| al-Mahdi ٱلْـمَـهْـدِي | |||||
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| Khalifah Amir al-Mu'minin | |||||
.jpg) Gold Dinar of al-Mahdi | |||||
| 3rdCaliph of theAbbasid Caliphate | |||||
| Reign | 6 October 775 – 24 July 785 | ||||
| Predecessor | al-Mansur | ||||
| Successor | al-Hadi | ||||
| Born | 744 or 745 Humeima,Bilad al-Sham (modern-dayJordan) | ||||
| Died | 24 July 785 (aged 40–41) | ||||
| Burial | Masabadhan | ||||
| Consorts | List
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| Dynasty | Abbasid | ||||
| Father | al-Mansur | ||||
| Mother | Umm Musa Arwa bint Mansur al-Himyari | ||||
| Religion | Islam | ||||
Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad ibnʿAbd Allāh al-Manṣūr (Arabic:أبو عبد الله محمد بن عبد الله المنصور; 744 or 745 – 785), better known by hisregnal nameal-Mahdī (المهدي, "He who is guided by God"), was the thirdAbbasidCaliph who reigned from 775 to his death in 785. He succeeded his father,al-Mansur.
Al-Mahdi was born in 744 or 745 AD in the village ofHumeima (modern-dayJordan). His mother was calledArwa, and his father wasal-Mansur. When al-Mahdi was ten years old, his father became the secondAbbasid Caliph.[1] When al-Mahdi was young, his father needed to establish al-Mahdi as a powerful figure in his own right. So, on the east bank of theTigris, al-Mansur oversaw the construction of East Baghdad, with a mosque and royal palace at its heart. Construction in the area was also heavily financed by theBarmakids, and the area became known asRusafa.[2]
When he was 15 years old, al-Mahdi was sent to defeat the uprising of Abdur Rahman bin Abdul Jabbar Azdi inKhorasan. He also defeated theuprisings of Ispahbud, the governor ofTabaristan, and Astazsis,[verification needed] massacring more than 70,000 of his followers in Khorasan. These campaigns put Tabaristan, which was only nominally within the caliphate, firmly under Abbasid control.[3] In 762 AD, al-Mahdi was the governor of the Abbasid Caliphate's eastern region, based inRay. It was here that he fell in love withal-Khayzuran (translates as "bamboo"), a daughter of a warlord inHerat[4] and had several children, including the fourth and fifth future Caliphs,al-Hadi andHarun al-Rashid.[5] Around 770 AD (153 AH), al-Mahdi was appointed asAmir al-hajj.[1] Al-Khayzuran was gifted to Mahdi by his father.[4]
Al-Mahdi's father,al-Mansur, died on thehajj toMecca in 775. The throne then passed to al-Mansur's chosen successor, his son al-Mahdi. According toMarozzi, "[it] was, by the standards of the future, blood-soaked successions of the Abbasid caliphate, a model of order and decorum."[6]
Al-Mahdi, whose nickname means "Rightly-guided" or "Redeemer", was proclaimed caliph when his father was on his deathbed. His peaceful reign continued the policies of his predecessors.
Mahdi commenced his rule by releasing several political prisoners, expanding and decorating the holy places of Mecca and Medina, and building fountains and lofts for Hajj pilgrims. He expanded the mail service, increased his secret service, fortified cities, and increased judicial appointments. His charitable giving was also impressive.[7]
Rapprochement with theAlids in the Caliphate occurred under al-Mahdi's reign. TheBarmakid family, which had advised the Caliphs since the days ofAbu al-Abbas asviziers, gained even greater powers under al-Mahdi's rule, and worked closely with the caliph to ensure the prosperity of the Abbasid state.
