Official surveys of the known Ainu population in Hokkaido received 11,450 responses in 2023, and the Ainu population in Russia was estimated at 300 in 2021.[2][3] Unofficial estimates in 2002 placed the total population in Japan at 200,000 or higher, as the near-totalassimilation of the Ainu into Japanese society has resulted in many individuals of Ainu descent having no knowledge of their ancestry.[8]
The Ainu were subject toforced assimilation during theJapanese colonization of Hokkaido since at least the 18th century. Japanese assimilation policies in the 19th century around theMeiji Restoration included forcing Ainu peoples off their land. This, in turn, forced them to give up traditional ways of life such as subsistence hunting and fishing. Ainu people were not allowed to practice their religion and were placed into Japanese-language schools, where speaking the HokkaidoAinu language was forbidden. In 1966, there were about 300 native Ainu speakers. In the 1980s, there were fewer than 100 native Ainu speakers, with only 15 using the language daily.[9][10] The Hokkaido Ainu language is likely extinct today, as there remain no known native speakers.[11][12] The otherAinu languages,Sakhalin Ainu andKuril Ainu were declared extinct in the 20th century. In recent years, there have been increasing efforts to revitalize the Hokkaido Ainu language.[13]
This people's most widely knownethnonym,Ainu (Ainu:アィヌ;Japanese:アイヌ; Russian:Айны), means 'human' in theAinu language, particularly as opposed tokamui, 'divine beings'. Ainu also identify themselves asUtari ('comrades' or 'people'). Official documents use both names.
The name first appeared asAino in a 1591 Latin manuscript titledDe yezorum insula. This document gives the native name of Hokkaido asAino moxori, orAinu mosir, 'land of the Ainu'. The termsAino andAinu did not come into common use asethnonyms until the early 19th century. The ethnonym first appeared in an 1819 German encyclopedia article. Neither European nor Japanese sources conceived of the Ainu as a distinct ethnic group until the late 1700s.[14]
The Ainu were also called the Kuye by their neighbors. TheQing dynasty calledSakhalinKuyedao ("island of the Ainu").[15] The island was also calledKuye Fiyaka.[16] The wordKuye used by the Qing is "most probably related tokuyi, the name given to the Sakhalin Ainu by theirNivkh andNanai neighbors."[17] When the Ainu migrated onto the mainland, the Chinese described a "strong Kui (or Kuwei, Kuwu, Kuye, Kugi, i.e. Ainu) presence in the area otherwise dominated by the Gilemi or Jilimi (Nivkh and otherAmur peoples)."[18] Related names were in widespread use in the region, for example the Kuril Ainu called themselveskoushi.[17]
The Old Japanese exonym蝦夷 (Emi1si) was coined according to theKojiki-den from蝦 ("shrimp") +夷 ("barbarian") as a reference to their hairiness and savagery.[19][clarification needed] The term is considered an insult by contemporary Ainu.[citation needed]
The Ainu are considered the native people of Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, and the Kurils. Ainutoponyms support the historical view that the Ainu people lived in several places throughout northern Honshu.[20]The ancestors of the Ainu, who were referred to as Emishi, came under Japanese subjugation starting in the 9th century and were pushed to the northern islands.[21]
Following theZoku-Jōmon period, which began in the 5th century BC, and the subsequentSatsumon period, from around the 13th century the Ainu established their own culture by absorbing the surrounding culture while engaging in transit trade between Honshu and north-east Asia. This is called the Ainu Culture period or Nibutani period.
Active contact between theWajin (ethnonym for Japanese, also known as Yamato people) and the Ainu ofEzogashima (now known as Hokkaido) began in this period.[22] The Ainu formed a society of hunter-gatherers, surviving mainly by hunting and fishing. They followed a religion that was based on natural phenomena.[23]
After theMongolsconquered the Jin dynasty (1234), Karafuto (Sakhalin)-Ainu suffered raids by theNivkh andUdege peoples. In response, the Mongols established an administration post at Nurgan (present-dayTyr, Russia) at the junction of theAmur andAmgun rivers in 1263, and forced the submission of the two peoples.[24] In 1264, the Karafuto-Ainu invaded the land of the Nivkh people. They also started an expedition into the Amur region, which was then controlled by theYuan dynasty, resulting in reprisals by theMongols who invaded Sakhalin.[25][26]
From the Nivkh perspective, their surrender to the Mongols essentially established a military alliance against the Ainu who had invaded their lands.[27] According to theHistory of Yuan, a group of people known as theGuwei (骨嵬;Gǔwéi, the phonetic approximation of the Nivkh name for Ainu) from Sakhalin invaded and fought with the Jilimi (Nivkh people) every year. On November 30, 1264, the Mongols attacked the Ainu.[28] The Karafuto-Ainu resisted the Mongol invasions but by 1308 had been subdued. They paid tribute to the MongolYuan dynasty at posts in Wuliehe, Nanghar, and Boluohe.[29]
The ChineseMing dynasty (1368–1644) placed Sakhalin under its "system for subjugated peoples" (ximin tizhi). From 1409 to 1411 the Ming established an outpost called theNurgan Regional Military Commission near the ruins ofTyr on the Siberian mainland, which continued operating until the mid-1430s. There is some evidence that the Ming eunuch AdmiralYishiha reached Sakhalin in 1413 during one of his expeditions to the lower Amur, and granted Ming titles to a local chieftain.[30]
The Ming recruited headmen from Sakhalin for administrative posts such as commander (指揮使;zhǐhuīshǐ), assistant commander (指揮僉事;zhǐhuī qiānshì), and "official charged with subjugation" (衛鎮撫;wèizhènfǔ). In 1431, one such assistant commander, Alige, broughtmarten pelts as tribute to the Wuliehe post. In 1437, four other assistant commanders (Zhaluha, Sanchiha, Tuolingha, and Alingge) also presented tribute. According to theMing Veritable Records, these posts, like the position of headman, were hereditary and passed down the patrilineal line. During these tributary missions, the headmen would bring their sons, who later inherited their titles. In return for tribute, the Ming awarded them with silk uniforms.[29]
Nivkh women in Sakhalin married Han Chinese Ming officials when the Ming took tribute from Sakhalin and the Amur River region.[31][32] Due to Ming rule in Manchuria, Chinese cultural and religious influence such asChinese New Year, the "Chinese god", and motifs such as dragons, spirals, and scrolls spread among the Ainu, Nivkh, and Amur natives such as theUdeghes,Ulchis, andNanais. These groups also adopted material goods and practices such as agriculture, husbandry, heating, iron cooking pots, silk, and cotton.[33]
French map from 1821 shows Sakhalin as part of Qing Empire, and the Kuril Islands are a part of Japan.
