Africa was aRoman province on the northern coast of the continent ofAfrica. It was established in 146 BC, following theRoman Republic's conquest ofCarthage in theThird Punic War. It roughly comprised the territory of present-dayTunisia, the northeast ofAlgeria, and the coast of westernLibya along theGulf of Sidra. The territory was originally and still is inhabited byBerbers, known in Latin as theNumidae andMaurii, indigenous to all of North Africa west of Egypt. In the 9th century BC, Semitic-speakingPhoenicians from theLevant built coastal settlements across the Mediterranean to support and expand their shipping networks. In the 8th century BC, the settlement of Carthage became the predominant Phoenician colony.Rome began expanding into the Province of Africa after annexingCarthage in 146 BC at the end of thePunic Wars, and later intoNumidia in 25 BC, establishingRoman colonies in the region.
Africa was one of the wealthiest provinces in theRoman Empire second only toItaly. It was said that Africa fed the Roman populace for eight months of the year, while Egypt provided the remaining four months' supply.[1][2][3] The area east of theFossa Regia was fully Romanized with one third of the population made of Italian colonists and their descendants, the other two thirds were Romanized Berbers, who were allChristians and nearly allLatin speaking.[4]
The Roman Empire during the reign ofHadrian (ruled 117–138 AD), showing thesenatorial province of Africa Proconsularis (E. Algeria/Tunisia/Tripolitania). 1legion deployed in 125
Utica, which had fought on the side of the Romans in the war,[5] was formed as the administrative capital. The remaining territory was left in the domain of the BerberNumidiankingMassinissa. At this time, the Roman policy in Africa was simply to prevent another great power from rising on theNorthwest Africa.
In 118 BC, the Numidian princeJugurtha attempted to reunify the smaller kingdoms. However, upon his death, much of Jugurtha's territory was placed in the control of the Berber Mauritanian kingBocchus; and, by that time, the romanisation of Africa was firmly rooted.
DuringCaesar's civil war, Caesar created a new African province from territory taken from the Numidians. The original province was calledAfrica vetus with the newer province suffixednova. But during theSecond Triumvirate, the two provinces were unified, possibly in 35 BC, in consequence of border conflicts: governors of the province won three triumphs between 34 and 28 BC. Further expansion of the province continued under the emperor Augustus, with conflicts recorded through to AD 6.[7][8] By 27 BC, Africa was assigned as one of the senatorial provinces in theAugustan settlements and eventually became known asAfrica proconsularis,[9] as it was ruled by aproconsul rather than a legate of the emperor.
AfterDiocletian's administrative reforms, it was split intoAfrica Zeugitana (which retained the nameAfrica Proconsularis, as it was governed by aproconsul) in the north,Africa Byzacena (corresponding to easternTunisia) to its south, andAfrica Tripolitania (corresponding to southern Tunisia and northwestLibya) to the south and southeast ofAfrica Byzacena, all of which were part of theDioecesis Africae. Old Africa (Africa Vetus), which generally includes the areas mentioned, was also known by the Romans (Pliny) asAfrica propria,[10][11] of whichCarthage was the capital.[12]
The region remained a part of the Roman empire until the Germanic migrations of the 5th century. TheVandals crossed into Northwest Africa from Spain in 429and overran the area by 439 and founded their own kingdom, includingSicily,Corsica,Sardinia and theBalearics. The Vandals controlled the country as a warrior-elite but faced strong resistance from the native Berbers. The Vandals also persecutedChalcedonianRoman Africans and Berbers, as the Vandals were adherents ofArianism (the semi-trinitarian doctrines ofArius, a priest of Egypt). Towards the end of the 5th century, the Vandal state fell into decline, abandoning most of the interior territories to the Mauri and other Berber tribes of the region.
In AD 533, EmperorJustinian, using a Vandal dynastic dispute as pretext, sent an army under the generalBelisarius to recover Africa. In ashort campaign, Belisarius defeated the Vandals, enteredCarthage in triumph and re-established Roman rule over the province. The restored Roman administration was successful in fending off the attacks of theAmazigh desert tribes, and by means of an extensive fortification network managed to extend its rule once again to the interior.