Al-Mahdi reigned for ten years. He imprisoned his most trusted vizierYa'qub ibn Dawud. In the year 167 AH/ 783 AD, al-Mahdi instituted an official inquisition which led to the execution of allegedZindiq (heretics). He was fond of music and poetry and during his caliphate many musicians and poets received his patronage and he supported musical expression and poetry across his dominion; accordingly, his sonIbrahim ibn al-Mahdi (779–839) and his daughterUlayya bint al-Mahdi (777-825) were both noted poets and musicians.[8]
In 775, aByzantine envoy, Tarath, travelled to Baghdad to convey the congratulations of the Byzantine emperor to al-Mahdi on his accession to the throne. Tarath was so pleased with the hospitality he received that he offered to put his engineering knowledge to use and build a mill that would generate annual profits, of 500,000dirhams, equal to the cost of its construction. On completion, the envoy's forecast proved to be correct, and so, delighted, al-Mahdi ordered that all profits should be given to the envoy, even after he left Baghdad. It is believed this continued to his death, in 780.[9]
In 775,al-Fadl ibn Salih was appointed governor of the region ofal-Jazira north of Damascus by the caliph al-Mahdi. He moved to al-Jazira the same year. Al-Fadl returned toDamascus following his trip toJerusalem in 780 where he accompanied al-Mahdi as part of his entourage.[10]
While the first Abbasid caliphs were distracted with cementing their authority, the Byzantines were occupied fighting Slavic clans in Macedonia andThrace and battling the Bulgars. Once Mahdi felt secure in his rule, he fought the Byzantines with more force than his predecessors. He increased his line of control from Syria to the Armenian frontier and claimed the strategic town ofTarsus, that linkedAnatolia, Syria, and northern Iraq.[7]
In 777 AD (160 AH) he put down the insurrection of Yusuf ibn Ibrahim in Khurasan. In the same year al-Mahdi deposedIsa ibn Musa as his successor and appointed his own sonMusa al-Hadi in his place and took allegiance (bayah) for him from the nobles.
Al-Mahdi released manyUmayyads and 'Alids from prison and returned their wealth and property.[11] His sonHarun would also pursue similar policies, releasing many of the Umayyads and Alids his brotherAl-Hadi had imprisoned and declaring amnesty for all political groups of theQuraysh.[12]
Mahdi also embarked on two important military voyages, one in 779 and another in 781 with his sonHarun.
Al-Mahdi was poisoned by one of his concubines in 785 AD (169 AH). The concubine's name was Hasanah and she was jealous of another female slave to whom Mahdi was drawing closer. She prepared a dish of sweets and placed a poisonous pear at the top of the plate. The pit of the pear was removed and replaced with a lethal paste. She sent the dish to her adversary via a servant, however, Mahdi intercepted the plate and ate the pear without hesitation. Shortly afterward, he complained of stomach pain and died that night at 43 years old.[13]
A separate account said al-Mahdi fell off his horse while hunting and died.[13]
Al-Mahdi's first concubine when he was a prince was Muhayyat. In 759–60, she gave birth to a son who died in infancy.[14] Another concubine was Rahim, who was the mother of his oldest surviving child,Abbasa.[14] Another wasal-Khayzuran bint Atta. She was the mother of caliphsal-Hadi andHarun al-Rashid.[15] She had another son named Isa,[16] and a daughter named Banuqah or Banujah.[17] She was born in Mecca and brought up in Jurash.[18] She had two sisters, Salsal[19] and Asma,[16] and a brother Ghitrif.[19] She was al-Mahdi's favourite wife.[20] In 761, al-Mahdi marriedRaytah as his first wife after his return from Khurasan.[21] She was the daughter of Caliphal-Saffah and his wife Umm Salamah, aMakhzumite.[22] She gave birth to two sons,Ubaydallah and Ali.[21]
Another concubine was al-Bahtariyah, the noble-born daughter of the Persian rebel,[23]Masmughan of Damavand,[24] against whom Mahdi was first sent to Khurasan.[23] Her mother was Bakand, the daughter of Isbahbadh,Farrukhan the Little.[25] She had a sister named Smyr.[24] She bore al-Mahdi a son named for his grandfather,Mansur, and two daughters, Sulaimah and Aliyah.[23] Another was Shaklah, a Negress.[23] Her father was Khwanadan, steward of Masmughan.[25] She had a brother named Humayd.[26] She was acquired by al-Mahdi together with al-Bahtariyah, when she was a child. He presented her to his concubine Muhayyat, who, discovering musical talent in the child, sent her to the famous school of Taif in the Hijaz for a thorough musical education. Years later al-Mahdi, then caliph, took her as his concubine. She gave birth to al-Mahdi's powerful and dark-skinned sonIbrahim.[27]
