conferences on 14 November 2005.[89]
Merkel was elected Chancellor by the majority of delegates (397 to 217) in the newly assembled Bundestag on 22 November 2005, but 51 members of the governing coalition voted against her.[90] Reports at the time indicated that the grand coalition would pursue a mix of policies, some of which differed from Merkel's political platform as leader of the opposition and candidate for Chancellor. The coalition's intent was to cut public spending whilst increasingVAT (from 16 to 19%),social insurance contributions and the top rate ofincome tax.[91]
When announcing the coalition agreement, Merkel stated that the main aim of her government would be to reduce unemployment, and that it was this issue on which her government would be judged.[92]
Healthcare reform
Reform of theGerman healthcare system was a salient issue during the 2005 election; the previous system had been criticised as inefficient and overly bureaucratic.[93] After a significant period of negotiations, a deal was passed in 2006. While this agreement was described as having "saved the coalition government", it was also widely criticised as ineffectual. The deal also increased the tax burden on employers and their publicly insured employees.[94][95] The 2006 round of reforms introduced the "health insurance duty", which establishes that individuals must be insured either through the public insurance system or through private insurance firms and accordingly cannot be uninsured.[96] The reforms also targetedpreventive healthcare as a priority, particularly with regards toeldercare.[96]
On 4 October 2008, following theIrish Government's decision to guarantee all deposits in private savings accounts, a move she had strongly criticised,[97] Merkel said there were no plans for theGerman Government to do the same. The following day, Merkel stated that the government would guarantee private savings account deposits, after all.[98] However, two days later, on 6 October 2008, it emerged that the pledge was simply a political move that would not be backed by legislation.[99] Most other European governments eventually either raised the limits or promised to guarantee savings in full.[99]
The German government stepped in to assist themortgage companyHypo Real Estate with a bailout. The deal was agreed upon on 6 October, with German banks contributing €30 billion and theBundesbank €20 billion to an emergency credit line.[100]
At the time of theGreek government-debt crisis, Germany was the largest creditor of the Greek government, giving it significant negotiating power.[101] Merkel is often credited as having "saved the Euro", primarily due to her coordinating role in the development of debt relief policy.[101][102][103] The austerity measures imposed on debtors such as Greece, which were a significant part of Merkel's position in the negotiations, have been criticised as overly harsh by some observers.[104][102] Critics also highlighted Germany's own debt management issues.[105] ABloomberg opinion piece noted that "irresponsible borrowers can't exist without irresponsible lenders"; accordingly, "Germany's banks were Greece's enablers."[106]
In the course of the2008 financial crisis, the Merkel cabinet increased the budget of theKurzarbeit programme significantly and extended the permitted duration of such contracts from 6 months to 18 months.[107] Although similar provisions had existed previously, the Merkel cabinet's expansion of the programme was widely praised and is credited with having saved 500,000 jobs during the2008 financial crisis.[108][109][110]
2009–2013: CDU–FDP coalition
Merkel's CDU wasre-elected in 2009 with an increased number of seats and could form a governing coalition with theFDP. After brief negotiations, thesecond Merkel cabinet was sworn in on 28 October 2009.[111] In early 2011, Merkel's approval ratings plummeted, resulting in heavy losses in state elections for her party.[112] An August 2011 poll found her coalition had only 36% support compared to a rival potential coalition's 51%.[113] Notwithstanding the effects of the2008 financial crisis, unemployment sank below 3 million unemployed people in 2011.[114]
Abolition of conscription
Following increased debate on the subject in the summer of 2010,[115] the German government announced plans to abolishconscription in Germany, making theBundeswehr avolunteer military, in November 2010.[116] The decision was finalised in December that year,[117] and conscription was suspended on 1 July 2011.[118] Although somewhat popular at the time, the decision has later come under scrutiny, particularly following to theRussian invasion of Ukraine.[119][120] It has also been criticised in conjunction with Germany's financial commitments toNATO.[121] In 2023, 61% of Germans said that they were in favour of reestablishing conscription.[122]
Healthcare reform
Responding to a budget deficit of €11 billion in the public healthcare system in 2009, the Merkel government passed widely unpopular healthcare reforms in 2010. The changes reduced healthcare spending in certain areas and increased employer and employee contributions to 15.5% of gross wages.[123][124][125] The reforms also established that future contribution increases would only affect the contributions by employers, which was criticised by opposition parties andtrade unions.[123]
2013–2017: Second CDU–SPD grand coalition
Merkel at the signing of the coalition agreement for the 18th election period of the Bundestag, December 2013
In theelection of September 2013, Merkel won one of the most decisive victories in German history, achieving the best result for the CDU/CSU since reunification and coming within five seats of the first absolute majority in the Bundestag since 1957.[126] However, their preferred coalition partner, the FDP, failed to enter parliament for the first time since 1949, being below the minimum of 5% of second votes required to enter parliament.[13][127]
The CDU/CSU turned to the SPD to form the thirdgrand coalition in postwar German history and the second under Merkel's leadership. Thethird Cabinet of Angela Merkel was sworn in on 17 December 2013.[128]
Merkel scored well in opinion polls on her handling of the recent euro crisis (69% rated her performance as good rather than poor), and her approval rating reached an all-time high of 77% in February 2012 and again in July 2014.[129]
Throughout the course of theEuropean migrant crisis, Merkel encouraged cooperation between EU member states, urging that Europe needs to act "as a whole".[130]
In late August 2015, at the height of the crisis, Merkel's government suspended theDublin Regulation, which stipulated that asylum seekers must seek asylum in the first EU country they arrive in. Merkel announced that Germany would also process asylum applications from Syrian refugees if they had come to Germany through other EU countries.[131] That year, nearly 1.1 million asylum seekers entered Germany.[132][133] Merkel coined the phraseWir schaffen das (literally 'We can do this') around this time.[134][135]
Junior coalition partner and Vice ChancellorSigmar Gabriel said that Germany could take in 500,000 refugees annually for the next several years.[136] German opposition to the government's admission of the new wave of migrants was strong and coupled with a rise in anti-immigration protests.[137] Merkel insisted that Germany had the economic strength to cope with the influx of migrants and reiterated that there is no legal maximum limit on the number of migrants Germany can take.[138] In September 2015, enthusiastic crowds across the country welcomed arriving refugees and migrants.[139]