The ManchuQing dynasty, which came to power in China in 1644, called Sakhalin "Kuyedao" (Chinese:庫頁島;pinyin:Kùyè dǎo;lit. 'island of the Ainu')[34][35][15] or "Kuye Fiyaka" (ᡴᡠᠶᡝ ᡶᡳᠶᠠᡴᠠ).[16] TheManchus called it "Sagaliyan ula angga hada" (Island at the Mouth of the Black River).[36] The Qing first asserted influence over Sakhalin after the 1689Treaty of Nerchinsk, which defined theStanovoy Mountains as the border between the Qing and theRussian Empires. In the following year the Qing sent forces to theAmur estuary and demanded that the residents, including the Sakhalin Ainu, pay tribute. This was followed by several further visits to the island as part of the Qing effort to map the area. To enforce its influence, the Qing sent soldiers and mandarins across Sakhalin, reaching most parts of the island except the southern tip. The Qing imposed a fur-tribute system on the region's inhabitants.[37][38][32]
The Qing dynasty ruled these regions by imposing upon them a fur tribute system, just as had the Yuan and Ming dynasties. Residents who were required to pay tributes had to register according to theirhala (ᡥᠠᠯᠠ, the clan of the father's side) andgashan (ᡤᠠᡧᠠᠨ, village), and a designated chief of each unit was put in charge of district security as well as the annual collection and delivery of fur. By 1750, fifty-sixhala and 2,398 households were registered as fur tribute payers, – those who paid with fur were rewarded mainly with Nishiki silkbrocade, and every year the dynasty supplied the chief of each clan and village with official silk clothes (mangpao,duanpao), which were the gowns of the mandarin. Those who offered especially large fur tributes were granted the right to create a familial relationship with officials of the ManchuEight Banners (at the time equivalent to Chinese aristocrats) by marrying an official's adopted daughter. Further, the tribute payers were allowed to engage in trade with officials and merchants at the tribute location. By these policies, the Qing dynasty brought political stability to the region and established the basis for commerce and economic development.[38]
— Shiro Sasaki
The Qing dynasty established an office inNingguta, situated midway along theMudan River, to handle fur from the lower Amur and Sakhalin. Tribute was supposed to be brought to regional offices, but the lower Amur and Sakhalin were considered too remote, so the Qing sent officials directly to these regions every year to collect tribute and to present awards. By the 1730s, the Qing had appointed senior figures among the indigenous communities as "clan chief" (hala-i-da) or "village chief" (gasan-da ormokun-da). In 1732, 6hala, 18gasban, and 148 households were registered as tribute bearers in Sakhalin. Manchu officials gave tribute missions rice, salt, other necessities, and gifts during the duration of their mission. Tribute missions occurred during the summer months. During the reign of theQianlong Emperor (r. 1735–95), a trade post existed at Delen, upstream of Kiji (Kizi) Lake, according toRinzo Mamiya. There were 500–600 people at the market during Mamiya's stay there.[39][32]
Local native Sakhalin chiefs had their daughters taken as wives by Manchu officials as sanctioned by the Qing dynasty when the Qing exercised jurisdiction in Sakhalin and took tribute from them.[40][32]
In 1635,Matsumae Kinhiro, the second daimyō ofMatsumae Domain in Hokkaidō, sent Satō Kamoemon and Kakizaki Kuroudo on an expedition to Sakhalin.[41] One of the Matsumae explorers, Kodō Shōzaemon, stayed in the island in the winter of 1636 and sailed along the east coast to Taraika (nowPoronaysk) in the spring of 1637.[42] TheTokugawa bakufu (feudal government) granted the Matsumae clan exclusive rights to trade with the Ainu in the northern part of the island. Later, the Matsumae began to lease out trading rights to Japanese merchants, and contact between Japanese and Ainu became more extensive. Throughout this period, Ainu groups competed with each other to import goods from the Japanese, and epidemic diseases such assmallpox reduced the population.[43] In an early colonization attempt, a Japanese settlement was established atŌtomari on Sakhalin's southern end in 1679.[44]
In the 1780s, the influence of the JapaneseTokugawa Shogunate on the Ainu of southern Sakhalin increased significantly.[45] By the beginning of the 19th century, the Japanese economic zone extended midway up the east coast, to Taraika.[46] With the exception of the Nayoro Ainu located on the west coast in close proximity to China, most Ainu stopped paying tribute to the Qing dynasty. TheMatsumae clan was nominally in charge of Sakhalin, but they neither protected nor governed the Ainu there.[47] Instead they extorted the Ainu for Chinese silk, which they sold inHonshu as Matsumae's special product. To obtain Chinese silk, the Ainu fell into debt, owing much fur to the Santan (Ulch people), who lived near the Qing office. The Ainu also sold the silk uniforms (mangpao,bufu, andchaofu) given to them by the Qing, which made up the majority of what the Japanese knew asnishiki andjittoku. As dynastic uniforms, the silk was of considerably higher quality than that traded atNagasaki, and enhanced Matsumae prestige as exotic items.[48] Eventually the Tokugawa government, realizing that they could not depend on the Matsumae, took control of Sakhalin in 1807.[49]
Mogami's interest in the Sakhalin trade intensified when he learned that Yaenkoroaino, the above-mentioned elder from Nayoro, possessed a memorandum written in Manchurian, which stated that the Ainu elder was an official of the Qing state. Later surveys on Sakhalin by shogunal officials such as Takahashi Jidayú and Nakamura Koichiró only confirmed earlier observations: Sakhalin and Sóya Ainu traded foreign goods at trading posts, and because of the pressure to meet quotas, they fell into debt. These goods, the officials confirmed, originated at Qing posts, where continental traders acquired them during tributary ceremonies. The information contained in these types of reports turned out to be a serious blow to the future of Matsumae's trade monopoly in Ezo.[50]
— Brett L. Walker
From 1799 to 1806, theTokugawa shogunate took direct control of southern Hokkaido. Japan proclaimed sovereignty over Sakhalin in 1807, and in 1809Mamiya Rinzō claimed that it was an island.[51] During this period, Ainu women were separated from their husbands and either subjected to rape or forcibly married to Japanese men. Meanwhile, Ainu men were deported to merchant subcontractors for five- and ten-year terms of service.[52][53] Policies of family separation and assimilation, combined with the impact of smallpox, caused the Ainu population to drop significantly in the early 19th century.[54] In the 18th century, there were 80,000 Ainu,[55] but by 1868, there were only about 15,000 Ainu in Hokkaido, 2,000 in Sakhalin, and around 100 in the Kuril Islands.[56]
Despite their growing influence in the area in the early 19th century as a result of these policies, the Tokugawa shogunate was unable to gain a monopoly on Ainu trade with those on the Asian mainland, even by the year 1853. Santan traders, a group composed mostly of theUlchi,Nanai, andOroch peoples of theAmur River, commonly interacted with the Ainu people independent of the Japanese government, especially in the northern part of Hokkaido.[57] In addition to their trading ventures, Santan traders sometimes kidnapped or purchased Ainu women fromRishiri Island to become their wives. This further escalated Japan's presence in the area, as the Tokugawa shogunate believed a monopoly on the Santan trade would better protect the Ainu people.[57][58]
... The development of Japan's large northern island had several objectives: First, it was seen as a means to defend Japan from a rapidly developing andexpansionist Russia. Second ... it offered a solution to the unemployment for the formersamurai class ... Finally, development promised to yield the needed natural resources for a growing capitalist economy.[59]
As a result of theTreaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), the Kuril Islands—along with their Ainu inhabitants—came under Japanese administration.[60] In 1899, the Japanese government passed an act labeling the Ainu as "former aborigines", with the idea that they wouldassimilate. This resulted in the Japanese government taking the land where the Ainu people lived and placing it under Japanese control.[61] Also at this time, the Ainu were granted automatic Japanese citizenship, effectively denying them the status of an indigenous group.
The Ainu went from being a relatively isolated group of people to having their land, language, religion, and customs assimilated into those of the Japanese.[62] Their land was distributed to theYamato Japanese settlers to create and maintain farms in the model of Western industrial agriculture. It was known as "colonization" (拓殖) at the time, but later by theeuphemism, "opening up undeveloped land" (開拓 [jp]).[63] Additionally, factories like flour mills and beer breweries, along with mining practices, resulted in the creation of infrastructure such as roads and railway lines during a development period that lasted until 1904.[64] During this time, the Ainu were ordered to cease religious practices such as animal sacrifice and the custom of tattooing.[65] The same act applied to the native Ainu on Sakhalin after its annexation asKarafuto Prefecture.[66]
The Ainu have historically suffered from economic and social discrimination, as both the Japanese government and mainstream population regarded them as dirty and primitive barbarians.[67] The majority of Ainu were forced to be petty laborers during theMeiji Restoration, which saw the introduction of Hokkaido into theJapanese Empire and the privatization of traditional Ainu lands.[68] During the 19th and 20th centuries, the Japanese government denied the rights of the Ainu to their traditional cultural practices, such as hunting, gathering, and speaking their native language.[69]
The legal denial of Ainu cultural practices mostly stemmed from the 1899Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act.[70] This law and its associated policies were designed to fully integrate the Ainu into Japanese society while erasing Ainu culture and identity. The Ainu's position as manual laborers and their forced integration into larger Japanese society have led to discriminatory practices by the Japanese government that can still be felt today.[71]
Intermarriage between Japanese and Ainu was actively promoted by the Ainu to lessen the chances of discrimination against their offspring. As a result, many Ainu today are indistinguishable from their Japanese neighbors, but some Ainu-Japanese are interested in traditional Ainu culture.[72] For example,Oki, born as the child of an Ainu father and a Japanese mother, became a musician who plays the traditional Ainu instrument, thetonkori.[73] There are also many small towns in the southeastern orHidaka region of Hokkaido where ethnic Ainu live, such as inNibutani (Niputay).
From the early 1870s, Christian missionary work was conducted among the Ainu. TheAnglican Communion missionaries included theRt. Rev.Philip Fyson,Bishop of Hokkaido, and the Rev.John Batchelor. Batchelor wrote extensively in English about the beliefs and daily life of the Ainu in Yezo (orEzo), and his publications are a source of photographs of the Japanese and Ainu close to the missions.[74]
The discrimination and negative stereotypes assigned to the Ainu have manifested in lower levels of education, income, and participation in the economy as compared to their ethnically Japanese counterparts.[75][76][77] Because of this some Ainu women are illiterate, nearly 30 percent of Ainu women find reading Japanese to be difficult, and one third find it difficult to write Japanese.[78] The Ainu community in Hokkaido in 1993 received welfare payments at a 2.3 times higher rate than that of Hokkaido as a whole. They also had an 8.9% lower enrollment rate from junior high school to high school and a 15.7% lower enrollment into college from high school.[68] Due to this noticeable and growing gap, the Japanese government has been lobbied by activists to research the Ainu'sstandard of living nationwide. The Japanese government said it would provide¥7 million (US$63,000), beginning in 2015, to conduct surveys nationwide on this matter.[79] In total 1,000 individuals were surveyed in 2015, with the survey showing improvements in the condition of living among respondents, though they were still lower than those of their Japanese peers.[80]
The existence of the Ainu has challenged the notion of ethnic homogeneity inpost-WWII Japan. After the demise of the multi-ethnicEmpire of Japan in 1945, successive governments forged a singleJapanese identity by advocatingmonoculturalism and denying the existence of more than one ethnic group in Japan.[81]
The Ainu were first recognised as an indigenous people in 1997,[82] which began the process of claiming indigenous rights under national and international frameworks.[82] Following the United NationsDeclaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, Hokkaido politicians pressured the government to recognize Ainu rights. Prime MinisterFukuda Yasuo answered a parliamentary question on May 20, 2008, by stating,[83]
It is a historical fact that the Ainu are the earlier arrivers of the northernJapanese archipelago, in particular Hokkaido. The Japanese government acknowledges the Ainu to be an ethnic minority as it has maintained a unique cultural identity and has a unique language and religion. However, as there is no established international definition of "indigenous people", the government is not in a position to conclude whether the Ainu should be referred as "indigenous people"...
