^A: The Greens originated as aleft-wing protest party in the 1980s but have since evolved into a centre-left party, especially after merging withAlliance 90 in 1993.[9]
Alliance 90/The Greens is a founding member of theEuropean Green Party and theGreens–European Free Alliance group in theEuropean Parliament. It is currently the largest party in the G/EFA group, with 21MEPs. In the2019 European election, Alliance 90/The Greens was the second largest party in Germany, winning 20.5% of votes cast. The party had 166,000 members in February 2025, making it the third largest party in Germany by membership.
The Green Party was initially founded in West Germany asDie Grünen (the Greens) in January 1980. It grew out of the anti-nuclear energy, environmental, peace, new left, and new social movements of the late 20th century.[13]
Grüne Liste Umweltschutz (green list for environmental protection) was the name used for some branches inLower Saxony and other states in the Federal Republic of Germany. These groups were founded in 1977 and took part in several elections. Most of them merged with The Greens in 1980.
TheWest Berlin state branch of The Greens was founded asAlternative Liste, or precisely,Alternative Liste für Demokratie und Umweltschutz (AL; alternative list for democracy and environmental protection) in 1978 and became the official West Berlin branch of The Greens in 1980. In 1993, it renamed to Alliance 90/The Greens Berlin after the merger with East Berlin's Greens and Alliance 90.
TheHamburg state branch of the Green Party was calledGrün-Alternative Liste Hamburg (GAL; green-alternative list) from its foundation in 1982 until 2012. In 1984, it became the official Hamburg branch of The Greens.
The political partyThe Greens (German:Die Grünen) sprung out of the wave ofNew Social Movements that were active in the 1970s, includingenvironmentalist,anti-war, andanti-nuclear movements which can trace their origin to thestudent protests of 1968. Officially founded as a German national party on 13 January 1980 inKarlsruhe, the party sought to give these movements political and parliamentary representation, as the pre-existingpeoples parties [de] were not organised in a way to address their stated issues.[14] Its membership included organisers from former attempts to achieve institutional representation such asGLU [de] andAUD. Opposition to pollution, use ofnuclear power,NATO military action, and certain aspects ofindustrialised society were principal campaign issues.[citation needed] The party also championedsexual liberation and some of their members supported the abolition ofage-of-consent laws.[15]
In 1982, the conservative factions of the Greens broke away to form theEcological Democratic Party (ÖDP). Those who remained in the Green party were more stronglypacifist and against restrictions on immigration andreproductive rights, while supporting the legalisation ofcannabis use, placing a higher priority on working forLGBT rights, and tending to advocate what they described as "anti-authoritarian" concepts of education and child-rearing. They also tended to identify more closely with a culture of protest andcivil disobedience, frequently clashing with police at demonstrations againstnuclear weapons,nuclear energy, and the construction of a new runway (Startbahn West) atFrankfurt Airport. Those who left the party at the time might have felt similarly about some of these issues, but did not identify with the forms of protest that Green party members took part in.[citation needed]
After some success atstate-level elections, the party won 27 seats with5.7% of the vote in the Bundestag, the lower house of the German parliament, in the1983 federal election. Among the important political issues at the time was the deployment ofPershing IIIRBMs and nuclear-tippedcruise missiles by the U.S. andNATO on West German soil, generating strong opposition in the general population that found an outlet in mass demonstrations. The newly formed party was able to draw on this popular movement to recruit support. Partly due to the impact of theChernobyl disaster in 1986, and to growing awareness of the threat of air pollution andacid rain to German forests (Waldsterben), the Greens increased their share of the vote to8.3% in the1987 federal election. Around this time,Joschka Fischer emerged as the unofficial leader of the party, which he remained until resigning all leadership posts following the2005 federal election.