After 640, the exarchate managed to stave off the Muslim Conquest, but in 698, the Muslim Umayyad army fromEgyptsacked Carthage andconquered the Exarchate, ending Roman and Christian rule in Northwest Africa.
The Roman military presence of Northwest Africa was relatively small, consisting of about 28,000 troops and auxiliaries in Numidia and the two Mauretanian provinces. Starting in the 2nd century AD, these garrisons were manned mostly by local inhabitants. A sizableLatin-speaking population developed that was multinational in background, sharing the northwest African region with those speakingPunic andBerber languages.[13] Imperial security forces began to be drawn from the local population, including the Berbers.
Abun-Nasr, in hisA History of the Maghrib, said that "What made the Berbers accept the Roman way of life all the more readily was that the Romans, though a colonizing people who captured their lands by the might of their arms, did not display any racial exclusiveness and were remarkably tolerant ofBerber religious cults, be they indigenous orborrowed from the Carthaginians. However, the Roman territory in Africa was unevenly penetrated by Roman culture. Pockets of non-Romanized Berbers continued to exist throughout the Roman period, even such as in the rural areas of the deeply romanised regions of Tunisia and Numidia."
By the end of the Western Roman Empire nearly all of the Maghreb was fullyromanised, according to Mommsen in hisThe Provinces of the Roman Empire. Roman Africans enjoyed a high level of prosperity. This prosperity (and romanisation) touched partially even the populations living outside theRoman limes (mainly theGaramantes and theGetuli), who were reached withRoman expeditions to Sub-Saharan Africa.
The willing acceptance of Roman citizenship by members of the ruling class in African cities produced such Roman Africans as the comic poet Terence, the rhetorician Fronto of Cirta, the jurist Salvius Julianus of Hadrumetum, the novelist Apuleius of Madauros, the emperor Septimius Severus of Leptis Magna, the Christians Tertullian and Cyprian of Carthage, and Arnobius of Sicca and his pupil Lactantius; the angelic doctor Augustine of Thagaste, the epigrammatist Luxorius of Vandal Carthage, and perhaps the biographer Suetonius, and the poet Dracontius.
— Paul MacKendrick,The North African Stones Speak (1969), UNC Press, 2000, p.326
Romanas ofHadrian, 136 AD. An allegory of Africa wearing an elephant headdress is depicted on the reverse.Juba II, king ofMauretania.Triumph of Poseidon and Amphitrite showing the couplein procession, detail of a vastmosaic fromCirta, Roman Africa (c. 315–325 AD, now at theLouvre)Berber Red Slip flagons and vases, 2nd–4th centuriesA typical plainberber Red Slip dish with simple rouletted decoration, 4th century
The prosperity of most towns depended on agriculture. Called the "granary of the empire", It was said that Africa fed the Roman populace for eight months of the year, whileEgypt provided the remaining four months' supply.[14][15]Northwest Africa, according to one estimate, produced one million tons of cereals each year[citation needed], one-quarter of which was exported. Additional crops included beans, figs, grapes, and other fruits. By the 2nd century, olive oil rivaled cereals as an export item[citation needed]. In addition to the cultivation of slaves, and the capture and transporting of exotic wild animals, the principal production and exports included the textiles, marble, wine, timber, livestock, pottery such asAfrican Red Slip, and wool.