Horst Seehofer, leader of theChristian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU)—the sister party of Merkel'sChristian Democratic Union—and then-Bavarian Minister President, attacked Merkel's policies.[140] Seehofer criticised Merkel's decision to allow in migrants, saying that "[they were] in a state of mind without rules, without system and without order because of a German decision."[141] Seehofer argued that as many as 30% of asylum seekers arriving in Germany claiming to be from Syria are in fact from other countries.[142] He argued for a punitive reduction in EU funding for member countries that rejected mandatory refugee quotas.[143] Meanwhile,Yasmin Fahimi, secretary-general of theSocial Democratic Party (SPD), the junior partner of the ruling coalition, praised Merkel's policy allowing migrants in Hungary to enter Germany as "a strong signal of humanity to show that Europe's values are valid also in difficult times".[140] Merkel's approval rating dropped to 54% in October 2015, the lowest it had been since 2011.[144]
In November 2015, there were talks inside the governing coalition to stop family unification for migrants for two years and to establish "Transit Zones" on the border. Additionally, there were plans to provide housing to migrants with a low likelihood of getting approved for asylum until the processing of their application. This led to increased tensions between the CSU, who were generally in favour of these measures and threatened to leave the coalition without them, and the SPD, who opposed them; Merkel agreed to the measures.[145] TheNovember 2015 Paris attacks prompted a reevaluation of the German government's stance on EU migration policy.[146] While she did not directly limit the number of immigrants, Merkel tightened asylum policy in Germany, for example through more thorough vetting of migrants with respect to internal safety and security.[147][146]
In August 2016, following theWürzburg train attack in Germany and various other Islamistterror attacks in Europe, Merkel's approval rating dropped to 47%.[148] Half of Germans did not want her to serve a fourth term in office, with only 42% in favour of another term in office.[149] In a poll from October that year, her approval rating was found to have risen again; 54% of Germans were found to be satisfied with the work of Merkel as Chancellor.[150] According to another poll taken in November 2016, 59% were to found to be in favour of a renewed Chancellorship candidature in 2017.[151] According to a poll carried out shortly after the2016 Berlin truck attack, 56% of Germans named Merkel as a political leader they trusted to solve their country's problems.[152]
Migrants in Germany, October 2015
In October 2016, Merkel travelled toMali andNiger. The diplomatic visit took place to discuss how their governments could improve conditions which caused people to flee those countries and how illegal migration through and from these countries could be reduced.[153]
The migrant crisis spurred right-wing electoral preferences across Germany with the Alternative for Germany (AfD) gaining 12% of the vote in the2017 German federal election. These developments prompted debates over the reasons for increased right-wing populism in Germany. Some researchers have argued that increased right-wing preferences are a result of the European migrant crisis, particularly the increasingly common perception that refugees constitute an ethnic and cultural threat to Germany.[154]
Some observers have described Merkel's policymaking with respect to the migrant crisis as a success.[155] In 2022, the United Nations'High Commissioner for Refugees granted Merkel the Nansen Award for her "courage and compassion" during the crisis.[156][157] However, Merkel has also faced significant criticism, particularly with regards to her policymaking early in the crisis, which some critics describe as hypocritically unilateral.[158][159]
2018–2021: Third CDU–SPD grand coalition
Election
In the2017 federal election, Merkel led her party to victory for the fourth time. However, both the CDU/CSU and the SPD received a significantly lower proportion of the vote than they did in 2013, and the CDU/CSU subsequently attempted to form a coalition with the FDP and Greens.[160][161] The SPD announced that they would go into the Opposition, both due to their loss of popular support and because the idea of another grand coalition was widely unpopular at the time.[162][163][164]
The FDP eventually withdrew from negotiations with the CDU/CSU, leading to a stalemate.[165][166] The German PresidentFrank-Walter Steinmeier subsequently appealed successfully to the SPD to change their hard stance against coalition with the CDU/CSU, and the SPD agreed to a third grand coalition with the CDU/CSU.[167] The negotiations leading up to this agreement were the longest in German post-war history, lasting almost six months.[168][169]
A YouGov survey published in late December 2017 found that just 36% of all respondents wanted Merkel to stay at the helm until 2021, while half of those surveyed voters called for a change at the top before the end of the legislature.[170]
As part of the newly formed government, the CSU'sHorst Seehofer took over the role of Interior Minister.[172] Seehofer announced that he had a "master plan for faster asylum procedures, and more consistent deportations."[173] Under Seehofer's plan, Germany would immediately reject prospective immigrants who had already been deported or were subject to an entry ban. Additionally, the police would be instructed to turn away all applicants who had previously registered elsewhere in the EU, no matter if these countries agreed to take them back.[174][175] Merkel feared that unilaterally sending migrants back to neighbouring countries without seeking a multilateral European agreement could endanger the stability of the European Union.[176]
In June 2018, Seehofer issued an ultimatum to Merkel; as Interior Minister, he could unilaterally implement the policy without her support. Although he eventually agreed to cooperate with Merkel while she negotiated with other EU member countries, he went on to reject the EU agreement that she obtained.[177] On 1 July 2018, during a meeting with party leadership, Seehofer declared his intention to resign from his position in protest.[178][179][180] During the night of 2 July 2018, Seehofer and Merkel announced they had settled their differences and agreed to instead accept a compromise of tighter border control.[181][182] As a result of the agreement, Seehofer agreed to not resign,[183] and to negotiate bilateral agreements with the specific countries himself. Seehofer received some criticism for his stance in the crisis.[184][185]
In the initial phases of the pandemic, Germany established a crisis team to manage Germany's containment policy and pandemic response.[186] In late February 2020, referring to this crisis team, Merkel recommended an approach characterised by moderation and an avoidance of extreme or universal measures (Maß und Mitte).[187]
On 18 March 2020, Merkel gave a widely publicised speech on the COVID-19 pandemic, comparing its challenges to theSecond World War:[188]
Please also take this seriously. Since German reunification, no, since the Second World War, there has not been a challenge for our country in which action in a spirit of solidarity on our part was so important.