The Greens were the target of attempts by the East German secret police to enlist the cooperation of members who were willing to align the party with the agenda of theGerman Democratic Republic. The party ranks included several politicians who were later discovered to have beenStasi agents, includingBundestag representative Dirk Schneider,European Parliament representativeBrigitte Heinrich, andRed Army Faction defense lawyerKlaus Croissant. Greens politician and Bundestag representativeGert Bastian was also a founding member ofGenerals for Peace [de], a pacifist group created and funded by the Stasi, the revelation of which may have contributed to the murder-suicide in which he killed his partner and Greens founderPetra Kelly.[16] A study commissioned by the Greens determined that 15 to 20 members intimately cooperated with the Stasi and another 450 to 500 had been informants.[17][18]
Until 1987, the Greens included a faction involved inpedophile activism, theSchwuP short forArbeitsgemeinschaft "Schwule, Päderasten und Transsexuelle" (approx.working group "Gays, Pederasts and Transsexuals"). This faction campaigned for repealing § 176 of the German penal code, dealing withchild sexual abuse. This group was controversial within the party itself, and was seen as partly responsible for the poor election result of 1985.[19]This controversy re-surfaced in 2013 and chairwomanClaudia Roth stated she welcomed an independent scientific investigation on the extent of influence pedophile activists had on the party in the mid-1980s.[20][21] In November 2014, the political scientist Franz Walter presented the final report about his research on a press conference.[22]
1990s: German reunification, electoral failure in the West, formation of Alliance 90/The Greens
In the1990 federal elections, taking place post-reunified Germany, the Greens in the West did not pass the 5% limit required to win seats in the Bundestag. It was only due to a temporary modification of German election law, applying the five-percent "hurdle" separately in East and West Germany, that the Greens acquired any parliamentary seats at all. This happened because in thenew states of Germany, the Greens, in a joint effort withAlliance 90, a heterogeneous grouping ofcivil rights activists, were able to gain more than 5% of the vote. Some critics attribute this poor performance to the reluctance of the campaign to cater to the prevalent mood ofnationalism, instead focusing on subjects such asglobal warming. A campaign poster at the time proudly stated, "Everyone is talking about Germany; we're talking about the weather!", paraphrasing a popular slogan ofDeutsche Bundesbahn, the German national railway. The party also opposed imminent reunification that was in process, instead wanting to initiate debates on ecology and nuclear issues before reunification causing a drop in support in Western Germany.[23] After the1994 federal election; however, the merged party returned to the Bundestag, and the Greens received 7.3% of the vote nationwide and 49 seats.
Almost immediately the party was plunged into a crisis by the question of German participation in theNATO actions in Kosovo. Numerous anti-war party members resigned their party membership when the first post-war deployment of German troops in a military conflict abroad occurred under a Red-Green government, and the party began to experience a long string of defeats in local and state-level elections. Disappointment with the Green participation in government increased when anti-nuclear power activists realised that shutting down the nation's nuclear power stations would not happen as quickly as they wished, and numerous pro-business SPD members of the federal cabinet opposed the environmentalist agenda of the Greens, calling for tacit compromises.
In 2001, the party experienced a further crisis as some Green Members of Parliament refused to back the government's plan of sending military personnel to help with the2001 invasion of Afghanistan.ChancellorGerhard Schröder called a vote of confidence, tying it to his strategy on the war. Four Green MPs and one Social Democrat voted against the government, but Schröder was still able to command a majority.
On the other hand, the Greens achieved a major success as a governing party through the 2000 decision to phase out the use of nuclear energy.Minister of Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety Jürgen Trittin reached an agreement with energy companies on the gradual phasing out ofthe country's nineteen nuclear power plants and a cessation of civil usage of nuclear power by 2020. This was authorised through theNuclear Exit Law. Based on an estimate of 32 years as the normal period of operation for a nuclear power plant, the agreement defines precisely how much energy a power plant is allowed to produce before being shut down. This law has since been overturned.