In 2019, eleven years after this resolution, the Diet finally passed an act recognizing the Ainu as an indigenous people of Japan.[86][87] Despite this recognition of the Ainu as an ethnically distinct group, political figures in Japan continue to define ethnic homogeneity as key to the overall Japanese national identity. For example, then Deputy Prime MinisterTarō Asō notably claimed in 2020, "No other country but this one has lasted for as long as2,000 years with one language, one ethnic group, andone dynasty."[81]
A picture ofImekanu, right, with her nieceYukie Chiri, a famous Ainu Japanese transcriber and translator of Ainu epic tales. (1922)Ainu people of Hokkaido, exhibited at the 1904Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
The exact origins of the early Ainu remain unclear, but it is the general consensus among historians that the Ainu are linked to theSatsumon culture of theEpi-Jōmon period,[89] with later influences from the nearbyOkhotsk culture.[90][91][92] The emergence of the Ainu culture is thus primarily attributed to the Satsumon culture, which later received some contributions from the Okhotsk culture via cultural contacts in northern Hokkaido after the Satsumon culture expanded northwards and into Sakhalin.[93][94][95] This view has been corroborated by later analyses.[96]
The Ainu culture may be better described as an "Ainu cultural complex", taking into account the regional variable subgroups of Ainu peoples. While the Ainu can be considered a continuation of the indigenous Jomon culture, they also display links to surrounding cultures, pointing to a larger cultural complex flourishing around theSea of Okhotsk. Some authors have also described the development of the Ainu culture as the "resistance" of a Jomon society to the emerging Japanese state.[97][98][99]
While the view that the ancientEmishi were identical to the Ainu has been largely disproven by current research, the exact relationship between them is still under dispute.[100] It is agreed that at least some Emishi spokeAinu languages and were ethnically related to the Ainu.[101] The Emishi may, however, have also included non-Ainu groups, which can either be associated with groups distantly related to the Ainu (Ainu-like groups) but forming their own ethnicity, or earlyJaponic-speakers outside the influence of the Yamato court.[102] The Emishi display clear material culture links to the Ainu of Hokkaido. Based on Ainu-like toponyms throughout Tohoku, it is argued that the Emishi, like the Ainu, descended from theEpi-Jōmon tribes and initially spoke Ainu-related languages.[103]
The term "Emishi" in theNara period (710–794) referred to people who lived in theTohoku region and whose lifestyle and culture differed markedly from that of theYamato people; it was originally a highly cultural and political concept with no racial distinction.[104]
From the mid-Heian period onward, Emishi who did not fall under the governance of theYamato Kingship were singled out as northern Emishi. They began to be referred to as "Ezo" (Emishi).[105]
The first written reference to "Ezo", which is thought to be Ainu, can be found inSuwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, which was written in 1356. Indeed, Ainu have lived in Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, Hokkaido, and the northern Tohoku region since the 13th century.[106]
Ainu men were first recruited into the Japanese military in 1898.[107] Sixty-four Ainu served in theRusso-Japanese War (1904–1905), eight of whom died in battle or from illness contracted during military service. Two received theOrder of the Golden Kite, granted for bravery, leadership, or command in battle.[citation needed]
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Traditional Ainu culture is quite different fromJapanese culture. According to Tanaka Sakurako from theUniversity of British Columbia, the Ainu culture can be included into a wider "northern circumpacific region", referring to various indigenous cultures of Northeast Asia and "beyond theBering Strait" in North America.[108] The Ainu culture developed from the 13th century (late Kamakura period) to the present day. While most Ainu in Japan now live outwardly similar lives to the Wajin (ethnic Japanese) due to assimilation policies, many still maintain their Ainu identity and respect for traditional Ainu ways, known as "Ainu puri". The distinctive Ainu patterns (Ainu mon'yō) and oral literature (Yukar) have been designated as Hokkaido Heritage.[109]
Map of the pre-1945 distribution of Ainu languages and dialects
In 2008, the news blockWorld Watch gave an estimate of fewer than 100 remaining speakers of the Ainu language.[10] In 1993, linguistAlexander Vovin placed the number at fewer than 15 speakers, characterizing the language as "almost extinct".[110] Because so few present-day speakers are left, study of the Ainu language is limited and is based largely on historical research. Historically, the status of the Ainu language was rather high and was used by early Russian and Japanese administrative officials to communicate with each other and with the Ainu people.
Place names in the Ainu language
Despite the small number of native speakers of Ainu, there is an active movement torevitalize the language, mainly in Hokkaido but also elsewhere, such as inKanto.[111] Ainu oral literature has been documented both in hopes of safeguarding it for future generations and for use as a teaching tool for language learners.[112] As of 2011, there were an increasing number of second-language learners, especially in Hokkaido.[citation needed]
The resurgence of Ainu culture and language is in large part due to the pioneering efforts of the late Ainu folklorist, activist, and formerDiet memberShigeru Kayano, himself a native speaker. He first opened an Ainu language school in 1987, funded byAinu Kyokai.[113]
Although some researchers have attempted to show that the Ainu and Japanese languages are related, modern scholars have rejected the idea that the relationship goes beyond contact, such as the mutual borrowing of words. No attempt to show a relationship with Ainu to any other language has gained wide acceptance, and linguists currently classify Ainu as alanguage isolate.[114] Most Ainu people speak either Japanese or Russian.[citation needed]
Many of the Ainu dialects, especially those from different extremities of Hokkaido, are not mutually intelligible. However, all Ainu speakers understand the classic Ainu language of theYukar, a form of Ainuepic. Without a writing system, the Ainu were masters of narration, with theYukar and other forms of narration such asUepeker (Uwepeker) tales being committed to memory and related at gatherings that often lasted many hours or even days.[115]Concepts expressed withprepositions in English, such as 'to', 'from', 'by', 'in', and 'at', appear as postpositional forms in Ainu. Whereas prepositions come before the word they modify, postpositions come after it. A single sentence in Ainu can comprise many added oragglutinated sounds oraffixes that represent nouns or ideas.[citation needed]
Ainu society was traditionally organized into small villages called kotan, typically located in river basins or along seashores where food was readily available, particularly in rivers where salmon traveled upstream. In early modern times, Ainu were forced to relocate their kotan near Japanese fishing grounds to provide labor. As a result, traditional kotan disappeared, and large villages of several dozen families were formed around fishing grounds.[116][page needed] The Ainu social structure included chiefs, but judicial functions were not entrusted to them. Instead, an indefinite number of community members sat in judgment upon criminals. Capital punishment did not exist, nor did the community resort to imprisonment.Beating was considered a sufficient and final penalty. However, in the case of murder, the nose and ears of the culprit were cut off, or the tendons of their feet were severed.[117]
Never shaving after a certain age, the men have fullbeards andmoustaches. Men and women alike cut their hair level with the shoulders at the sides of the head, trimmed semi-circularly behind.[citation needed] The women tattoo (anchi-piri) their mouths and sometimes their forearms. The mouth tattoos start at a young age with a small spot on the upper lip, gradually increasing in size. The soot deposited on a pot hung over a fire ofbirch bark is used for color.[citation needed]Traditional Ainu dress consists of a robe made fromwoven bark fibers (attusi orattush). The various styles consist generally of a simple short robe with straight sleeves, folded around the body, and tied with a band around the waist. The sleeves end at the wrist or forearm, and the length generally is to the calves. Women also wear an undergarment of Japanese cloth.[117]In winter, the skins of animals are worn, with leggings ofdeerskin and, in Sakhalin, boots made from the skin of dogs orsalmon.[118] Ainu culture regards earrings, traditionally made from grapevines, as gender-neutral. Women also wear a beaded necklace called atamasay.[117] Modern craftswomen weave and embroider traditional garments that command very high prices.[citation needed]
