Anas Madani | |
|---|---|
আনাস মাদানী | |
 Madani in 2021 | |
| Publicity secretary ofHefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh | |
| In office 19 January 2010 – 15 November 2020 | |
| Preceded by | Position established |
| Succeeded by | Zakaria Noman Faizi |
| Personal life | |
| Nationality | Bangladeshi |
| Parent |
|
| Political party | Islami Oikya Jote |
| Main interest(s) | Politics |
| Religious life | |
| Religion | Islam |
| Denomination | Sunni |
| Jurisprudence | Hanafi |
| Movement | Deobandi |
Anas Madani is a Bangladeshi Islamic leader, best known as the son ofShah Ahmad Shafi, the founder ofHefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, and for his role in the organisation and theQawmi madrasa network.[1] He served as the publicity secretary of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, education secretary atDarul Uloom Hathazari, a founding member ofAl-Haiatul Ulya Lil-Jamiatil Qawmia Bangladesh and vice president of bothBefaqul Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh andIslami Oikya Jote. His role has been controversial, with allegations of misusing his father's authority in later years to gain personal leverage and influence over his father's decision-making. He was widely perceived as a supporter of theAwami League government and a key figure behind the improved ties between Hefazat-e-Islam and the government.[2][3] These actions were viewed by some as a betrayal of Hefazat's earlier stance, especially in the aftermath of theShapla Square massacre. His growing influence led to internal tensions, culminating instudent protests at Hathazari that resulted in his removal from key positions and a loss of influence. Despite efforts to form a separate faction of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, his initiative did not receive widespread backing.[4]
Anas Madani is the son of Shah Ahmad Shafi and Firoza Begum. He has one elder brother, Yusuf Madani, and three sisters.[5] He began his professional career as a teacher atDarul Uloom Hathazari and also served as the Examination Controller of the Noorani Ta'limul Quran Board, Chittagong Bangladesh.[6] In 2017, he was selected as a member ofAl-Haiatul Ulya Lil-Jamiatil Qawmia Bangladesh, the highest regulatory authority forQawmi madrasas in the country.[7] Following thedeath of his father, he pledgedspiritual allegiance toArshad Madani on 13 October 2021.[8]
Following the 2013 Shapla Square crackdown carried out by the Awami League–ledgovernment against Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh supporters, significant discord arose within the organization regarding how to respond. While a number of Hefazat leaders wished to continue their protests, the group's chief, Shah Ahmad Shafi, and his son Anas Madani, who was serving as the organization's publicity secretary, showed little interest in further mobilization.[9] Shafi's silence after the crackdown was perceived as unusual, prompting speculation.[10] Around this time, reports in media outlets such asDainik Purbokone andDhaka Tribune highlighted a noticeable increase in Madani's personal wealth.[11][12] Allegations emerged from senior Hefazat leaders that Shafi, aged and in declining health, had become increasingly dependent on his son for organizational affairs.[11] Madani was accused of exploiting this dependency to gain more control over Hefazat's activities and financial resources. He was further accused of receiving large sums of money from theruling party and using his influence to prevent his father and Hefazat from participating in anti-government movements.[11] A 2015 report byJagonews24.com suggested that a faction within Hefazat, allegedly led by Anas, sought to establish favorable ties with the Awami League, possibly to secure protection in legal cases and gain institutional privileges.[13] Those who challenged this direction or opposed Shafi and Madani were reportedly expelled from the organization.[9]
Allegations of political interference and consolidation of power extended beyond Hefazat to other Qawmi institutions. In 2017, reports surfaced that Madani had begun asserting influence over Darul Uloom Hathazari andBefaqul Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh, both of which were administratively linked to his father.[14] Taking advantage of Shafi's poor health, Madani allegedly dismissed several teachers and staff without following institutional rules, often doing so through verbal orders and without formal notices.[14] Victims reportedly remained silent out of fear, as Madani was the son of the powerful Hefazat chief. Despite not holding the required administrative role, Madani attended shura (consultative council) meetings and played a key part in decision-making. In July 2017, bypassing many senior scholars, he was controversially appointed as the education secretary of Darul Uloom Hathazari.[14] Later, in February 2018, he was named vice-president of Befaqul Madarisil Arabia at its tenth council, where his father was president—this move drew accusations of nepotism and sparked calls to annul the council session.[15] Tensions escalated again in late 2018 when Hefazat organized a public reception, i.e.,Shukrana Mahfil, for Prime MinisterSheikh Hasina, thanking her for recognizing the Qawmi degree. Many Hefazat leaders opposed the event, viewing it as a betrayal in light of the 2013 violence.[16] Anonymous leaflets distributed at the Hathazari madrasa accused Madani of manipulating his father's status to serve political purposes and questioned the organization's reconciliation with figures it had previously labeled as 'enemies of Islam.'[16]
By 2020, internal conflict had intensified. In June of that year, Madani was allegedly behind the dismissal ofJunaid Babunagari—known for his anti-government position—from his role as assistant director of Darul Uloom Hathazari.[17] A month earlier, Babunagari's nephew, Anwar Shah, had also been removed from the madrasa. These actions further alienated a large faction within Hefazat.[18] The controversy deepened when a phone conversation was leaked in which Madani allegedly accused Babunagari of being affiliated withJamaat-e-Islami, a political party critical of the government.[19] Although a video was later released on the officialFacebook page of Darul Uloom Hathazari portraying a reconciliation between the two in the presence of Shah Ahmad Shafi, unrest continued.[20][21] On 16 September 2020, astudent-led protest broke out at the Darul Uloom Hathazari demanding the immediate expulsion of Madani and urging that Shah Ahmad Shafi, due to age and illness, be relieved of his administrative responsibilities and appointed as an advisor instead.[22] Following this protest, Madani was removed from his position. Shah Ahmad Shafi died just two days later, on 18 September 2020, effectively ending Madani's influence over the madrasa and Hefazat-e-Islam's central leadership.[1]
In response to student protests, Madani alleged that the protest was part of a long-term plan to weaken Qawmi institutions by breaking off the government's relationship with the ulama.[23] On 15 November 2020, Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh held adelegate conference that excluded Madani and his supporters, forming a new 151-member committee.[24] Madani rejected the legitimacy of this body, claiming to uphold the legacy of his father, Shah Ahmad Shafi, and attempted to form a parallel leadership under the banner of the 'real Hefazat,' though this initiative failed to gain momentum.[25][26] Defending his father's approach, Madani argued that Shafi maintained a neutral stance with the government, offering advice and caution when needed, which he claimed helped secure key achievements, including state recognition of Qawmi degrees.[27] In 2021, as Hefazat launchedprotests against Prime MinisterNarendra Modi's visit—protests that led to deaths and unrest—Madani condemned the movement as aimless and politically driven.[28] Later, in July 2023, he was appointed vice-chairman of the Islami Oikya Jote,[29] and in December, he endorsed Awami League–aligned independent candidateMohammad Manjur Alam for theChittagong-10 constituency.[30] After a change in government in 2024 following theJuly Revolution, a case was filed against Madani in Hathazari on 27 August, accusing him of involvement in the killing of a student during the 2021 anti-Modi protests.[31] On 3 September, he was dismissed from his party role after theIslami Oikya Jote president resigned and disbanded all party committees.[32]