Another concubine was Maknunah, a singer.[28] She was owned by al-Marwaniyyah.[29] Al-Mahdi, while yet a prince, bought her for 100,000 silver dirhams. She found such favor with the prince that al-Khayzuran used to say, "No other woman of his made my position so difficult." She gave birth to al-Mahdi's daughterUlayya.[28] Another was Basbas, a singer trained at Medina. He had bought her about the same period for 17,000 gold dinars.[28] Another was Hasanah, a Persian.[30] She was a singer, and was al-Mahdi's favourite concubine. She gave al-Khayzuran some uneasy moments.[31] According to some versions, she was unintentionally but tragically involved in al-Mahdi's death.[32][13] Some other concubines were Hullah, another singer, and Malkah.[31]
Al-Mahdi's second wife was Asma, al-Khayzuran's younger sister. She grew up at the court. In 775–776, al-Mahdi formed a sudden attachment for her. He then married her, settling on her a marriage portion of one million dirhams. Al-Khayzuran, who had been on the pilgrimage, learned of the marriage. After her return, al-Mahdi divorced Asma, and married al-Khayzuran as his third wife.[33] That same year, he married his fourth wife Umm Abdallah, a noble Arab woman. The next year he married his fifth wife Ruqaiyah, an Uthmanid.[34] After al-Mahdi's death, she married anAlid.[35]
In 778, the Byzantines, underMichael Lachanodrakon, seized the town ofGermanikeia (Ma'rash), where they captured significant amounts ofbooty and took manySyrian Christians captive, and defeated an army sent against them by the Abbasid generalThumama ibn al-Walid.[36][37][38] In the next year, the Byzantines took and razed the fortress city ofHadath, forcing Caliph al-Mahdi (r. 775–785) to replace the rather passive Thumama with the veteranal-Hasan ibn Qahtaba. Hasan led over 30,000 troops in an invasion of Byzantine territory, but the Byzantines offered no opposition and withdrew to well-fortified towns and refuges, until a lack of supplies forced Hasan to return home without achieving much.[37][38][39]
In response to these Byzantine successes, Caliph al-Mahdi now resolved to take the field in person. On 12 March 780, Mahdi departedBaghdad and viaAleppo marched to Hadath, which he refortified. He then advanced toArabissus, where he left the army and returned to Baghdad. His son and heirHarun—better known by hislaqab, or regnal name, al-Rashid—was left in charge of one half of the army, which raided theArmeniac Theme and took the small fort of Semaluos. Thumama, who had been entrusted with the other half, penetrated deeper into Asia Minor. He marched west as far as theThracesian Theme, but was heavily defeated there by Lachanodrakon.[39][40][41] In June 781, as the Arab invasion force assembled at Hadath under Abd al-Kabir, a great-great-nephew of the CaliphUmar (r. 634–644), and again prepared to launch their annual raid, EmpressIrene called up the thematic armies of Asia Minor and placed them under theeunuchsakellarios John. The Muslims crossed into ByzantineCappadocia over the Pass of Hadath, and were met near Caesarea by the combined Byzantine forces under Lachanodrakon. The ensuing battle resulted in a costly Arab defeat, forcing Abd al-Kabir to abandon his campaign and retreat toSyria.[40][41][42]
This defeat infuriated the Caliph al-Mahdi, who prepared a new expedition. Intended as a show of force and a clear display of the Caliphate's superiority,[b] it was the largest army sent against Byzantium in the second half of the 8th century: it allegedly comprised 95,793 men, about twice the total Byzantine military establishment present in Asia Minor, and cost the Abbasid state some 1.6 millionnomismata, almost as much as the Byzantine Empire's entire annual income. His son, Harun was the nominal leader, but the Caliph took care to send experienced officers to accompany him.[50][51]
On 9 February 782, His son, Harun departed Baghdad; the Arabs crossed theTaurus Mountains by the Cilician Gates, and swiftly took the border fortress ofMagida. They then advanced along the military roads across the plateau intoPhrygia. There, Harun left his lieutenant, thehadjibal-Rabi' ibn Yunus, to besiegeNakoleia and guard his rear, while another force, reportedly 30,000 men, under al-Barmaki (an unspecified member of the powerfulBarmakid family, probablyYahya ibn Khalid), was sent to raid the rich western coastlands of Asia Minor. Harun himself, with the main army, advanced to theOpsician Theme. The accounts of subsequent events in the primary sources (Theophanes the Confessor,Michael the Syrian, andal-Tabari) differ on the details, but the general course of the campaign can be reconstructed.[40][52][53]