— Angela Merkel
The speech was well-received both nationally and internationally, receiving widespread attention and an award for "speech of the year".[189][190][191]
On 6 April 2020, Merkel stated: "In my view ... the European Union is facing the biggest test since its foundation and member states must show greater solidarity so that the bloc can emerge stronger from the economic crisis unleashed by the pandemic".[192] Merkel has won international plaudits for her handling of the pandemic in Germany.[193][10]
Later that month, Merkel was praised for her accessible explanation of thebasic reproduction number, which had been an important metric in the German government's pandemic response.[194][195][196] Merkel opposedmandatory vaccinations, instead stressing scientific literacy and education.[197]
On 29 October 2018, Merkel announced that she would not seek reelection as leader of CDU at their party conference in December 2018, but intended to remain as chancellor until the2021 German federal election was held. She stated that she did not plan to seek any political office after this. The resignations followed October setbacks for the CSU in theBavarian state election and for the CDU in theHessian state election.[199][200] In August 2019, Merkel hinted that she might return to academia at the end of her term in 2021.[201]
She decided not to suggest any person as her successor as leader of the CDU.[202] However, political observers had long consideredAnnegret Kramp-Karrenbauer as Merkel's protégé groomed for succession. This view was confirmed when Kramp-Karrenbauer – widely seen as the chancellor's favourite for the post – was voted to succeed Merkel as leader of the CDU in December 2018.[203] Kramp-Karrenbauer's elevation toDefence Minister afterUrsula von der Leyen's departure to becomepresident of the European Commission also boosted her standing as Merkel's most likely candidate for succession.[204] In 2019, media outlets speculated that Kramp-Karrenbauer might take over Merkel's position asChancellor sooner than planned if the currentgoverning coalition proved unsustainable.[205][206] The possibility was neither confirmed nor denied bythe party.[207] In February 2020, Kramp-Karrenbauer announced that she would resign as party leader of the CDU in the summer, after party members inThuringia defied official party lines and voted withAlternative for Germany tosupport an FDP candidate for minister-president.[208] Kramp-Karrenbauer was succeeded byArmin Laschet at the2021 CDU leadership election.[209]
In the2021 federal election, the SPD won the most votes. This necessitated long negotiations among the various parties to form a government. On 23 November 2021, anew grand coalition was announced, withOlaf Scholz nominated to succeed Merkel.[210] Merkel continued to serve as chancellor until 8 December 2021, when Scholz was sworn in.[211] The constituency she had held since its establishment in the German reunification was won byAnna Kassautzki (SPD).[212]
2022–present: Post-chancellorship
On 31 January 2022, less than two months after she left office, her long-time rival Friedrich Merz, whom she beat in 2002 to becomeleader of the opposition, took over asleader of the CDU.[213]
On 25 February 2022, only 24 hours after theRussian invasion of Ukraine began, Merkel told theDPA that she "condemned in the strongest terms [...] the war of aggression led by Russia, which marks a profound break in the history of post-Cold War Europe."[214]
In April that year, a spokesperson for Merkel stated that she "stood by her position at theNATO summit in Bucharest in 2008", when she had opposed Ukraine's membership in theNorth Atlantic Alliance, a decision that had come under increased scrutiny.[214]
On 1 June 2022, Merkel made her first semi-public comments about political affairs since leaving office, at a retirement party forReiner Hoffmann [de], the president of theGerman Trade Union Confederation. She criticised the "blatant violation of international law by Russia", expressed solidarity with Ukraine, and argued that "peace and freedom can never be taken for granted."[214]
On 7 June 2022, Merkel made her first public comments. In an interview with journalistAlexander Osang [de], she defended her past decisions onUkraine and called Putin's aggression,[215]
not just unacceptable, but also a major mistake from Russia... It's an objective breach of all international laws and of everything that allows us in Europe to live in peace at all. If we start going back through the centuries and arguing over which bit of territory should belong to whom, then we will only have war. That's not an option whatsoever.