Despite the crises of the preceding electoral period, in the2002 federal election, the Greens increased their total to 55 seats (in a smaller parliament) and 8.6%. This was partly due to the perception that the internal debate over the war in Afghanistan had been more honest and open than in other parties, and one of the MPs who had voted against the Afghanistan deployment,Hans-Christian Ströbele, was directly elected to the Bundestag as a district representative for theFriedrichshain-Kreuzberg – Prenzlauer Berg East constituency in Berlin, becoming the first Green to ever gain afirst-past-the-post seat in Germany.
The Greens benefited from increased inroads among traditionally left-wing demographics which had benefited from Green-initiated legislation in the 1998–2002 term, such as environmentalists (Renewable Energies Act) and LGBT groups (Registered Partnership Law). Perhaps most important for determining the success of both the Greens and the SPD was the increasing threat of war in Iraq, which was highly unpopular with the German public, and helped gather votes for the parties which had taken a stand against participation in this war. Despite losses for the SPD, the Red-Green coalition government retained a very slight majority in the Bundestag (4 seats) and was renewed, withJoschka Fischer as foreign minister,Renate Künast as minister for consumer protection, nutrition and agriculture, andJürgen Trittin as minister for the environment.
One internal issue in 2002 was the failed attempt to settle a long-standing discussion about the question of whether members of parliament should be allowed to become members of the party executive. Two party conventions declined to change the party statute. The necessary majority of two-thirds was missed by a small margin. As a result, former party chairpersonsFritz Kuhn andClaudia Roth (who had been elected to parliament that year) were no longer able to continue in their executive function and were replaced by former party secretary generalReinhard Bütikofer and former Bundestag memberAngelika Beer. The party then held a member referendum on this question in the spring of 2003 which changed the party statute. Now members of parliament may be elected for two of the six seats of the party executive, as long as they are not ministers or caucus leaders. 57% of all party members voted in the member referendum, with 67% voting in favor of the change. The referendum was only the second in the history of Alliance 90/The Greens, the first having been held about the merger of the Greens and Alliance 90. In 2004, after Angelika Beer was elected to theEuropean Parliament, Claudia Roth was elected to replace her as party chair.
Federal party convention in Oldenburg; Renate Künast speaking (2005)
The only party convention in 2003 was planned for November 2003, but about 20% of the local organisations forced the federal party to hold a special party convention inCottbus early to discuss the party position regardingAgenda 2010, a major reform of the German welfare programmes planned by Chancellor Schröder.
The November 2003 party convention was held inDresden and decided the election platform for the 2004European Parliament elections. The German Green list for these elections was headed byRebecca Harms (then leader of the Green party in Lower Saxony) andDaniel Cohn-Bendit, previously Member of the European Parliament forThe Greens of France. The November 2003 convention is also noteworthy because it was the first convention of a German political party ever to use anelectronic voting system.
The Greens gained a record 13 of Germany's 99 seats in these elections, mainly due to the perceived competence of Green ministers in the federal government and the unpopularity of theSocial Democratic Party.
In May 2005, the only remaining state-levelred-green coalition government lost the vote in theNorth Rhine-Westphalia state election, leaving only the federal government with participation of the Greens (apart from local governments). In the early2005 federal election the party incurred very small losses and achieved 8.1% of the vote and 51 seats. However, due to larger losses of the SPD, the previous coalition no longer had a majority in the Bundestag.
For almost two years after the federal election in 2005, the Greens were not part of any government at the state or federal level. In June 2007, the Greens inBremen entered into a coalition with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) following the2007 Bremen state election.
Professionalization of G-Coordination since 2007
In April 2008, following the2008 Hamburg state election, the Green-Alternative List (GAL) inHamburg entered into a coalition with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the firstsuch [de] state-level coalition in Germany. Although the GAL had to agree to the deepening of theElbe River, the construction of a newcoal-fired power station and two road projects they had opposed, they also received some significant concessions from the CDU. These included reforming state schools by increasing the number of primary schooleducational stages, the restoration of trams as public transportation in thecity-state, and morepedestrian-friendly real estate development. On 29 November 2010, the coalition collapsed, resulting inan election that was won by SPD.