Their traditional habitations are reed-thatched huts, the largest about 20 ft (6 m) square, without partitions and having a fireplace in the center. There is no chimney; there is only a hole at the angle of the roof. One window sits on the eastern side, along with two doors. The house of the village head is used as a public meeting-place when one is needed.[117]Another kind of traditional Ainu house is calledchise.[119] The "chise" or dwelling is typically oriented east to west or parallel to a river, with the entrance on the west side also serving as a storeroom.[citation needed] It has three windows, including the sacred rorun-puyar on the east side, through which gods enter and leave and ceremonial tools are taken in and out. The Ainu regard this window as sacred and are told never to look in through it.[citation needed] A chise has a fireplace near the entrance. A husband and wife would traditionally sit on the fireplace's left side (called shiso). Children and guests would sit facing them on the fireplace's right side (called harkiso). The chise has a platform for valuables called iyoykir behind the shiso. The Ainu place sintoko (hokai) and ikayop (quivers) there.[citation needed] Additionally there is the "Chashi" or hilltop fortification.[120] These were found mostly around Hokkaidō, Japan. These structures served as defensive strongholds and symbolic centers for Ainu communities. The term "Chashi" comes from the Ainu word "casi," meaning palisade or fortified compound.[citation needed] The "okuriba" or sacred site, was a sacred ritual platform used in Ainu funerary customs. It was used to help send off the spirits of the deceased. The Okuriba was typically a raised platform where offerings were placed. The Ainu people believed that these offerings helped the deceased transition to the Spirit World.[120]
TraditionalAinu cuisine consists of the meat ofbears, foxes,wolves,badgers,oxen, andhorses, as well as fish,fowl,millet, vegetables, herbs, androots. The Ainu traditionally never eat raw fish or meat, always boiling or roasting it.[117] They also cultivated crops such as millet (piyapa), foxtail millet (munchiro), and barnyard millet (menkur), which were used to make a type of sake called "tonoto" for ceremonial purposes.Salmon was particularly important, referred to as kamuy chep (god's fish) or shipe (true food). In autumn, large quantities of salmon were caught and processed into dried fish for preservation. This served not only as a staple food but also as a major trade item with the Japanese.[citation needed] The Ainu also made extensive use of the bulbs of the Cardiocrinum cordatum (turep), from which they extracted and preserved starch. This tradition of starch usage made it easy for them to adopt potatoes when they were introduced. Ainu cuisine is not commonly eaten outside Ainu communities.[citation needed] Only a few restaurants in Japan – mainly in Tokyo and Hokkaido – serve traditional Ainu dishes.[121][122]
The Ainu traditionally hunt from late autumn to early summer,[123] in part because in late autumn,plant gathering, salmon fishing, and other activities of securing food come to an end, and hunters readily find game in fields and mountains in which plants have withered. A village typically possesses a hunting-ground of its own, or several villages use a joint hunting territory, called aniwor.[124] Heavy penalties were imposed on any outsiders trespassing on such hunting grounds or on joint hunting territory. The Ainu traditionally huntUssuri brown bears,Asian black bears, Ezo deer (a subspecies ofsika deer),hares,red foxes,Japanese raccoon dogs, and other animals.[125] Ezo deer are a particularly important food resource for the Ainu, as are salmon.[126] The Ainu also huntsea eagles, such aswhite-tailed sea eagles, along with ravens and other birds.[127] The Ainu hunted eagles for their tail feathers, which they used in trade with the Japanese.[128] Historically, the Ainu hunted sea-otters[129] and traded their pelts in the Japanese market.[130]
The Ainu hunted witharrows andspears with poison-coated points.[131] They obtained thepoison, calledsurku, from the roots and stalks ofaconites.[132] The recipe for this poison was a household secret that differed from family to family. They enhanced the poison with mixtures of roots and stalks ofdog's bane, boiled juice of Mekuragumo (a type ofharvestman), Matsumomushi (Notonecta triguttata, a species ofbackswimmer), tobacco, and other ingredients. They also usedstingray stingers or skin-covering stingers.[133]They traditionally hunt in groups with dogs.[134] Before hunting, particularly for bears and similar animals, they may pray to theKamuy-huci, the house guardian goddess, to convey their wishes for a large catch and to the god of mountains for safe hunting.[135] The Ainu traditionally hunt bears during the spring thaw. At that time, bears are weak because they haven't eaten during their long hibernation. Ainu hunters catch hibernating bears or bears that have just left hibernation dens.[136] When they hunt bears in summer, they use a spring trap loaded with an arrow, called anamappo.[136] The Ainu usually use arrows to hunt deer.[137] Also, they drive deer into a river or sea and shoot them with arrows. For a large catch, a whole village would drive a herd of deer off a cliff and club them to death.[138]
Fishing is important to Ainu culture. They largely catch trout in summer and salmon in autumn, as well asito (Japanese huchen),dace, and other fish. Spears calledmarek were often used. Other methods weretesh fishing,uray fishing, andrawomap fishing. Many villages were built near rivers or along the coast. Each village or individual had a definite river fishing territory. Outsiders could not freely fish there and needed to ask the owner.[139]
Japanese lacquerware[140] was used in everyday life as tableware and often used in ceremonies (ritual utensils), such as the cups used to offer alcohol when praying to the kamui. Lacquerware was often treated as treasure, and it was also used as containers for storing other treasures.[citation needed]
One of the characteristics of Ainu lacquerware is that it is almost entirely imported from the south of Honshu. Some pieces may have been lacquered inMatsumae in southern Hokkaido, but since the technique of lacquering is from Honshu, lacquerware can be considered an introduced item among Ainu folk implements.[citation needed]
There are examples of spatulas and other objects used by the Ainu people for ceremonial purposes that remain in clusters of the same size, and some are specifically produced for trading with the Ainu.[citation needed]
Traditionally, Ainu men wear a crown called asapanpe for important ceremonies.Sapanpe are made from wood fiber with bundles of partially shaved wood. The crown has wooden figures of animal gods and other ornaments in its center.[141] Men carry anemush (ceremonial sword)[142] secured by anemush-at strap to their shoulders.[143]
Ainu women traditionally wearmatanpushi, embroidered headbands, andninkari, metal earrings with balls.Matanpushi andninkari were originally also worn by men.[citation needed] Furthermore, aprons calledmaidari are now part of women's formal clothes. However, some old documents state that men woremaidari.[citation needed] Women sometimes wear a bracelet called atekunkani.[144]
Women may wear a necklace called arektunpe, a long, narrow strip of cloth with metal plaques.[141] They may also wear a necklace that reaches the breast, called atamasay orshitoki, usually made from glass balls. Some glass balls came from trade with the Asian continent. The Ainu also obtained glass balls secretly made by theMatsumae clan.[145]
A village is called akotan in the Ainu language.Kotan were traditionally located inriver basins and along seashores where food was readily available, particularly in the basins of rivers through whichsalmon traveled upstream. In early modern times, the Ainu people wereforced to labor at Japanese fishing grounds. Ainukotan were also forced to relocate to near fishing grounds so that the Japanese could secure a labor force. When the Japanese moved to other fishing grounds, Ainukotan were forced to accompany them. As a result, the traditionalkotan disappeared, and large villages of several dozen families were formed around the fishing grounds.[116][page needed]
Cise orcisey (houses) in akotan are made ofcogon grass,bamboo grass,bark, etc. The length lays east to west or parallel to a river.[citation needed] Acise is about seven by five meters, with an entrance at the west end that also serves as a storeroom. Acise has three windows, including therorun-puyar, a window located on the side facing the entrance (i.e., on the east side), through which gods enter and leave and ceremonial tools are taken in and out. The Ainu regard this window as sacred and are told never to look in through it. Acise has a fireplace near the entrance. A husband and wife would traditionally sit on the fireplace's left side (calledshiso).[citation needed] Children and guests would sit facing them on the fireplace's right side (calledharkiso). Thecise has a platform for valuables callediyoykir behind theshiso. The Ainu placesintoko (hokai) andikayop (quivers) there.[citation needed]
The Ainu people have various types of marriage. A child is traditionally promised inmarriage by arrangement between their parents and the parents of their betrothed, or by a go-between. When the betrothed reach amarriageable age, they are told who their spouse is to be. There are also traditional marriages based on the mutual consent of both sexes.[146] In some areas, when a daughter reaches a marriageable age, her parents allow her to live in a small room called atunpu, annexed to the southern wall of the house.[147] The parents choose her husband from the men who visit her.