She also said that by the end of her chancellorship inSeptember 2021, it had been clear that Putin was moving in the direction of conflict and that he was finished with theNormandy Format talks.[216]
Following her retirement, Merkel wrote a memoir calledFreedom (Freiheit), with her longtime assistant and adviser, Beate Baumann. It was released on 26 November 2024 with the titleFreedom: Memories 1954–2021. The book was published in 30 languages and consists of 736 pages.[217][218]
In January 2025, Merkel criticised Friedrich Merz for introducing a non-binding resolution supporting restrictions on immigration that passed in the Bundestag with the help of theAfD.[219] Following the CDU/CSU's victory in the2025 German federal election, Merkel attended the first round of voting in the Bundestag to elect Merz as Chancellor on 6 May 2025.[220]
In October 2025 Merkel gave a long interview to Hungarian media in which she made a number of controversial statements, partly reverting her previous position. She said that in 2021 she attempted to build a "new diplomatic format" to speak to Putin "as EU", but this was "opposed by Poland and Baltic states" and then she left her position shortly before the war broke out in 2022, thus indirectly blaming the countries for the war. She also said that "coronavirus pandemic that played a decisive role in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine" because Putin was afraid of the virus and didn't want to talk face to face.[221][222]
In October 2010, Merkel told a meeting of younger members of her conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party atPotsdam that attempts to build a multicultural society in Germany had "utterly failed",[223] stating that: "The concept that we are now living side by side and are happy about it" does not work[224] and "we feel attached to the Christian concept of mankind, that is what defines us. Anyone who doesn't accept that is in the wrong place here."[225] She continued to say that immigrants should integrate and adopt Germany's culture and values. This added to a growing debate within Germany on the acceptable levels and mechanisms of immigration, its effects on Germany, and the degree to which Muslim immigrants had integrated into German society.[226]
Merkel's foreign policy has focused on strengthening European cooperation and international trade agreements. She and her governments have been closely associated with thechange through trade (Wandel durch Handel) policy.[102] For this, she has come under criticism, especially after the 2022Russian invasion of Ukraine.[229][230] Merkel has been widely described as thede facto leader of theEuropean Union throughout her tenure as Chancellor.[231][232][233]
Merkel expressed support for Israel's right to self-defence in the context of the2014 Israel–Gaza conflict. She telephoned Israeli Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu on 9 July to condemn "without reservation rocket fire on Israel".[236]
On 20 June 2018, which wasWorld Refugee Day, Merkel said that there had been "no moral or political justification" for the post-warexpulsion of ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern European countries.[237]
Social expenditure
At theWorld Economic Forum in Davos, 2013, Merkel said that Europe had only 7% of the global population and produced only 25% of the global GDP, but that it accounted for almost 50% of global social expenditure. She went on to say that Europe could only maintain its prosperity by being innovative and measuring itself against the best.[238] After this, the comparison became a central element in major speeches.[239] The international financial press has widely commented on her thesis, withThe Economist saying:
If Mrs Merkel's vision is pragmatic, so too is her plan for implementing it. It can be boiled down to three statistics, a few charts and some facts on anA4* sheet of paper. The three figures are 7 percent, 25 percent and 50 percent. Mrs Merkel never tires of saying that Europe has 7 percent of the world's population, 25 percent of its GDP and 50 percent of its social spending. If the region is to prosper in competition with emerging countries, it cannot continue to be so generous.[240] ... She produces graphs of unit labour costs ... at EU meetings in much the same way that the lateMargaret Thatcher used to pull passages fromFriedrich Hayek'sRoad to Serfdom from her handbag.[240]
TheFinancial Times commented: "Although Ms Merkel stopped short of suggesting that a ceiling on social spending might be one yardstick for measuring competitiveness, she hinted as much in the light of soaring social spending in the face of an ageing population.[241]
Climate policy
Merkel has been credited as a key part of 2007G8 negotiations that led to a significantly more ambitiousrenewable energy transition commitment than had been anticipated.[242]
In September 2010, the coalition government published a long-term plan forsustainable development of theelectrical grid until 2050; efforts to transition to sustainable and otherwise preferable sources of energy have been termedEnergy Transition (Energiewende). Although the initial plan was criticised for lifetime extensions ofnuclear power plants, it was amended following theFukushima nuclear disaster, and the last nuclear power plants in Germany were shut down in April 2023.[243][244][245] The plan also aimed at a 40% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2020, a goal that was initially achieved largely due to reductions in demand during the COVID-19 pandemic.[246] However, emissions increased to a level above the target in 2022.[247][248]
In preparation for the 2015Paris Climate Change Conference, Merkel announced that Germany would significantly increase its contributions to international climate aid and financing by 2020.[249] In 2016, some observers criticised Merkel's lack of action with regards to climate change that year.[250][251] In 2017, Merkel criticised theTrump administration's decision to withdraw from the 2015Paris Agreement and reaffirmed the commitment of the remainingG20 members to the treaty.[252][253]
In early 2019, a governmental commission appointed by the coalition government approved a plan to phase outcoal power plants by 2038, allocating a budget of €40 billion to the plan.[254][255]
In September 2019, the Merkel government announced a set of climate change mitigation policies with a total budget of €54 billion.[256] Although described as a "new beginning for Germany's climate policy" by then-minister of the environmentSvenja Schulze,[257] the package was widely criticised; environmental protection groups have labelled it insufficient, and opposition parties have argued that it is ineffective.[258][259][260] Prominent climate scientists have called it "a failure of the political system"[261] and "ridiculous".[262]
Fiscal policy
In 2009, Merkel announced plans to take on additional government debt in order to stimulate economic growth, arguing that this should take priority over other fiscal concerns.[263] The Merkel government's tax policy at the time was widely criticised, mostly for taking on additional debt instead of increasing tax rates at high levels of income.[264][265] In 2010, Merkel expressed support for a global financial transaction tax, but was ultimately unsuccessful in international negotiations on the matter.[266][267]