Following theSaarland state election of August 2009, The Greens held the balance of power after a close election where no two-party coalitions could create a stablemajority government. After negotiations, the Saarland Greens rejected the option of a left-wing 'red-red-green' coalition with the SPD andThe Left (Die Linke) in order to form a centre-right state government with the CDU andFree Democratic Party (FDP), a historical first time that aJamaica coalition has formed in German politics.
In June 2010, in the first state election following the victory of theCDU/CSU and FDP in the2009 federal election, the "black-yellow" CDU-FDP coalition inNorth Rhine-Westphalia underJürgen Rüttgers lost its majority. The Greens and the SPD came one seat short of a governing majority, but after multiple negotiations about coalitions of SPD and Greens with either the FDP or The Left, the SPD and Greens decided to form aminority government,[24] which was possible because under theconstitution of North Rhine-Westphalia a plurality of seats is sufficient to elect aminister-president.[25] So a red-green government in a state where it was defeated underPeer Steinbrück in 2005 came into office again on 14 June 2010 with the election ofHannelore Kraft as minister-president (Cabinet Kraft I).
The Greens founded the first international chapter of a German political party in the U.S. on 13 April 2008 at theGoethe-Institut in Washington D.C. Its main goal is "to provide a platform for politically active and green-oriented German citizens, in and beyond Washington D.C., to discuss and actively participate in German Green politics. [...] to foster professional and personal exchange, channeling the outcomes towards the political discourse in Germany."[26]
Like the Social Democrats, the Greens backed ChancellorAngela Merkel on most bailout votes in the German parliament during her second term, saying their pro-European stances overrode party politics.[28] Shortly before the elections, the party plummeted to a four-year low in the polls, undermining efforts byPeer Steinbrück's Social Democrats to unseat Merkel.[29] While being in opposition on the federal level since 2005, the Greens have established themselves as a powerful force in Germany's political system. By 2016, the Greens had joined 11 out of 16 state governments in a variety of coalitions.[30] Over the years, they have built up an informal structure called G-coordination to organize interests between the federal party office, the parliamentary group in the Bundestag, and the Greens governing on the state level.[30]
The Greens remained the smallest of six parties in the Bundestag in the2017 federal election, winning 8.9% of votes. After the election, they entered into talks for aJamaica coalition with the CDU and FDP. Discussions collapsed after the FDP withdrew in November.[31][32]
After the federal election and unsuccessful Jamaica negotiations, the party held elections for two new co-leaders; incumbents Özdemir and Peter did not stand for re-election.Robert Habeck andAnnalena Baerbock were elected with 81% and 64% of votes, respectively. Habeck had served as deputy premier and environment minister inSchleswig-Holstein since 2012, while Baerbock had been a leading figure in the party's Brandenburg branch since 2009. Their election was considered a break with tradition, as they were both members of the moderate wing.[33]
The Greens saw a major surge in support during theBavarian andHessian state elections in October 2018, becoming the second largest party in both.[34][35] They subsequently rose to second place behind the CDU/CSU in national polling, averaging between 17% and 20% over the next six months.[36]
A map showing the percentage of votes won by the Greens by district and state in the2019 European Parliament election. Darker shades indicate a higher vote share.