According toWarren Treadgold, the Byzantine effort seems to have been led by Irene's chief minister, the eunuchStaurakios, whose strategy was to avoid an immediate confrontation with Harun's huge army, but wait until it had split up and advanced to meet its various detachments independently.[54] The Thracesians under Lachanodrakon confronted al-Barmaki at a place called Darenos, but were defeated and suffered heavy losses (15,000 men according to Theophanes, 10,000 according to Michael the Syrian). The outcome of al-Rabi's siege of Nakoleia is unclear, but he was probably defeated; Theophanes's phrasing may imply that the town was taken, but Michael the Syrian reports that the Arabs suffered great losses and failed to capture it, a version of events confirmed by hagiographic sources.[52][54][55][56] Al-Tabari reports that part of the main army underYazid ibn Mazyad al-Shaybani met a Byzantine force led by a certain Niketas who was "count of counts" (perhaps the Count of the Opsician Theme), probably somewhere nearNicaea. In the ensuing battle, Niketas was wounded and unhorsed in single combat with the Arab general and forced to retire, probably toNicomedia, where the imperialtagmata (professional guard regiments) under theDomestic of the Schools Anthony were assembled. Harun did not bother with them, and advanced to the town of Chrysopolis, across theBosporus Strait from Constantinople itself. Lacking ships to cross the Bosporus, and with no intention of assaulting Constantinople in the first place, Harun probably intended this advance only as a show of force.[55][57][58][59]
Furthermore, despite his success so far, Harun's position was precarious, as the defeat of al-Rabi threatened his lines of communication with the Caliphate. Consequently, after plundering the Byzantine capital's Asian suburbs, Harun turned his army back, but during his march along the valley of theSangarius River, east of Nicaea, he was surrounded by the forces of thetagmata under Anthony in his rear and of theBucellarians under their generalTatzates to his front.[57][60][61] Fortunately for him, at this point Tatzates, an Armenian prince who had defected from hisArab-ruled homeland to the Byzantines in 760 and was closely associated with theiconoclast regime of Constantine V, secretly made contact with him. Tatzates offered to aid Harun in exchange for a pardon and a safe return for himself and his family to his native Armenia. Theophanes explains Tatzates's actions with his hostility towards Irene's favourite, Staurakios, but this evidently masks a broader dissatisfaction with Irene's regime. As the German Byzantinist Ralph-Johannes Lilie writes, "Tatzates did not see any big opportunities for himself under the new regime and indeed used the good chance that the situation offered him".[56][60][61][62]
Thus, when Harun asked for negotiations, Irene dispatched a delegation of three of her most senior officials: the Domestic Anthony, themagistros Peter, and Staurakios himself. Confident of their military position, they neglected to secure promises for their safety or hostages of their own, so that when they arrived in the Arab camp, they were made prisoners. Coupled with the treachery of Tatzates and the unreliability of the troops under his command, Irene was now forced to negotiate for their release, especially of her trusted aide Staurakios.[56][60][61][62]
The two states concluded a three-year truce in exchange for a heavy annual tribute—the Arab sources mention various amounts between 70,000 and 100,000goldnomismata, while one also adds 10,000 pieces ofsilk.[62] Tabari's account records that the tribute amounted to "ninety or seventy thousanddinars", to be paid "at the beginning of April and in June every year".[63][64] In addition, the Byzantines were obliged to provide provisions and guides for Harun's army on its march home, and to hand over Tatzates's wife and property. Harun released all his captives (5,643 according to Tabari), but kept the rich plunder he had gathered, and returned to the Caliphate in September 782.[56][63][65] Tabari, in his account of the expedition, says that Harun's forces captured 194,450dinars in gold and 21,414,800dirhams insilver, killed 54,000 Byzantines in battle and 2,090 in captivity and took over 20,000 riding animals captive while slaughtering 100,000cattle andsheep. Tabari also reports that the amount of plunder was such that "a work horse was sold for adirham and a mule for less than tendirhams, a coat of mail for less than adirham, and twenty swords for adirham"[63]—at a time when one to twodirhams was the usual daily salary of a labourer or soldier.[66]
The cosmopolitan city ofBaghdad blossomed during al-Mahdi's reign. The city attracted immigrants fromArabia,Iraq,Syria,Persia, and lands as far away asAfghanistan andSpain. Baghdad was home toChristians,Jews andZoroastrians, in addition to the growing Muslim population. It became the world's largest city.