In 2019, Merkel argued for the importance of abalanced government budget, rejecting calls for additional investment to stimulate growth.[268]
The termalternativlos (German for "without an alternative"), which was frequently used by Angela Merkel to describe her measures addressing theEuropean sovereign-debt crisis, was named theUn-word of the Year 2010 by a jury of linguistic scholars. The wording was criticised as undemocratic, as any discussion on Merkel's politics would thus be deemed unnecessary or undesirable.[277] The expression is credited for the name of the political partyAlternative for Germany, which was founded in 2013.[278]
During a visit of U.S. President Barack Obama in Berlin, Merkel said on 19 June 2013 in the context of the2013 mass surveillance disclosures: "The Internet is uncharted territory for us all" (German:Das Internet ist für uns alle Neuland). This statement led to variousinternet memes and online mockery of Merkel.[279][280]
During a state visit of the Turkish prime ministerAhmet Davutoğlu in January 2015, Merkel, citing former German presidentChristian Wulff, stated that "Islam is part of Germany",F[281] which induced criticism from within her party.Parliamentary group leaderVolker Kauder stated that Muslims belong to Germany, but Islam does not, and that Muslims should "ask themselves why so many violent people refer to theQuran."[282][283]
At the conclusion of the May 2017Group of Seven's leaders in Sicily, Merkel criticised American efforts to renege on earlier commitments on climate change. According to Merkel, the discussions were difficult and marred by dissent. "Here we have the situation where six members, or even seven if you want to add the EU, stand against one."[284]
Merkel has faced criticism for failing to take a tough line on the People's Republic of China.[285][286][287] TheAsia Times reported that "Unlike certain of her European counterparts, her China diplomacy has focused on non-interference in Beijing's internal affairs. As such, Merkel was reportedly furious when her Foreign MinisterHeiko Maas received Hong Kong dissidentJoshua Wong in Berlin in September [2019], a move that Beijing publicly protested."[288]
Merkel's chancellorship has become tightly associated with the policy ofWandel durch Handel, which advocates pursuing close economic ties with authoritarian governments with the goal of inducingdemocratization. When theWandel durch Handel policy came under intense domestic and international scrutiny following the Russian invasion, Merkel received much of the blame,[102][230] leadingPolitico to write "[n]o German is more responsible for the crisis in Ukraine than Merkel".[229] Ukrainian presidentVolodymyr Zelenskyy also blamed Merkel and then-French presidentNicolas Sarkozy's decision to block Ukraine from joining NATO in 2008 for the war; Merkel released a statement that she stands by her decision,[298] later adding that the war would have broken out earlier at a greater military disadvantage for Ukraine.[299]
Merkel's handling of theEuropean sovereign-debt crisis likewise attracted criticism. Commentators and politicians in several EU member states argued that Berlin's insistence on fiscal consolidation and structural reforms amounted to excessive austerity, deepening social hardship in countries such as Greece, Spain and Portugal and fuelling anti-EU sentiment there.[300][301] In early 2015 Merkel came under fire after reports that her government was prepared to contemplate a Greek exit from the eurozone if the new Greek government abandoned agreed reforms, a scenario widely described asGrexit.[302] During the climactic 2015 bailout negotiations, opposition politicians and commentators inside Germany and abroad accused Merkel and finance ministerWolfgang Schäuble of blackmailing Athens and risking a split in Europe by using the threat of Grexit as leverage.[303][304]
Scholars have linked the eurozone crisis and the subsequent austerity policies to the rise ofEuroscepticism and radical parties across the continent, arguing that the management of the crisis helped to erode trust in EU institutions and mainstream parties in several member states.[305][306]
Merkel's response to theEuropean migrant crisis of 2015 was similarly divisive. Her decision to allow large numbers of asylum seekers to enter Germany, captured in the phraseWir schaffen das ("We can manage this"), was praised by supporters as a humanitarian stance but criticised by opponents for encouraging further irregular migration and overstretching local authorities.[307][308] Analysts have argued that the size and speed of the inflow, and subsequent management failures, contributed to a backlash that benefited the right-wingAlternative for Germany party and reshaped the German party system.[309][310]
More broadly, the eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis have been identified in the academic literature as key drivers of rising Euroscepticism and support for radical parties across Europe in the 2010s.[311][312][313] In debates about theUnited Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU, some politicians and commentators argued that continental Europe, including Germany under Merkel, bore part of the responsibility forBrexit, either because EU leaders did not do enough to accommodate British concerns or because the migration and eurozone crises had strengthened anti-EU sentiment in the UK.[314][315] Studies of far-right discourse in Germany have noted that AfD politicians sometimes portrayed Merkel's refugee policy as contributing to the UK's decision to leave the EU.[316]
Angela Merkel's tenure as Chancellor compared to heads of government in the EU and UK
Merkel was widely described as thede facto leader of theEuropean Union throughout her tenure as Chancellor. She was namedthe world's second most powerful person byForbes magazine in 2012 and 2015, followingBarack Obama andVladimir Putin respectively, the highest ranking ever achieved by a woman.[317][318][319] On 26 March 2014, Merkel became the longest-serving incumbenthead of government in theEuropean Union. In December 2015, Merkel was named asTime magazine'sPerson of the Year, with the magazine's cover declaring her to be the "Chancellor of the Free World".[320] In 2018, Merkel was named themost powerful woman in the world for a record fourteenth time byForbes.[321] Following the election ofDonald Trump to the US presidency in 2016, Merkel was described byThe New York Times as "the Liberal West's Last Defender",[322] and as the "leader of the free world" by a number of commentators, including Hillary Clinton.[323][324][325] In a 2018 survey, Merkel was found to be the most widely respected world leader.[326]The Atlantic described her in 2019 as "the world's most successful living politician, on the basis of both achievement and longevity".[327] Harvard University PresidentLarry Bacow described her as "one of the most widely admired and broadly influential statespeople of our time".[328]
Critics have argued that Merkel's policymaking during the 2015 migrant crisis has damaged the integrity of the EU.[158][329][159] Some have also commented that Germany's failure to meet financial commitments toNATO,[121] Merkel's blocking of the accession of Ukraine to NATO in 2008,[330] and the abolishment of conscription have together weakened the positions of Germany and Europe following theRussian invasion of Ukraine.