The age of marriage is 17 to 18 years of age for men and 15 to 16 years of age for women,[141] who are traditionally tattooed. At these ages, both sexes are regarded as adults.[148]
An Ainu man smoking
When a man proposes to a woman in traditional fashion, he visits her house, and she hands him a full bowl of rice. He then eats half of the rice and returns the rest to her. If the woman eats the remaining rice, she accepts his proposal. If she does not and instead puts it beside her, she rejects his proposal.[141] When a man and woman become engaged or learn that their engagement has been arranged, they exchange gifts. The man sends her a small engraved knife, a workbox, a spool, and other gifts. She sends him embroidered clothes, coverings for the back of the hand, leggings, and other handmade clothes.[149]
Ainu wedding in Hokkaido, Japan
The worn-out fabric of old clothing is used for baby clothes because soft cloth is good for their skin. Additionally, worn-out material was thought to protect babies from the gods of illness and demons, due to these entities' abhorrence of dirty things. Before a baby is breast-fed, they are given adecoction of theendodermis of analder and the roots ofbutterburs to discharge impurities.[150] Children are raised almost naked until about the ages of four to five. Even when they wear clothes, they do not wear belts and leave the front of their clothes open. Subsequently, they wear bark clothes without patterns, such asattush, until they come of age.[citation needed]
Ainu babies traditionally are not given permanent names when they are born. Rather, they are called by various temporary names until the age of two or three. Newborn babies are namedayay ("a baby's crying"),shipo,poyshi ("small excrement"), andshion ("old excrement").[151] Their tentative names have a portion meaning "excrement" or "old things" to ward off the demon of ill-health. Some children are named based on their behavior or habits; others are named after notable events or after their parents' wishes for their future. When children are named, they are never given the same names as others.[152]
Men traditionally wearloincloths and have their hair dressed properly for the first time at age 15 to 16. Women are also considered adults at the age of 15 to 16. They traditionally wear underclothes calledmour[153] and have their hair dressed properly, with wound waistcloths calledraunkut andponkut around their bodies.[154]When women reached the age of 12 or 13, the lips, hands, and arms were traditionally tattooed. When they reached the age of 15 or 16, their tattoos would be completed, indicating their qualification for marriage.[148]
Ainu craftsmen, and the Ainu as a whole, traditionally believed that "anything made with deep sincerity was imbued with spirit and also became a [kamuy]".[158] They also held the belief that ancestors and the power of the family could be invoked through certain patterns in art to protect them from malignant influences.[159]
The Ainu religion has no priests by profession. Instead, the village chief performs whatever religious ceremonies are necessary. Ceremonies are confined to makinglibations ofsake, saying prayers, and offeringwillow sticks with wooden shavings attached to them.[117]
They are placed on an altar used to "send back" the spirits of killed animals. Ainu ceremonies for sending back bears are calledIyomante which dates back to AD 11.[160] This ritual took place over several years and included the capture of a bear cub, who was then raised as a member of the family. Eventually, they would ritually kill the bear. Since they treated the bear well in life, the Ainu believed that in death, the spirit of the bear would ensure the well-being of its adoptive community.[155] The Ainu people give thanks to the gods before eating and pray to the deity of fire in times ofsickness. Traditional Ainu belief holds that their spirits areimmortal and that their spirits will be rewarded hereafter by ascending tokamuy mosir (Land of the Gods).[117]
The Ainu are part of a larger collective of indigenous people who practice "arctolatry", orbear worship.[6] The Ainu believe that the bear holds particular importance asKim-un Kamuy's chosen method of delivering the gift of the bear's hide and meat to humans.[161]
John Batchelor reported that the Ainu view the world as being a spherical ocean on which many islands float, a view based on the fact that the sun rises in the east and sets in the west. He wrote that they believe the world rests on the back of a large fish, which, when it moves, causes earthquakes.[162]
Ainu assimilated into mainstream Japanese society have adoptedBuddhism andShintō; some northern Ainu were converted as members of theRussian Orthodox Church. Regarding Ainu communities inShikotan and other areas that fall within the Russian sphere of cultural influence, there have been a few churches constructed, and some Ainu are reported to have accepted the Christian faith.[163] There have also been reports that the Russian Orthodox Church has performed some missionary projects in the Sakhalin Ainu community. However, there are only reports of a few conversions to Christianity. Converts have been scorned as"Nutsa Ainu" (Russian Ainu) by other members of the Ainu community. Reports indicate that many Ainu have kept their faith in their traditional deities.[164]
According to a 2012 survey conducted byHokkaido University, a high percentage of Ainu are members of their household family religion, which is Buddhism (especiallyNichiren Shōshū Buddhism). However, it is noted that, similar to the Japanese religious consciousness, there is not a strong feeling of identification with a particular religion, with Buddhist and traditional beliefs both being part of their daily lives.[164]
Traditional dances are performed at ceremonies and banquets. Dancing is a part of the newly organized cultural festivals, and it is even done privately in daily life.[165]
When a person dies, their soul is thought to travel through the hearth of Kamuy Fuchi, the goddess of fire, to the afterlife.[166] Burial customs included dressing the deceased in ceremonial clothing and surrounding them with their treasured possessions, which were intentionally broken to release their spirits.[167] Funerals also included prayers and offerings to the firekamuy, as well as verse laments expressing wishes for a smooth journey to the next world. Sometimes a burial would be followed by burning the residence of the dead. In the event of an unnatural death, there would be a speech raging against the gods. The graves were often isolated and were marked by carved poles called "kuwa."[167]
Archaeological excavations have revealed that Ainu graves are typically oval or rectangular, with the deceased primarily buried in an extended dorsal position, though some were interred in a crouched posture. Offerings placed around the head provide insight into its orientation, based on the distribution of burial accessories, even when skeletal remains are absent. Over 1,000 burials from the Pre-Ainu Period have been uncovered and cataloged by Utagawa, with about 400 featuring precisely documented orientations. Earlier excavation reports predominantly referenced magnetic north, according to current Hokkaido data. At the Tohohata Burial site in Shin-Hidaka Town, 75 burials have been excavated, and with only one exception, all exhibited a southeast orientation near the Winter Solstice sunrise point. In contrast, at the Motomonbetsu site in Monbetsu Town, northeastern Hokkaido, burial orientations are more varied, with east, southeast, north, and northwest alignments being present. This variation suggests regional differences in burial orientation mirroring patterns seen in house alignments.[168]
There have been many findings regarding the Ainu people that have been made with a Western mindset. Because of this, there have been movements made in order to start breaking away from this and starting to incorporate the Ainu people into archaeological work, including the incorporation of the "Kamui-nomi" ceremony at archaeological sites.[160] This is a traditional Ainu ritual performed with the intention of giving prayers to their gods for safe travel or well-being. During the ritual, sacred shaved sticks called "inaw" are used, and then later they are offered to the Ishikari River as part of the ceremony.[169] This is being done now because archaeology is looked at as a colonialist endeavor by many Indigenous communities, like the Ainu, and Indigenous pasts are very different from the stories archaeologists conclude, and those stories impact Indigenous knowledge.[160]
Historically, their language, traditions, and spiritual practices were marginalized under policies aimed at integrating them into the dominant cultures.[170] This led to significant losses in their cultural heritage, with the Ainu language now critically endangered.[158] However, recent efforts have focused on revitalizing Ainu identity through the preservation of language,[171] traditional arts, and spiritual practices.[citation needed]
Within Ainu heritage and research circles, there has been a growing movement to Indigenize and decolonize their narratives.[160]
Most Hokkaidō Ainu, and some other Ainu, are members of an umbrella group called the Hokkaido Ainu Association. The organization changed its name toHokkaido Utari Association in 1961 due to the fact that the word Ainu was often used in a derogatory manner.[172] It was changed back to the Hokkaido Ainu Association in 2009 after the passing of the new law regarding the Ainu. The organization was originally controlled by the government to speed Ainu assimilation and integration into the Japanesenation-state. It is now run exclusively by Ainu and operates mostly independently of the government.[citation needed]
Ainu cultural promotion center and museum inSapporo (Sapporo Pirka Kotan)
Other key institutions includeThe Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture (FRPAC), established by the Japanese government after the enactment of the Ainu Culture Law in 1997; the Hokkaidō University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies,[173] established in 2007; and various museums and cultural centers. The Ainu people living in Tokyo have also developed a vibrant political and cultural community.[174][175]
Since late 2011, the Ainu have developed cultural exchange and cooperation with theSámi people of northern Europe. Both the Sámi and the Ainu participate in the organization for Arctic indigenous peoples and the Sámi research office inLapland (Finland).[176]
Currently, there are several Ainu museums and cultural parks. Some of them are:[177]
On March 27, 1997, the Sapporo District Court decided a landmark case that, for the first time in Japanese history, recognized the right of the Ainu people to enjoy their distinct culture and traditions. The case arose because of a 1978 government plan to build two dams in theSaru River watershed in southern Hokkaidō. The dams were part of a series of development projects under the Second National Development Plan that were intended to industrialize the north of Japan.[178] The planned location for one of the dams was across the valley floor nearNibutani village,[179] the home of a large community of Ainu people and an important center of Ainu culture and history.[180] When the government commenced construction on theNibutani Dam in the early 1980s, two Ainu landowners refused to agree to the expropriation of their property. These landowners were Tadashi Kaizawa and Shigeru Kayano—well-known and important leaders in the Ainu community.[181] After Kaizawa and Kayano declined to sell their land, the Hokkaidō Development Bureau applied for and was subsequently granted a Project Authorization, which required the men to vacate their land. When their appeal of the Authorization was denied, Kayano and Kaizawa's son Koichi (Kaizawa died in 1992) filed suit against the Hokkaidō Development Bureau.[citation needed]