In the2019 European Parliament election, the Greens achieved their best ever result in a national election, placing second with 20.5% of the vote and winning 21 seats.[37] National polling released after the election showed a major boost for the party. The first poll after the election, conducted by Forsa, showed the Greens in first place on 27%. This was the first time the Greens had ever been in first place in a national opinion poll, and the first time in the history of the Federal Republic that any party other than the CDU/CSU or SPD had placed first in a national poll.[38] This trend continued as polls from May to July showed the CDU/CSU and Greens trading first place, after which point the CDU/CSU pulled ahead once more. The Greens continued to poll in the low 20% range into early 2020.[36]
The Greens recorded best-ever results in theBrandenburg (10.8%) andSaxony (8.6%) state elections in September 2019, and subsequently joined coalition governments in both states.[39][40] They suffered an unexpected decline in theThuringian election in October, only narrowing retaining their seats with 5.2%. In the February2020 Hamburg state election, the Greens became the second largest party, winning 24.2% of votes cast.[41]
In March 2021, the Greens improved their performance inBaden-Württemberg, where they remained the strongest party with 32.6% of votes, andRhineland-Palatinate, where they moved into third place with 9.3%.[42][43]
Due to their sustained position as the second most popular party in national polling ahead of theSeptember 2021 federal election, the Greens chose to forgo the traditional dual lead-candidacy in favour of selecting a single Chancellor candidate.[44] Co-leader Annalena Baerbock was announced as Chancellor candidate on 19 April[45] and formally confirmed on 12 June with 98.5% approval.[46]
A map showing the percentage of votes won by the Greens by constituency and state in the 2021 federal election. Darker shades indicate a higher vote share.
The Greens surged in opinion polls in late April and May, briefly surpassing the CDU as the most popular party in the country, but their numbers slipped back after Baerbock was caught up in several controversies. Her personal popularity also fell below that of bothArmin Laschet andOlaf Scholz, the Chancellor candidates for the CDU and SPD, respectively. The party's fortunes did not reverse even after theJuly floods, which saw climate change return as the most important issue among voters.[47] The situation worsened in August as the SPD surged into first place to the detriment of both the CDU and Greens.[48]
The Greens finished in third place in the2021 federal election with 14.8% of votes. Though their best ever federal election result, it was considered a bitter disappointment in light of their polling numbers during the previous three years.[49] They entered coalition talks with the FDP and SPD, eventually joining atraffic light coalition under ChancellorOlaf Scholz which took office on 8 December 2021.[50] The Greens have five ministers in theScholz cabinet, including Robert Habeck as Vice-Chancellor and Annalena Baerbock as foreign minister.[51]
Since party statute mandates that party leaders may not hold government office, Baerbock and Habeck stepped down after entering cabinet. At a party conference in January 2022,Ricarda Lang andOmid Nouripour were elected to succeed them. At the time of her election, Lang was 28 years old, speaker for women's issues, and a former leader of theGreen Youth. 46-year-old Nouripour was foreign affairs spokesman and a member of the Bundestag since 2006. Of the new leaders, Lang is considered a representative of the party's left-wing, while Nouripour represents the right-wing.[52][53]
Lang and Nouripour announced their resignations as party leaders in September 2024 after heavy defeats in theSaxony,Thuringia andBrandenburg state elections that month, as well as the earlierEuropean Parliament election. In all three states, governing coalitions involving the Greens were not returned, and the party was wiped out in the latter two states while only narrowly retaining representation in Saxony. In the European elections, the Greens fell to fourth (behind the CDU/CSU, AfD and SPD) and lost 9 seats in the European parliament, falling to 12 seats. The party had fallen out of five state governments (additionallyBerlin andHesse) since entering the federal governing coalition in 2021. Analysts pointed to its participation in the federal government requiring it to take stances that are contrary to its traditional clean-energy and pacifist ideals, as well as a stark collapse in support with young voters.[54][55]