The incorporation of colonial cities into the Roman Empire brought an unparalleled degree of urbanization to vast areas of territory, particularly in Northwest Africa. This level of rapid urbanization had a structural impact on the town economy, and artisan production in Roman cities became closely tied to the agrarian spheres of production. As Rome's population grew, so did her demand for Northwest African produce. This flourishing trade allowed the Northwest African provinces to increase artisan production in rapidly developing cities, making them highly organized urban centers. Many Roman cities shared both consumer and producer model city aspects, as artisanal activity was directly related to the economic role cities played in long-distance trade networks.[16]
The urban population became increasingly engaged in the craft and service sectors and less in agrarian employment, until a significant portion of the town's vitality came from the sale or trade of products through middlemen to markets in areas both rural and abroad. The changes that occurred in the infrastructure for agricultural processing, like olive oil and wine production, as trade continued to develop both cities and commerce directly influenced the volume of artisan production. The scale, quality, and demand for these products reached its acme in Roman Northwest Africa.[16]
The Northwest African provinces spanned across regions rich with olive plantations and potters' clay sources, which led to the early development of fineAncient Roman pottery, especiallyAfrican Red Slipterra sigillata tableware and clayoil lamp manufacture, as a crucial industry. Lamps provided the most common form of illumination in Rome. They were used for public and private lighting, as votive offerings in temples, lighting at festivals, and as grave goods. As the craft developed and increased in quality and craftsmanship, the Northwest African creations began to rival their Italian and Grecian models and eventually surpassed them in merit and in demand.[17]: 82–83, 129–130
The innovative use of molds around the 1st century BC allowed for a much greater variety of shapes and decorative style, and the skill of the lamp maker was demonstrated by the quality of the decoration found typically on the flat top of the lamp, or discus, and the outer rim, or shoulder. The production process took several stages. The decorative motifs were created using small individual molds, and were then added as appliqué to a plain archetype of the lamp. The embellished lamp was then used to make two plaster half molds, one lower half and one upper half mold, and multiple copies were then able to be mass-produced. Decorative motifs ranged according to the lamp's function and to popular taste.[17]
Ornate patterning of squares and circles were later added to the shoulder with a stylus, as well as palm trees, small fish, animals, and flower patterns. The discus was reserved for conventional scenes of gods, goddesses, mythological subjects, scenes from daily life, erotic scenes, and natural images. The strongly Christian identity of post-Roman society in Northwest Africa is exemplified in the later instances of Northwest African lamps, on which scenes of Christian images like saints, crosses, and biblical figures became commonly articulated topics. Traditional mythological symbols had enduring popularity as well, which can be traced back to Northwest Africa's Punic heritage. Many of the early Northwest African lamps that have been excavated, especially those of high quality, have the name of the manufacturer inscribed on the base, which gives evidence of a highly competitive and thriving local market that developed early and continued to influence and bolster the economy.[17]
After a period of artisanal, political, and social decline in the 3rd century AD, lamp-making revived and accelerated. The introduction of fine local red-fired clays in the late 4th century triggered this revival.African Red Slip ware (ARS), or African Terra Sigillata, revolutionized the pottery and lamp-making industry.[17]: 129–130
ARS ware was produced from the last third of the 1st century AD onwards, and was of major importance in the mid-to-late Roman periods. Famous in antiquity as "fine" or high-quality tableware, it was distributed both regionally and throughout the Mediterranean basin along well-established and heavily trafficked trade routes. Northwest Africa's economy flourished as its products were dispersed and demand for its products dramatically increased.[18]
Initially, the ARS lamp designs imitated the simple design of 3rd- to 4th-century coarseware lamps, often with globules on the shoulder or with fluted walls. More ornate designs appeared before the early 5th century as demand spurred on the creative process. The development and widespread distribution of ARS finewares marks the most distinctive phase of Northwest African pottery-making.[17]: 129
These characteristic pottery lamps were produced in large quantities by efficiently organized production centers with large-scale manufacturing abilities. They can be attributed to specific pottery-making centers in northern and central Tunisia by way of chemical analysis, allowing archeologists to trace distribution patterns from their source through the regions and across the Mediterranean.[18] Some major ARS centers in central Tunisia are Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, Henchir el-Guellal (Djilma), and Henchir es-Srira, all of which have ARS lamp artifacts attributed to them by the microscopic chemical makeup of the clay fabric as well as macroscopic style prevalent in that region.