The final decision denied the relief sought by the plaintiffs for pragmatic reasons (the dam was already in place), but the decision was nonetheless heralded as a landmark victory for the Ainu people. Nearly all of the plaintiffs' claims were recognized. Moreover, the decision marked the first time Japanese case law acknowledged the Ainu as an indigenous people and contemplated the responsibility of the Japanese nation to the indigenous people within its borders.[182] The decision included broad fact-finding that underscored the long history of the oppression of the Ainu people by Japan's majority, referred to aswajin in the case, and discussions about the case.[179][183] The decision was issued on March 27, 1997. Because of the broad implications for Ainu rights, the plaintiffs decided not to appeal the decision, which became final two weeks later. After the decision was issued, on May 8, 1997, the Diet passed the Ainu Culture Law and repealed the Ainu Protection Act—the 1899 law that had been the vehicle of Ainu oppression for almost one hundred years.[184][185] While the Ainu Culture Law has been widely criticized for its shortcomings, the shift that it represents in Japan's view of the Ainu people is a testament to the importance of the Nibutani decision. In 2007, the "Cultural Landscape along theSarugawa River resulting from Ainu Tradition and Modern Settlement" was designated anImportant Cultural Landscape of Japan.[186] A later action seeking the restoration of Ainu assets held in trust by the Japanese government was dismissed in 2008.[187]
There is no single government body to coordinate Ainu affairs. Rather, various advisory boards are set up by the Hokkaido government to advise on specific matters. One such committee operated in the late 1990s,[188] and its work resulted in the1997 Ainu Culture Law [ja].[184] This panel was criticized for including no Ainu members.[188]
In 2006, another panel was established, which notably included an Ainu member for the first time. It completed its work in 2008, issuing a major report that included an extensive historical record and called for substantial government policy changes towards the Ainu.[189]
On January 21, 2012, theAinu Party (アイヌ民族党,Ainu minzoku tō) was founded[190] after a group of Ainu activists in Hokkaidō announced the formation of a political party for the Ainu on October 30, 2011. The Ainu Association of Hokkaidō reported that Kayano Shiro, the son of the former Ainu leader Kayano Shigeru, would head the party. Their aim is to contribute to the realization of a society where the Ainu and Japanese can coexist and possess equal rights in Japan.[191][192]
The "2019 Ainu Act" simplified procedures for obtaining various permissions from authorities in regards to the traditional lifestyle of the Ainu and nurtured the identity and cultures of the Ainu without defining the ethnic group by blood lineage.[193]
On July 12, 2020, theNational Ainu Museum was opened at the Upopoy park complex inShiraoi, Hokkaidō. It had originally been scheduled to open on April 24, 2020, prior to the Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games scheduled in the same year. The park was planned to be a base for the protection and promotion of Ainu people, culture, and language.[194] The museum promotes the culture and habits of the Ainu people, who are the original inhabitants of Hokkaidō. Upopoy in theAinu language means "singing in a large group". The National Ainu Museum building has images and videos exhibiting the history and daily life of the Ainu.[195]The Ainu cultural contribution is also recognized by aUNESCO listing,[196] in consequence of aUNESCO decision to list non-physical cultural assets, including songs and dancing.[197]
In July 2023, it was reported that a group of Ainu from Hokkaido was suing the government to reclaim the right of salmon river fishing. This has been outlawed for a century, except for the exemption of a limited number of salmon for ceremonial purposes. The group claimed the Japanese government did not abide by the 2007United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, which it had signed.[198]
The traditional locations of the Ainu are Hokkaido, Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands,Kamchatka, and the northern Tōhoku region. Many of the place names that remain in Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands have a phonetic equivalent of the Ainu place names.[6][citation needed]
In 1756 CE, akanjō-bugyō (a high-rankingEdo period official responsible for finance) implemented an assimilation policy for Ainu engaged in fishing in theTsugaru Peninsula. From that point on, Ainu culture rapidly disappeared fromHonshu.[citation needed]
In 1945, theSoviet Union invaded Japan and occupied Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. The Ainu who lived there were repatriated to their home country, Japan, except for those who indicated their willingness to remain.[199]
As a result of the 1875 Treaty of Saint Petersburg, the Kuril Islands, along with their Ainu inhabitants, came under Japanese administration.[60] A total of 83 North Kuril Ainu arrived inPetropavlovsk-Kamchatsky on September 18, 1877, after they decided to remain under Russian rule. They refused the offer by Russian officials to move to new reservations in theCommander Islands. An agreement was reached in 1881, and the Ainu decided to settle in the village ofYavin, Kamchatka. In March 1881, the group left Petropavlovsk and started the journey towards Yavin on foot. Four months later, they arrived at their new homes. Another village,Golygino, was founded later. Under Soviet rule, both villages were forced to disband, and residents were moved to the Russian-dominated Zaporozhye rural settlement inUst-Bolsheretsky Raion.[200] As a result of intermarriage, the three ethnic groups assimilated to form theKamchadal community. In 1953, K. Omelchenko, the minister for the protection of military and state secrets in the USSR, banned the press from publishing any more information on the Ainu living in the USSR. This order was revoked after two decades.[201]
As of 2015[update], the North Kuril Ainu of Zaporozhye form the largest Ainu subgroup in Russia. The Nakamura clan (South Kuril Ainu on their paternal side), the smallest group, numbers just six people residing in Petropavlovsk. On Sakhalin Island, a few dozen people identify themselves as Sakhalin Ainu, but many more with partial Ainu ancestry do not acknowledge it. Most of the 888 Japanese people living in Russia (2010 Census) are of mixed Japanese–Ainu ancestry, although they do not acknowledge it (full Japanese ancestry gives them the right of visa-free entry to Japan[202]). Similarly, no one identifies themselves as Amur Valley Ainu, although people of partial descent live in Khabarovsk. There is no evidence of living descendants of the Kamchatka Ainu.[citation needed]
In the2010 Census of Russia, nearly 100 people tried to register themselves as ethnic Ainu in the village, but the governing council of Kamchatka Krai rejected their claim and enrolled them as ethnic Kamchadal.[201][203] In 2011, theleader of the Ainu community in Kamchatka, Alexei Vladimirovich Nakamura, requested that Vladimir Ilyukhin (Governor of Kamchatka) and Boris Nevzorov (Chairman of the State Duma) include the Ainu in the central list of theIndigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. This request was also denied.[204]
Ethnic Ainu living inSakhalin Oblast andKhabarovsk Krai are not organized politically. According to Alexei Nakamura, as of 2012[update], only 205 Ainu live in Russia (up from just 12 people who self-identified as Ainu in 2008). They, along with the Kurile Kamchadals (Itelmen of the Kuril Islands), are fighting for official recognition.[205][206] Since the Ainu are not recognized in the official list of the peoples living in Russia, they are counted as people without nationality, as ethnic Russians, or as Kamchadals.[207]
The Ainu have emphasized that they were the natives of the Kuril Islands, and that the Japanese and Russians were both invaders.[208] In 2004, the smallAinu community living in Russia in Kamchatka Krai wrote a letter to Vladimir Putin, urging him to reconsider any move to award theSouthern Kuril Islands to Japan. In the letter, they blamed the Japanese, the Tsarist Russians, and the Soviets for crimes against the Ainu, such as killings and assimilation; they also urged him to recognize the Japanese genocide against the Ainu people. This proposal was rejected.[209]
As of 2012[update], both the Kuril Ainu and Kuril Kamchadal ethnic groups lack the fishing and hunting rights that the Russian government grants to the indigenous tribal communities of the far north.[210][211]
In March 2017, Alexei Nakamura, a community leader of the Kamchatka Ainu, revealed that plans for an Ainu village to be created in Petropavlovsk and plans for an Ainu dictionary are underway.[212]
Thepopulation of the Ainu during the Edo period was a maximum of 26,800; it has since declined, due in part to the spread of infectious diseases. It was traditionally regarded as a Tenryō territory.
According to the 1897 Russian census, 1,446 Ainu native speakers lived in Russian territory.[213][214]
Currently, there is no Ainu category in the Japanese national census, and no fact-finding has been conducted by national institutions. Therefore, the exact number of Ainu people is unknown. However, multiple surveys have been conducted that provide an indication of the total population.
According to a 2006 Hokkaido Agency survey, there were 23,782 Ainu people in Hokkaido.[215][216] When viewed by the branch office (currently the Promotion Bureau), there are many in the Iburi / Hidaka branch office. The definition of "Ainu" by the Hokkaido Agency in this survey is "a person who seems to have inherited the blood of Ainu" or "the same livelihood as those with marriage or adoption." Additionally, if the other person is declared not to be "Ainu", then it is not subject to investigation.
A 1971 survey determined an Ainu population of 77,000. Another survey yielded a total of 200,000 Ainu living in Japan.[8] However, there are no other surveys that support this high estimate.
Many Ainu live outside of Hokkaido. A 1988 survey estimated that the population of Ainu living in Tokyo was 2,700.[215] According to a 1989 survey report on Utari living in Tokyo, it is estimated that the Ainu population of the Tokyo area alone exceeds 10% of Ainu living in Hokkaido; there are more than 10,000 Ainu living in the Tokyo metropolitan area.
In addition to Japan and Russia, it was reported in 1992 that there was a descendant of Kuril Ainu inPoland, but there are also indications that they are a descendant of the Aleut.[217][218][219] On the other hand, the descendant of the children born in Poland by the Polish anthropologistBronisław Piłsudski, who was a leading Ainu researcher and left a vast amount of research material, such as photographs and wax tubes, was born in Japan.