The party's main ideological trends aregreen politics andsocial liberalism.[10][59][60] The party has also been described asleft-libertarian,[61] and influenced by thepostmaterialist left.[62][63] The party's political position is generally described to becentre-left;[4][5][6][7] some describe the party ascentrist.[64][65][66][67] The West German Greens played a crucial role in the development of green politics in Europe,[68] with their original program outlining "four principles: ecological, social, grassroots, and non-violent".[69] Initially ideologically heterogenous, the party took up a position on the radical left in its early years, which were dominated by conflicts between the more left-wingFundi (fundamentalist) and more moderateRealo (realist) factions. These conflicts became less significant as the party moved toward the political mainstream in the 1990s.[4]
During the 2021 federal election, theWZB Berlin Social Science Center classified the party as the most centrist of Germany's left-wing parties.[70]Annalena Baerbock campaigned from the left of the SPD, stating that the party's economic program is geared towards the "common good" while the SPD's no longer is.[71] The party has a more pragmatic approach to workers' rights than the SPD.[4][5][70] On the other hand, the party clearly holds positions to the left of the SPD on issues such as fiscal discipline,[72] particularly on thedebt brake,[73] the climate transition,[74] andproperty expropriation in Berlin.[75] They are focusing on environmentalist and sociallyprogressive policies.[76] Emphasis is placed on mitigatingclimate change, reducingcarbon emissions, and fosteringsustainability and environmentally-friendly practices.[77] They support equality,social justice, and humanitarian responses to events such as theEuropean migrant crisis.[78] Their fiscal platform is flexible and seeks to balance social, economic, and environmental interests.[79] The party is stronglypro-European, advocatingEuropean federalism,[80] and promotes wider international cooperation, including strengthening existing alliances.[79]
Starting from the leadership ofAnnalena Baerbock andRobert Habeck, commentators have observed the Greens taking a pragmatic, moderate approach to work with parties from across the political spectrum. Baerbock described their stances and style as a form of "radical realism" attempting to reconcile principles with practical politics.[79][81] At the same time, the party has denouncedpopulism and division, and placed rhetorical emphasis on optimism and cross-party cooperation.[4][82] Accompanied by record high popularity and election results, this led some to suggest that the Greens were filling a gap in the political centre, which was left by the declining popularity of the CDU/CSU and SPD.[4][76]
The Greens are regarded as taking aAtlanticist line on defense and pushing for a stronger common EU foreign policy,[83] especially against Russia and China.[84][85] Green Party co-leaderAnnalena Baerbock has proposed a post-pacifist foreign policy.[86][87] She supportseastward expansion of NATO[84] and has considered the number ofUN resolutions critical of Israel as "absurd compared to resolutions against other states."[88] The party's program included references toNATO as an "indispensable" part of European security.[89] The Greens have promised to abolish the contestedNord Stream 2 pipeline to ship Russian natural gas to Germany.[90] The party criticized the EU'sinvestment deal with China.[91] It describes China as a "systematic rival", though the party also favors cooperation with China to fight climate change.[92] In 2016, the Greens criticised Germany's defense plan withSaudi Arabia, which has beenwaging war in Yemen and has been accused of massivehuman rights violations.[93]
Anti-nuclear protest near nuclear waste disposal centre at Gorleben in northern Germany, on 8 November 2008
Ever since the party's inception, The Greens have been concerned with the immediate halt of construction or operation of all nuclear power stations. As an alternative, they promote a shift to non-nuclearrenewable energy and a comprehensive program ofenergy conservation.[99]
In 1986, large parts of Germany were covered withradioactive contamination from theChernobyl disaster and Germans went to great lengths to deal with the contamination. Germany's anti-nuclear stance was strengthened. From the mid-1990s onwards, anti-nuclear protests were primarily directed against transports ofradioactive waste in"CASTOR" containers.
After the Chernobyl disaster, the Greens became more radicalised and resisted compromise on the nuclear issue. During the 1990s, a re-orientation towards a moderate program occurred, with concern aboutglobal warming andozone depletion taking a more prominent role. During the federal red-green government (1998–2005) many people[who?] became disappointed with what they saw as excessive compromise on key Greens policies.