Domestic image
Merkel has been described as having significantly shaped the political landscape of Germany, particularly the perceptions of those who grew up during her chancellorship; this demographic group has been referred toMerkelkinder (transl. children of Merkel).[331][332]
Comparisons
As a woman who is a politician from a centre-right party and also a scientist, Merkel has been compared by many in the English-language press to 20th-century British Prime MinisterMargaret Thatcher. Thatcher also had a science degree fromOxford University in chemistry. Some have referred to her as "Iron Lady", "Iron Girl", and even "The Iron Frau", all alluding to Thatcher, whose nickname was "The Iron Lady". Political commentators have debated the precise extent to which their agendas are similar.[333] Later in her tenure, Merkel acquired the nickname"Mutti" (a German familiar form of "mother"). She has also been called the "Iron Chancellor", in reference toOtto von Bismarck.[334][335]
Al Jazeera has criticised the "Iron Lady" nickname for Merkel as "wrong-headed", noting her pro-European stance, her efforts to combat "profit-seeking speculators" during the euro crisis, and her lacking Thatcher's "my-way-or-the-highway" attitude towards politics.[336]
In 1977, at the age of 23, Merkel, then Angela Kasner, married physics student Ulrich Merkel (born 1953)[337] and took his surname. The couple divorced in 1982.[338] Her second and current husband is quantum chemist and professorJoachim Sauer, who has largely avoided media attention during and after Merkel's political career.[339][340] They first met in 1981[341] and married in 1998.[342] Merkel has no children, but Sauer has two adult sons from a previous marriage.[343]
Having grown up in East Germany, Merkel learned Russian at school. She was able to speak informally to Vladimir Putin in Russian but conducted diplomatic dialogue through an interpreter. She rarely spoke English in public, but delivered a small section of an address to the British Parliament in English in 2014.[344][345]
Merkel has a fear of dogs, which developed after she was attacked by one in 1995.[350] Vladimir Putin brought in hisLabrador Retriever during a press conference in 2007. Putin claims he did not mean to scare her, though Merkel later observed, "I understand why he has to do this – to prove he's a man. ... He's afraid of his own weakness."[350]
Since 2017, Merkel has occasionally been seen shaking visibly on several public occasions, recovering shortly afterwards.[351][352][353] After one such occasion, she attributed the shaking to dehydration, saying that she felt better after a drink of water.[354]
In September 2021, after evading the question for most of her career, Merkel said that she considered herself afeminist. The statement came in a conference along with Nigerian writer and feministChimamanda Ngozi Adichie.[355]
Since her retirement, Merkel has commented on theRussian invasion of Ukraine but has otherwise limited her involvement in political matters. She has instead focused on travelling, attending only "feel-good events" (Wohlfühltermine) in a private capacity.[356][357]
Merkel reportedly "detested" U.S. President Donald Trump, according toPolitico, citing a forthcoming book byJonathan Karl.[358]
Angela Merkel is aLutheran member of theEvangelical Church in Berlin, Brandenburg and Silesian Upper Lusatia (German:Evangelische Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg-schlesische Oberlausitz – EKBO), aUnitedProtestant (i.e. bothReformed and Lutheran)church body under the umbrella of theProtestant Church in Germany. The EKBO is a member of theUnion of Protestant Churches in the EKD.[359] Before the 2004 merger of the Evangelical Church in Berlin-Brandenburg and the Evangelical Church in Silesian Upper Lusatia, Merkel belonged to the former. In 2012, Merkel said, regarding her faith: "I am a member of the Protestant Church. I believe in God and religion is also my constant companion, and has been for the whole of my life. We as Christians should above all not be afraid of standing up for our beliefs."[360] She also publicly declared that Germany suffers not from "too much Islam" but "too little Christianity".[361]
In the arts and media
Since 1991, Merkel has sat annually for sitting and standing portraits by, and interview with,Herlinde Koelbl.[362][363]
Merkel features as a main character in two of the three plays that make up the Europeans Trilogy (Bruges,Antwerp, andTervuren) by Paris-based UK playwrightNick Awde:Bruges (2014) andTervuren (2016). A character named Merkel, accompanied by a sidekick calledSchäuble, also appears as the sinister female henchman inMichael Paraskos's novelIn Search of Sixpence.[365]
In 2016, a documentary filmAngela Merkel – The Unexpected was produced byBroadview TV andMDR in collaboration withArte andDas Erste.[373]
In 2024, a German TV show called 'Miss Merkel'reimagined her as adetective.[374] It is based on the bestselling novels by German writerDavid Safier and is a comedy that was a hit in Germany and then shown on public broadcasterRAI, dubbed into Italian.[375]
^The English pronunciation of her first name could be/ˈɑːŋɡələ/AHNG-gə-lə (a closer approximation of the German) or/ˈæŋɡələ/ANG-gə-lə. The English pronunciation of her last name is either/ˈmɛərkəl/MAIR-kəl (reported for American English and a closer approximation of the German) or/ˈmɜːrkəl/MUR-kəl (reported for British English by the Oxford and Merriam-Webster dictionaries, which base their editing on actual usage rather than recommendations).[2][3][4] In German, her last name is pronounced[ˈmɛʁkl̩],[5][6] and her first name is pronounced[ˈaŋɡela] or[aŋˈɡeːla],[7] but according to her biographer Langguth, Merkel prefers the latter pronunciation, with stress on the second syllable.[8]
^Although someprevious governments had been led by the SPD, this was the first government to contain only left-wing parties.