Local pottery markets fueled the economy of not only the towns, but the entire region and supported markets abroad. Certain vessel forms, fabrics, and decorative techniques like rouletting, appliqué, and stamped décor, are specific for a certain region and even for a certain pottery center. If neither form nor decoration of the material is identifiable, it is possible to trace an item using chemical analysis, not just to a certain region but even to its place of production by comparing its makeup to a matrix of important northeastern and central Tunisian potteries.
Pine forests, with a herb layer of grasses, were widespread and economically significant, especially in the humid zone, the northeast of modern Tunisia (theareas known as the Tell and parts of the Dorsal mountains). Many areas are described assaltus, land used for non-agricultural exploitation. Timber,pitch (used to lineamphorae and waterproof ships), firewood,pine nuts, and charcoal would all have been produced.Grazing was also practiced on forested land. Olive plantations were also widespread, usually on land previously forested, and thepomace residue after oil extraction was also locally important as fuel. The temple ofMercurySilvius, a god of commerce related to forests, inDougga, and many lesser monuments elsewhere, are evidence of the importance of forests to local trade.[19]
^Whittaker, CR (1996). "Roman Africa: Augustus to Vespasian". In Bowman, Alan K; et al. (eds.).The Augustan empire, 43 BC–AD 69. Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 10 (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 590–91.ISBN0-521-26430-8.
^Leo Africanus (1974). Robert Brown (ed.).History and Description of Africa. Vol. 1. Translated by John Pory. New York Franklin. p. 22 (A General Description of all Africa).OCLC830857464. (reprinted from London 1896)
^Alan K. Bowman (2000). Bowman, Alan K. (ed.).The Cambridge ancient history. Vol. 11: The High Empire, A.D. 70 - 192 / ed. Vol. 11 (2 ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. p. 812.ISBN978-0-521-26335-1.
^abMackensen, Michael; Schneider, Gerwulf (2015). "Production centres of African Red Slip ware (2nd-3rd c.) in northern and central Tunisia: archaeological provenance and reference groups based on chemical analysis".Journal of Roman Archaeology.19:163–190.doi:10.1017/S1047759400006322.ISSN1047-7594.S2CID232344623.
Orietta Dora Cordovana,Segni e immagini del potere tra antico e tardoantico: I Severi e la provincia Africa proconsularis. Seconda edizione rivista ed aggiornata (Catania: Prisma, 2007) (Testi e studi di storia antica)
Elizabeth Fentress, "Romanizing the Berbers,"Past & Present, 190 (2006), pp. 3–33.
Erich S. Gruen,Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (Princeton, PUP, 2010), pp. 197–222.
Hitchner, R. Bruce (2022).A companion to North Africa in antiquity. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.ISBN9781444350012.
Hoffmann-Salz, Julia (2011).Die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der römischen Eroberung: vergleichende Untersuchungen der Provinzen Hispania Tarraconensis, Africa Proconsularis und Syria (in German). Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag. pp. 154–293.ISBN978-3-515-09847-2.
Lennox Manton,Roman North Africa (1988).
Mattingly, David J. (2023).Between Sahara and sea: Africa in the Roman Empire. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.ISBN9780472133451.
Susan Raven,Rome in Africa, 3rd ed. (London, 1993).
Duane R. Roller,The World of Juba II and Kleopatra Selene: Royal Scholarship on Rome's African Frontier (New York and London, Routledge, 2003).
John Stewart,African states and rulers (2006)
Dick Whittaker, "Ethnic discourses on the frontiers of Roman Africa", in Ton Derks, Nico Roymans (ed.),Ethnic Constructs in Antiquity: The Role of Power and Tradition (Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2009) (Amsterdam Archaeological Studies, 13), pp. 189–206.
As found in theNotitia Dignitatum. Provincial administration reformed anddioceses established byDiocletian,c. 293. Permanentpraetorian prefectures established after the death ofConstantine I. Empire permanently partitioned after 395. Exarchates ofRavenna andAfrica established after 584. After massive territorial losses in the 7th century, the remaining provinces were superseded by thetheme system in c. 640–660, although inAsia Minor and parts of Greece they survived under the themes until the early 9th century.
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