Eight German nuclear power reactors (Biblis A and B, Brunsbuettel, Isar 1, Kruemmel, Neckarwestheim 1, Philippsburg 1 and Unterweser) were declared permanently shut down on 6 August 2011, following the JapaneseFukushima nuclear disaster.[100]
The central idea of green politics issustainable development.[101] The concept of environmental protection is the cornerstone of Alliance 90/The Greens policy. In particular, the economic, energy and transport policy claims are in close interaction with environmental considerations. The Greens acknowledge the natural environment as a high priority and animal protection should be enshrined as a national objective in constitutional law. An effective environmental policy would be based on a common environmental code, with the urgent integration of a climate change bill. During the red-green coalition (1998–2005) a policy of agricultural change was launched labeled as a paradigm shift in agricultural policy towards a more ecological friendly agriculture, which needs to continue.
The Greens have praised theEuropean Green Deal, which aims to make the EUclimate neutral by 2050. Climate change is at the center of all policy considerations. This includes environmental policy and safety and social aspects. The plans of the Alliance 90/The Greens provide a climate change bill laying down binding reductions to greenhouse gas emissions in Germany by 2020 restricting emissions to minus 40 percent compared to 1990.
A similarly high priority is given to transport policy. The switch from a traveling allowance to a mobility allowance, which is paid regardless of income to all employees, replacing company car privileges. The truck toll will act as a climate protection instrument internalizing the external costs of transport. Railway should be promoted in order to achieve the desired environmental objectives and the comprehensive care of customers. The railway infrastructure is to remain permanently in the public sector, allowing a reduction in expenditure on road construction infrastructure. The Greens want to control privileges onkerosene and for international flights, introduce an air ticket levy.
Fossil fuels such as heavy oil or diesel shall be replaced by emission-neutral fuels and green propulsion systems in order to make shipping climate-neutral in the long term.[103]
For many years, the Green Party has advocated against the "Ehegattensplitting" policy, under which the incomes of married couples are split for taxation purposes. Furthermore, the Party advocates for a massive increase in federal spending for places in preschools, and for increased investment in education: an additional 1 billion Euros for vocational schools and 200 million Euros more BAföG (Bundesausbildungsförderungsgesetz in German, approximately translated to "the Federal Law for the Advancement of Education") for adults.[104]
In its 2013 platform, the Green Party successfully advocated for a minimum wage of 8.50 Euro per hour, which was implemented on 1 January 2015.[105] It continues to press for higher minimum wages.[106]
The Greens want the starting retirement age to remain 67,[107] but with some qualifications – for example, a provision for partial retirement.[citation needed][108]
The party supports and has supported various forms ofrent regulation.[109] During the 2021 election, the party called for rent hikes to be capped at 2.5% per year.[110]
The Greens supportprogressive taxation and is critical of FDP efforts to cut taxes for top earners.[111]
Green supporters supporting Annalena Baerbock in 2021
The Green Party supports the implementation of quotas in executive boards, the policy of equal pay for equal work, and continuing the fight against domestic violence.[112] According to its website, the Green Party "fights for the acceptance and against the exclusion of homosexuals, bisexuals, intersex- and transgender people and others".[113]
In order to recognize the political persecution thatLGBT+ people face abroad, the Green Party wants to extend asylum to LGBTQIA+ people abroad.[114] The policy change was sponsored primarily byVolker Beck, one of the Party's most prominent gay members.[115] Because of the extensive support the Green Party has given the LGBTQIA+ community since its conception, many LGBTQIA+ people vote for the Green Party even if their political ideology does not quite align otherwise.[115]
The party supports the legalization and regulation ofcannabis and was the sponsor of the 2015 proposed iteration of theGerman cannabis control bill. Furthermore, the Greens support research on the drug and the use of marijuana for medicinal purposes.[116][117]
A 2000 study by the Infratest Dimap political research company has suggested the Green voter demographic includes those on higher incomes (e.g. above €2,000/month) and the party's support is less among households with lower incomes. The samepolling research also concluded that the Greens received fewer votes from the unemployed and general working population, with business people favouring the party as well as the centre-right liberalFree Democratic Party. According to the Infratest Dimap political research company for theARD, the Greens received more voters from the age group 34–42 than any other age group and that the young were generally more supportive of the party than the old.[118]
The Greens have a higher voter demographic in urban areas than rural areas, except for a small number of rural areas with pressing local environmental concerns, such asstrip mining orradioactive waste deposits. The cities ofBonn,Cologne,Stuttgart, Berlin,Hamburg, Frankfurt andMunich have among the highest percentages of Green voters in the country. The towns of:Bonn,Hanover, andWuppertal have Green mayors. The party has a lower level of support in the states of the formerGerman Democratic Republic (East Germany); nonetheless, the party is currently represented in every stateLandtag exceptBrandenburg,Saarland, andThuringia.