According to a 2017 survey, the Ainu population in Hokkaido is about 13,000. This is a sharp drop from 24,000 in 2006. However, this is partially due to a decrease in membership in theAinu Association of Hokkaido, which is cooperating with the survey. Additionally, interest in protecting personal information has increased. It is thought that the number of individuals who cooperate is declining and that it does not match the actual population of Ainu people.[220]
Hokkaido Ainu (the predominant community of Ainu in the world today): A Japanese census in 1916 returned 13,557 pure-blooded Ainu in addition to 4,550 multiracial individuals.[221] A 2017 survey says the Ainu population in Hokkaido is about 13,000. It decreased sharply from 24,000 in 2006.[220]
13,000
2017
Tokyo Ainu
Tokyo
Tokyo Ainu (a modern-age migration of Hokkaidō Ainu highlighted in a documentary film released in 2010[174]): According to a 1989 survey, more than 10,000 Ainu live in the Tokyo metropolitan area.
Tohoku Ainu (from Honshū; no officially acknowledged population exists): Forty-three Ainu households scattered throughout the Tohoku region were reported during the 17th century.[222] There are people who consider themselves descendants of Shimokita Ainu on theShimokita Peninsula, while the people on theTsugaru Peninsula are generally considered Yamato but may be descendants of Tsugaru Ainu after cultural assimilation.[223]
Sakhalin Ainu: Pure-blooded individuals may be surviving in Hokkaidō. From both Northern and SouthernSakhalin, a total of 841 Ainu were relocated to Hokkaidō in 1875 by Japan. Only a few in remote interior areas remained when the island was turned over to Russia. Even when Japan was granted Southern Sakhalin in 1905, only a handful returned. The Japanese census of 1905 counted only 120 Sakhalin Ainu (down from 841 in 1875, 93 in Karafuto, and 27 in Hokkaidō). The Soviet census of 1926 counted 5 Ainu, while several of their multiracial children were recorded as ethnic Nivkh, Slav, or Uilta.
North Sakhalin: Only five pure-blooded individuals were recorded during the 1926 Soviet Census in Northern Sakhalin. Most of the Sakhalin Ainu (mainly from coastal areas) were relocated to Hokkaidō in 1875 by Japan. The few that remained (mainly in the remote interior) were mostly married to Russians, as can be seen from the works ofBronisław Piłsudski.[224]
Southern Sakhalin (Karafuto): Japanese rule until 1945. Japan evacuated almost all the Ainu to Hokkaidō after World War II. Isolated individuals might have remained on Sakhalin.[225] In 1949, there were about 100 Ainu living on Soviet Sakhalin.[226]
Northern Kuril Ainu (no known living population in Japan; existence isnot recognized by the Russian government in Kamchatka Krai): Also known as Kurile in Russian records. They were under Russian rule until 1875; they first came under Japanese rule after theTreaty of Saint Petersburg (1875). The majority of the population was located on the island ofShumshu, with a few others on islands likeParamushir. Together, they numbered 221 in 1860. These individuals had Russian names, spoke Russian fluently, and wereRussian Orthodox in religion. As the islands were given to the Japanese, more than a hundred Ainu fled to Kamchatka along with their Russian employers (where they were assimilated into theKamchadal population).[226][227] Only about half remained under Japanese rule. Toderussify the Kurile, the entire population of 97 individuals was relocated toShikotan in 1884, given Japanese names, and the children were enrolled in Japanese schools. Unlike the other Ainu groups, the Kurile failed to adjust to their new surroundings; by 1933, only 10 individuals survived (plus another 34 multiracial individuals). The last group of 20 individuals (including a few pure-blooded Ainu) was evacuated to Hokkaidō in 1941, where they soon vanished as a separate ethnic group.[224]
Southern Kuril Ainu (no known living population): This group numbered almost 2,000 people (mainly inKunashir,Iturup, andUrup) during the 18th century. In 1884, their population had decreased to 500. Around 50 individuals (mostly multiracial) who remained in 1941 were evacuated to Hokkaidō by the Japanese soon after World War II.[226] The last full-blooded Southern Kuril Ainu was Suyama Nisaku, who died in 1956.[228] The last of the tribe (partial ancestry), Tanaka Kinu, died on Hokkaidō in 1973.[228]
Kamchatka Ainu (no known living population): Known as Kamchatka Kurile in Russian records. They ceased to exist as a separate ethnic group after their defeat in 1706 by the Russians. Individuals were assimilated into the Kurile andKamchadal ethnic groups. They were last recorded in the 18th century by Russian explorers.[114]
Amur Valley Ainu (probably none remain): A few individuals married to ethnic Russians and ethnic Ulchi were reported by Bronisław Piłsudski in the early 20th century.[229] Only 26 pure-blooded individuals were recorded during the 1926 Russian Census in Nikolaevski Okrug (present-dayNikolayevsky District, Khabarovsk Krai).[230] They were probably assimilated into the Slavic rural population. Although no one identifies as Ainu today inKhabarovsk Krai, there are a large number ofethnic Ulch with partial Ainu ancestry.[231][232]
Representations of the Ainu have seen an increase in Japanese popular culture and media from the late 20th to 21st centuries.[233] This has included multiple characters in anime and video games.[234][235] The manga and anime seriesGolden Kamuy which sets its story in early 20th century Hokkaido,[236] includes multiple Ainu characters, with the protagonist Saichi Sugimoto learning about Ainu culture and history from his guide, a young Ainu girl called Asirpa.[237][238][234][239]
In the manga and animeShaman King, one of the main characters,Horohoro, is an Ainu shaman aided by aKorpokkur spirit.[240][241] Horohoro's goal in winning the tournament is to restore the ecosystem on Hokkaido prior to the mass development that has occurred as part of colonization, to protect the Korpokkur.[240]
Hiromu Arakawa's mangaSilver Spoon set in Hokkaidō includes a chapter explicitly covering the history of the island and of the Ainu people.[242] Arakawa in a 2006 interview detailed how the repeated themes of racial discrimination across her works stem from her own family's histories as settlers who displaced Ainu in Hokkaidō.[243]
The 2020 coming-of-age filmAinu Mosir portrays Kanto, a sensitive 14-year-old Ainu boy who struggles to come to terms with his father's death and his identity. The film also focuses on the dilemma of the controversial bear sacrifice ritual under the shadow of modern Japanese society and the Ainu's heavy reliance on tourists for their livelihood. Along with other restless teenagers, Kanto is under pressure to retain his Ainu identity and participate in the cultural rituals.[244][245]
The 2025 video gameGhost of Yotei, the player is able to visit an Ainu village to partake in various minor quests. Ainu artefacts make up the main series of collectibles that the player can collect through the course of the game.[246][247] The game developers employed an Ainu cultural advisor to attempt to portray the Ainu "respectfully" in the game.[248]
In theJames Bond novelYou Only Live Twice andfilm, Bond's character spends some time living in an Ainu village and (in the film) is supposedly disguised as one of the local people, "marrying" a local pearl fisher (ama) as part of his cover.
^Siddle, Richard M. (1997). "The Ainu: Indigenous people of Japan". In Weiner, M. (ed.).Japan's Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity. London:Routledge. pp. 22–23.ISBN978-0-41515-218-1.
^(Shiro Sasaki, 'A History of the Far East Indigenous Peoples' Transborder Activities Between the Russian and Chinese Empires', Senri Ethnological Studies, vol. 92, 2016, pp. 161‒193.) Sasaki, 'A History of the Far East Indigenous Peoples' Transborder Activities', p. 173.
^Walker 2007, p. 295. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWalker2007 (help)
^Toshiyuki, Akizuki (1994).Nich-Ro kankei to Saharintō: Bakumatsu Meiji shonen no ryōdo mondai日露関係とサハリン島：幕末明治初年の領土問題 [Japanese–Russian Relations and Sakhalin Island: Territorial Dispute in the Bakumatsu and First Meiji Years]. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo Publishers Ltd. p. 34.ISBN4-480-85668-4.
^Tzagernik, Tacchana (March 2021). "Torauma no gainen o Ainu no bunmyaku ni atehameru: Hikaku to kōsatsu"トラウマの概念をアイヌの文脈に当てはめる : 比較と考察 [Applying the concept of trauma to the Ainu context: a comparison and reflection].アイヌ・先住民研究 [Ainu and Indigenous Studies] (in Japanese).1: 35–51 [39].doi:10.14943/97142.hdl:2115/80885.
^Grunow, Tristan R.; Nakamura, Fuyubi; Hirano, Katsuya; Ishihara, Mai; Lewallen, Ann-Elise; Lightfoot, Sheryl; Mayunkiki; Medak-Saltzman, Danika; Williams-Davidson, Terri-Lynn; Yahata, Tomoe (2019). "Hokkaidō 150: Settler Colonialism and Indigeneity in Modern Japan and Beyond".Critical Asian Studies.51 (4): 597–636 [610].doi:10.1080/14672715.2019.1665291.
^(Mamiya Rinzō (trans. and ed. John Harrison), 'Kita Ezo Zutsetsu or a Description of the Island of North Ezo by Mamiya Rinzō', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 99, no. 2, 1955, pp. 93‒117) Mamiya, 'Kita Ezo Zutsetsu', 107. The name 'Yaepikarainu' is my approximation based the Manchu version of his name, which was given as 'Yabirinu', and the Japanese version which was given as 'Yaepikaran', and the Ainu honorific naming convention of adding '-ainu' to the end of the names of elders.