Al-Mahdi continued to expand the Abbasid administration, creating newdiwans, or departments: for the army, the chancery, and taxation.Qadis or judges were appointed, and laws against non-Arabs were dropped.
The Barmakid family staffed these new departments. TheBarmakids, who were ofPersian extraction, had originally beenBuddhists. Their short-lived Islamic legacy would count against them during the reign ofHarun al-Rashid.
The introduction ofpaper from China (seeBattle of Talas) in 751 had a profound effect. Paper had not yet been used in the West with the Arabs and Persians usingpapyrus and the Europeans usingvellum. The paper-related industry boomed in Baghdad where an entire street in the city center became devoted to the sale of paper and books. The cheapness and durability of paper was a vital element in the efficient growth of the expanding Abbasid bureaucracy.
Al-Mahdi had two important religious policies: the persecution of thezanadiqa, or dualists, and the declaration of orthodoxy. Al-Mahdi focused on the persecution of thezanadiqa in order to improve his standing among the purist Shi'i, who wanted a harder line on heresies, and found the spread of syncretic Muslim-polytheist sects to be particularly virulent. Al-Mahdi declared that the caliph had the ability, and indeed the responsibility, to define the orthodox theology of Muslims to protect theumma against heresy.[citation needed] Al-Mahdi made great use of this broad, new power, and it would become important during the 'mihna' crisis ofal-Ma'mun's reign.
Though Mahdi fulfilled most of his national and external goals during his reign, he was not as thrifty as his predecessor and father,al-Mansur had been. Al-Mahdi was very interested in consulting with his wife,al-Khayzuran in the all important daily affairs of the government. Her commands and prohibitions in the palace were equal to her husband's and many times she applied them outside the palace as well. Al-Mahdi did not oppose her, and he gave her a relatively free hand from theBayt al-mal (treasury). Finally, al-Khayzuran held her own court in the harem and in her quarters where she met petitioners, both men and women, who asked her for favors or to intercede on their behalf with her husband, the caliph. These petitioners included court officials, military officers, nobles, and merchants:
Al-Mahdi used several styles of coinage but the traditional Islamic style ofGold dinar,silver dirham andCopper fals were common.
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His elder son was Al-Hadi, the older brother of Harun al-Rashid. Al-Hadi was very dear to his father, al-Mahdi and was appointed as the firstheir by his father at the age of 16 and was chosen as the leader of the army.[67]
His second, Harun's raids against the Byzantines elevated his political image and once he returned, he was given thelaqab "al-Rashid", meaning "the Rightly-Guided One". He was promoted to Caliph's heir and given the responsibility of governing the empire's western territories, fromSyria toAzerbaijan.[7] Al-Hadi was nominated his first heir and Harun al-Rashid was named second. After al-Mahdi's death he was succeeded by Al-Hadi. He ruled for a year and two months. Al-Hadi was succeeded by his brother Harun as per the succession plan of al-Mahdi.
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al-Mahdi Cadet branch of theBanu Hashim Born: 744 or 745 Died: 785 | ||
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| Preceded by | Caliph of theAbbasid Caliphate 775 – 785 | Succeeded by |
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