^In theelectoral system of Germany, "first votes" are cast for a constituency-level local representative, i.e. an individual, whereas "second votes" are cast for a party.
^Grüne/Bündnis 90 Spokesman Renate Künast: "I wouldn't have done it", said Green Party floor leader Renate Künast. It was true that the right to freedom of expression also applies to cartoons, she said. "But if a chancellor also makes a speech on top of that, it serves to heat up the debate."[275]
^Langguth, Gerd (2005).Angela Merkel (in German). Munich: dtv. p. 50.ISBN3-423-24485-2.Merkel wollte immer mit der Betonung auf dem 'e' Angela genannt werden. (Merkel always wanted her first name pronounced with the stress on the 'e'.)
^Qvortrup, Matthew (2016). "In the Shadow of the Berlin Wall".Angela Merkel: Europe's Most Influential Leader. The Overlook Press.ISBN978-1-4683-1408-3.
^The Study of international relations : the state of the art. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, in association with Millennium, journal of international studies. 1989. p. 328.ISBN978-1-349-20275-1.OCLC647091179.
^Langguth, Gerd (2005).Angela Merkel (in German). Munich: dtv. pp. 106–107.ISBN3-423-24485-2.Angela Merkel war allerdings kein 'einfaches Mitglied', sondern gehörte zum FDJ-Sekretariat des Instituts. Osten [Hans-Jörg Osten] kann sich nicht an die genaue Funktion seiner damaligen Kollegin erinnern. ... Er kann sich nicht definitiv daran erinnern, aber auch nicht ausschließen, dass Angela Merkel die Funktion eines Sekretärs für Agitation und Propaganda wahrnahm. [Angela Merkel was not just an 'ordinary member', but belonged to the FDJ secretariat of the institute. Osten cannot remember the exact function of his erstwhile colleague. ... He cannot remember definitely whether she performed the function of a secretary for agitation and propaganda, but he cannot exclude that possibility.]
^Merkel, Angela (1986).Untersuchung des Mechanismus von Zerfallsreaktionen mit einfachem Bindungsbruch und Berechnung ihrer Geschwindigkeitskonstanten auf der Grundlage quantenchemischer und statistischer Methoden (Investigation of the mechanism of decay reactions with single bond breaking and calculation of their rate constants on the basis of quantum chemical and statistical methods) (in German). Berlin:Academy of Sciences of the German Democratic Republic (dissertation). cited inLangguth, Gerd (August 2005).Angela Merkel (in German). Munich: DTV. p. 109.ISBN3-423-24485-2. and listed in the Catalogue of the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek under subject code 30 (Chemistry).
^Weiland, Severin (30 May 2005)."Kohls unterschätztes Mädchen" [Kohl's Underestimated Girl].Der Spiegel (in German).Archived from the original on 18 July 2009. Retrieved19 August 2011.
^abHilmer, Richard; Müller-Hilmer, Rita (2006). "Die Bundestagswahl vom 18. September 2005: Votum für Wechsel in Kontinuität" [The Parliamentary Election of 18 September 2005: Verdict for a Change in Continuity].Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen (in German) (1/2006): 2.
^Gaugele, Jochen; Kammholz, Karsten (27 December 2016)."Flüchtlingskrise wird 2017 die größte Herausforderung" [Refugee crisis to be biggest challenge in 2017].Berliner Morgenpost (in German).Archived from the original on 23 April 2019. Retrieved27 December 2016.
^Lucassen, Geertje; Lubbers, Marcel (2012). "Who Fears What? Explaining Far-Right-Wing Preference in Europe by Distinguishing Perceived Cultural and Economic Threats".Comparative Political Studies.45 (5).doi:10.1177/0010414011427851.ISSN0010-4140.S2CID145071392.
^abSchulz, Sven Christian (5 April 2022)."War der Westen naiv?". Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland.Archived from the original on 27 May 2022. Retrieved27 May 2022.