^Loos, Noel; Osani, Takeshi, eds. (1993).Indigenous Minorities and Education: Australian and Japanese Perspectives on their Indigenous Peoples, the Ainu, Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. Tokyo: Sanyusha Publishing Co., Ltd.ISBN978-4-88322-597-2.[page needed]
^Levinson, David (2002).Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. Vol. 1. Charles Scribner's Sons. p. 72.ISBN978-0-684-80617-4.
^Yamada, Yoshiko (2010). "A Preliminary Study of Language Contact around Uilta in Sakhalin".Journal of the Center for Northern Humanities.3:59–75.hdl:2115/42939.
^アイヌ⇔ダブ越境！異彩を放つOKIの新作 [Crossing the borders between Ainu and Dub! OKI's distinctive new work].HMV Japan (in Japanese). May 23, 2006.Archived from the original on October 21, 2012. RetrievedMarch 26, 2011.
^In particular, Sea-girt Yezo : glimpses of missionary work in North Japan by Batchelor, John (Church Missionary Society 1902) digitised by Google and uploaded to the Internet Archive athttps://archive.org/details/seagirtyezoglim00socigoog
^Fukuda, Yasuo (May 20, 2008)."Shūgiin giin suzuki muneo-kun teishutsu senjūmin-zoku no teigi oyobi Ainu minzoku no senjūmin-zoku to shite no kenri kakuritsu ni muketa seifu no torikumi ni kansuru daisankai shitsumon ni taisuru tōben-sho"衆議院議員鈴木宗男君提出先住民族の定義及びアイヌ民族の先住民族としての権利確立に向けた政府の取り組みに関する第三回質問に対する答弁書 [Response to the third question submitted by Mr. Muneo Suzuki, Member of the House of Representatives, regarding the definition of indigenous peoples and the government's efforts to establish the rights of the Ainu people as indigenous peoples.] (in Japanese).Japanese Diet.アイヌの人々が「先住民族」かどうか結論を下せる状況にはないが、アイヌの人々は、いわゆる和人との関係において、日本列島北部周辺、取り分け北海道に先住していたことは歴史的事実であり、また、独自の言語及び宗教を有し、文化の独自性を保持していること等から、少数民族であると認識している。国際的に「先住民族」の定義が確立していない状況の下で、アイヌの人々が御指摘の「先住民族」と一致するものであるか結論を下せる状況にはなく、一致することを前提としてどのような問題が生じるかについて、現時点において予断することは適当とは考えていない。 [We are not in a position to reach a conclusion as to whether the Ainu people are an "indigenous people," but it is a historical fact that the Ainu people, in relation to the so-called Wajin, originally inhabited the northern part of the Japanese archipelago, particularly Hokkaido, and we recognize them as an ethnic minority, given that they have their own language and religion and maintain their own unique culture. In a situation where an international definition of "indigenous people" has not yet been established, we are not in a position to reach a conclusion as to whether the Ainu people correspond to the "indigenous people" you mentioned, and we do not believe it is appropriate at this point to make any assumptions about what problems might arise if they did correspond.]
^Komai, Eléonore (March 2022). "The Ainu and Indigenous politics in Japan: negotiating agency, institutional stability, and change".The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics.7 (1):141–164.doi:10.1017/rep.2021.16.
^Lee & Hasegawa (2013): "In this paper, we reconstructed spatiotemporal evolution of 19 Ainu language varieties, and the results are in strong agreement with the hypothesis that a recent population expansion of the Okhotsk people played a critical role in shaping the Ainu people and their culture. Together with the recent archaeological, biological and cultural evidence, our phylogeographic reconstruction of the Ainu language strongly suggests that the conventional dual-structure model must be refined to explain these new bodies of evidence. The case of the Ainu language origin we report here also contributes additional detail to the global pattern of language evolution, and our language phylogeny might also provide a basis for making further inferences about the cultural dynamics of the Ainu speakers [44,45]."
^工藤, 雅樹 (1994)."Kōkogaku kara mita kodai ezo"考古学から見た古代蝦夷 [Ancient Emishi from an archaeological perspective].日本考古学 [Japanese Archaeology] (in Japanese).1 (1):139–154 – via J-Stage.
^Vovin (1993), p. 1, "The Ainu language, almost extinct nowadays, is located on Hokkaidô, the northernmost island of the Japanese Archepelago. Several thousands of Ainu still live there, but there are no more than ten or twenty native speakers of this language among them.".
^Takahashi (2006), "The Ainu hunted sea-otters on Ulup Island where the animals lived, or obtained them by trading with the people of the northern islands.".
^Takahashi (2006), "[...] there is not much written about the Japanese fur trade, though some writers mention it as part of the trade between the Japanese and the Ainu.".
^Fitzhugh & Dubreuil (1999), p. 158, "Some glass beads were brought to the Ainu through trade with the Asian continent, but others were secretly made by the Matsumae clan at their headquarters in Hakodate.".
^Fitzhugh & Dubreuil (1999), p. 320, "Ainu women's underclothes were called mour, literally "deer," a sort of one-piece dress with an open front, ...".
^Kindaichi, Kyōsuke (1941).Ainu Life and Legends. Board of Tourist Industry, Japanese Government Railways. p. 30.One is a nettle-hemp braid namedpon kut (small sash) orra-nn kut (under sash).
^ウタリ協会、アイヌ協会に 来春、半世紀ぶり名称変更 [The Utari Association Will Become the Ainu Association Next Spring in Its First Name Change in Half a Century].Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). Osaka. May 16, 2008. Archived fromthe original on May 19, 2008.
^小坂洋右 (1992).Ryūbō: Nichiro ni owareta Kitachishima Ainu流亡: 日露に追われた北千島アイヌ [Exile: The Ainu of the Northern Kuril Islands Driven by Japan and Russia] (in Japanese). 北海道新聞社.ISBN978-4-89363-943-1.
^abKeller, Zsófia (January 2025). "Ainu Representation in the World of Japanese Comics: Shumari and Golden Kamuy Take on the Ruling Narratives of Hokkaidō History".Journal of East Asian Cultures.17 (1):149–178.doi:10.38144/TKT.2025.1.6.
^Koarai, Ryo (2022). "Hokkaido as imperial acquisition and the Ainu in popular culture and tourism". In Yamamura, Takayoshi; Seaton, Philip (eds.).War as Entertainment and Contents Tourism in Japan.Routledge. pp. 73–77.doi:10.4324/9781003239970-14.ISBN978-1-003-23997-0.
^Ito, Rika (March 19, 2024). "Please take her as your wife: Mediatizing indigenous Ainu in the Japanese anime, Golden Kamuy".Language, Culture and Society.6 (1):80–104.doi:10.1075/lcs.21020.ito.
^Ito, Rika (November 2022). "Edutaining with indigeneity: Mediatizing Ainu bilingualism in the Japanese anime, Golden Kamuy".Language & Communication.87:29–43.doi:10.1016/j.langcom.2022.06.013.
^abScalici, Giorgio (October 2025). "Shaman King: Shamanism, Ecology, and Death according to Hiroyuki Takei". In Armstrong, David; de la Noval, Roberto J. (eds.).Anime, Religion, and Theology. Fortress Academic. pp. 185–187.ISBN978-1978714915.
Howell, David L. (1997). "The Meiji State and the Logic of Ainu 'Protection'". In Hardacre, Helen (ed.).New Directions in the Study of Meiji Japan. Leiden:Brill. pp. 612–634.doi:10.1163/9789004644847_049.ISBN978-9-00410-735-9.
Levin, Mark (1999). "Kayano et al. v. Hokkaido Expropriation Committee: 'The Nibutani Dam Decision'".International Legal Materials.38.doi:10.1017/S0020782900013061.SSRN1635447.
Nakamura, Kazuyuki (2010). "Kita kara no mōko shūrai wo meguru shōmondai"「北からの蒙古襲来」をめぐる諸問題 [Several questions around "the Mongol attack from the north"]. In Kikuchi, Toshihiko (ed.).Hokutō Ajia no rekishi to bunka北東アジアの歴史と文化 [A history and cultures of Northeast Asia] (in Japanese).Hokkaido University Press.ISBN978-4-8329-6734-2.
Okada, Mitsuharu Vincent (January 2012). "The Plight of Ainu, Indigenous People of Japan".Journal of Indigenous Social Development.1 (1):1–14.hdl:10125/12528.
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Siddle, Richard M. (2008). "The Ainu: Indigenous people of Japan". In Weiner, Michael (ed.).Japan's Minorities: The illusion of homogeneity (2nd ed.).Routledge. pp. 21–39.ISBN9780203884997.
Spiker, Christina (November 2020). "The Indigenous Shôjo: Transmedia Representations of Ainu Femininity in Japan's Samurai Spirits, 1993–2019".Journal of Anime and Manga Studies.1:138–168.doi:10.21900/j.jams.v1.502.
Zgusta, Richard (2015).The peoples of Northeast Asia through time: precolonial ethnic and cultural processes along the coast between Hokkaido and the Bering Strait. Leiden, Netherlands:Brill.ISBN978-90-04-30043-9.OCLC912504787.
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