^abThomas Bräuninger and Marc Debus (10 February 2021).BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN. "In der Wirtschaftspolitik vertritt die Partei eher linke Positionen, bei gesellschaftspolitischen Themen wie gleichgeschlechtlicher Ehe oder Einwanderung nimmt die Partei linksliberale Positionen ein."
^"Italy's Surprisingly Long and Tortured History with Electoral Reform".The McGill International Review. 11 July 2017. Retrieved13 February 2023.The numerous European elections held this year show just how crucial it is to find a proper electoral system. The Dutch's extreme form of PR has created a fractured parliament and seemingly relentless negotiation, to no avail. Conversely, with Germany's MMP system establishing a 5% threshold for parliamentary representation, their September elections are expected to yield a stable coalition of the conservative right, the free-market right, and centrist Greens.
^"Forecasting the world in 2021".Financial Times. 30 December 2020. Retrieved13 February 2023.A tie-up with the left might be more comfortable, but they will fall short of a majority. So the now centrist Greens, with charismatic co-leader Robert Habeck, will team up with the Christian Democrats.
^Campbell, Loyle; Oechtering, Leonie (2 May 2023)."The German Greens' Identity Crisis".Internationale Politik Quarterly. Retrieved28 June 2024.Anti-nuclear identity has been integral for German Green party since its formation in the late 1970s, with Germany's nuclear exit as their crowning achievement, originally scheduled for 2022.
Frankland, E. Gene; Schoonmaker, Donald (1992).Between Protest & Power: The Green Party in Germany. Westview Press.
Kolinsky, Eva (1989):The Greens in West Germany: Organisation and Policy Making Oxford: Berg.
Nishida, Makoto (2005):Strömungen in den Grünen (1980–2003) : eine Analyse über informell-organisierte Gruppen innerhalb der Grünen Münster: Lit,ISBN3-8258-9174-7,ISBN978-3-8258-9174-9
Papadakis, Elim (2014).The Green Movement in West Germany. Routledge.ISBN978-1-317-54029-8.
Raschke, Joachim (1993):Die Grünen: Wie sie wurden, was sie sind. Köln: Bund-Verlag.
Raschke, Joachim (2001):Die Zukunft der Grünen. Frankfurt am Main / New York: Campus.
Stifel, Andreas (2018): Vom erfolgreichen Scheitern einer Bewegung – Bündnis 90/Die Grünen als politische Partei und soziokulturelles Phänomen. Wiesbaden: VS Springer.
Wiesenthal, Helmut (2000): "Profilkrise und Funktionswandel. Bündnis 90/Die Grünen auf dem Weg zu einem neuen Selbstverständnis", inAus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B5 2000, S. 22–29.
The Left: is currently only in the state parliaments ofBerlin, Bremen,Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern,Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia.
BSW: is currently only in the state parliaments of Berlin, Brandenburg, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saxony, and Thuringia.
FW: is currently only in the state parliaments ofBavaria, Rhineland-Palatinate and Saxony; does not participate in state elections inBrandenburg, an associated partyBVB/FW participates here.