^BBC: Germany's Central Muslim Council (Zentralrat der Muslime in Deutschland) criticised Mrs. Merkel for attending the award ceremony. 8 September 2010. A ZMD spokesman, Aiman Mazyek, told public broadcaster Deutschlandradio that the Chancellor was honouring someone "who in our eyes kicked our prophet, and therefore kicked all Muslims". He said giving Mr Westergaard the prize in a "highly charged and heated time" was "highly problematic".
^Elwert, Frederik; Rauch, Dominik (2019). "Revisiting existing typologies of Euroscepticism: The case of the Alternative for Germany (AfD)".Journal of Language and Politics.18 (3):467–488.
^Balasubramanyam, Ranjitha (16 September 2013)."All Eyes on Berlin".Foreign Policy Journal.Archived from the original on 12 May 2019. Retrieved23 September 2013.
^"Bericht der Vorsitzenden der CDU Deutschlands Bundeskanzlerin Dr. Angela Merkel MdB" [Report of the Chairwoman of the German CDU Federal Chancellor Dr. Angela Merkel](PDF) (in German). 9 September 2011.Archived(PDF) from the original on 30 September 2018. Retrieved6 April 2017.Es ist doch nicht so, dass wir ein Zuviel an Islam haben, sondern wir haben ein Zuwenig an Christentum.
Clark, Claudia.Dear Barack: The Extraordinary Partnership of Barack Obama and Angela Merkel (2021)
Crossley-Frolick, Katy A. "Domestic Constraints, German Foreign Policy and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding."German Politics and Society 31.3 (2013): 43–75.
Czuczka, Tony and Alan Crawford.Angela Merkel: A Chancellorship Forged in Crisis (2013)excerpt
Ferree, Myra Marx. "Angela Merkel: What Does It Mean to Run as a Woman?"German Politics & Society 2006. 24#78: 93–107.online
Faas, Thorsten. "The German federal election of 2013: Merkel's triumph, the disappearance of the liberal party, and yet another grand coalition."West European Politics 38.1 (2015): 238–247.
Kornelius, Stefan.Angela Merkel: The Chancellor and Her World: The Authorized Biography (Alma Books, 2014).
Marton, Kati.The Chancellor: The Remarkable Odyssey of Angela Merkel (Simon & Schuster, 2021)
Masch, Lena, and Oscar W. Gabriel. "How Emotional Displays of Political Leaders Shape Citizen Attitudes: The Case of German Chancellor Angela Merkel."German Politics 29.2 (2020): 158–179.
Mills, Cliff.Angela Merkel (2008), for middle schoolsonline
Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "The Best of Times, the Worst of Times: Angela Merkel, the Grand Coalition, and 'Majority Rule' in Germany."German Politics and Society 34.1 (2016): 1–25.
Mushaben, Joyce Marie.Becoming Madam Chancellor: Angela Merkel and the Berlin Republic (2017)excerpt
Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "A Spectre Haunting Europe: Angela Merkel and the Challenges of Far-Right Populism."German Politics and Society 38.1 (2020): 7–29.
Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "The reluctant feminist: Angela Merkel and the modernization of gender politics in Germany."Femina Politica–Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 27.2 (2018): 83–95.online
Qvortrup, Matthew.Angela Merkel: Europe's most influential leader (2016)excerpt
Saalfeld, Thomas. "Coalition Governance under Chancellor Merkel's Grand Coalition: A Comparison of the Cabinets Merkel I and Merkel II."German Politics and Society 28.3 (2010): 82–102.
Schnee, Christian. "Sticking to her guns or going with the flow: assessing rigidity and flexibility in Angela Merkel's political decision making."German Politics and Society 37.1 (2019): 24–46.
Schoen, Harald. "Merely a referendum on Chancellor Merkel? Parties, issues and candidates in the 2009 German federal election."German Politics 20.1 (2011): 92–106.
Schoen, Harald, and Robert Greszki. "A Third Term for a Popular Chancellor: An Analysis of Voting Behaviour in the 2013 German Federal Election."German Politics 23.4 (2014): 251–267.
Skard, Torild (2014) "Angela Merkel" inWomen of Power – Half a Century of Female presidents and Prime Ministers Worldwide, Bristol: Policy Press,ISBN978-1-4473-1578-0
Van Halsema, Catherine. 2019. "Merkel the Mutti? A Linguistic Analysis of Domestic Language in European News Media Coverage of Angela Merkel."Women & Language. 42(1): 7–22.
Voigt, Linda. "Get the party started: The social policy of the grand coalition 2013–2017."German Politics 28.3 (2019): 426–443.
Zehfuss, Maja. "'We Can Do This': Merkel, Migration and the Fantasy of Control."International Political Sociology 15.2 (2021): 172–189.
In German
Plickert, Philip (Editor) (2017)Merkel. Eine kritische Bilanz, FinanzBuch Verlag,ISBN978-3-95972-065-6.
Margaret Heckel:So regiert die Kanzlerin. Eine Reportage. Piper, München 2009,ISBN978-3-492-05331-0.
Volker Resing:Angela Merkel. Die Protestantin. Ein Porträt. St. Benno-Verlag, Leipzig 2009,ISBN978-3-7462-2648-4.
Gertrud Höhler:Die Patin. Wie Angela Merkel Deutschland umbaut. Orell Füssli, Zürich 2012,ISBN978-3-280-05480-2.
Stefan Kornelius:Angela Merkel. Die Kanzlerin und ihre Welt. Hoffmann und Campe, Hamburg 2013,ISBN978-3-455-50291-6.