French Action Action Française | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | AF |
| General Secretary | Olivier Perceval |
| Founders | |
| Founded | 20 June 1899; 126 years ago (1899-06-20) |
| Split from | Ligue de la patrie française[3] |
| Headquarters | 10 rue Croix-des-Petits-Champs, 75001Paris |
| Newspaper | |
| Student wing | Fédération nationale des étudiants d'Action Française |
| Youth wing | Camelots du Roi |
| Women's wing | Ladies of the French Action |
| Think tank | Institut d'Action française[4] |
| Membership |  3,000 (early 2018est.)[5][full citation needed] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Far-right[17][18] |
| Religion | Roman Catholicism |
| International affiliation | International Monarchist Conference |
| Colours | Royal blue Yellow |
| Slogan | "All that is national is ours" |
| Anthem | La Royale[19] |
| Website | |
| actionfrancaise.net | |
Action Française (French pronunciation:[aksjɔ̃fʁɑ̃sɛːz],AF; English:French Action) is a Frenchfar-rightmonarchist andnationalist political movement. The name was also given to a journal associated with the movement,L'Action Française, sold by its own youth organization, theCamelots du Roi.
The movement and the journal were founded byMaurice Pujo andHenri Vaugeois in 1899, as a nationalist reaction against the intervention ofleft-wing intellectuals on behalf ofAlfred Dreyfus. The royalist militantCharles Maurras quickly joinedAction Française and became its principal ideologist. Under the influence of Maurras,Action Française becameroyalist,counter-revolutionary (objecting to the legacy of theFrench Revolution),anti-parliamentary, andpro-decentralization, espousingcorporatism,integralism, andRoman Catholicism.
Shortly after it was created,Action Française tried to influence the public opinion by turning its journal into a daily newspaper and by setting up other organizations. It was at its most prominent during the 1899–1914 period. In theinterwar period, the movement still enjoyed some prestige from support among conservative elites, but its popularity gradually declined as a result of the rise offascism in Europe and of a rupture in its relations with theCatholic Church. During theSecond World War,Action Française supported theVichy Regime and MarshalPhilippe Pétain. After the fall of the Vichy Regime, its newspaper was banned and Maurras was sentenced tolife imprisonment in 1944, although he was reprieved in 1952.
The movement neverthelesscontinued in new publications and political associations, although with fading relevance as monarchism lost popularity, and French far-right movements shifted toward an emphasis onCatholic values and defense of traditionalFrench culture. It is seen by some as one progenitor of the currentNational Rally political party.[20][21]
The ideology ofAction Française was dominated bythe precepts ofCharles Maurras, following his adherence and his conversion of the movement's founders tomonarchism. The movement supported a restoration of theHouse of Bourbon-Orléans and, after the1905 law on the separation of Church and State, the restoration ofRoman Catholicism as thestate religion, all as rallying points in distinction to theThird Republic of France which was considered corrupt andatheistic by many of its opponents.
The movement advocateddecentralization (a "federal monarchy"), with the restoration of pre-Revolutionary liberties to the ancientprovinces of France (replaced during the Revolution by thedepartmental system). It aimed to achieve a restoration by means of acoup d'état, probably involving a transitionalauthoritarian government.
Action Française was not focused on denouncing one social or political group as theconspiratorial source of ills befalling France. Different groups of the French far-right had animuses againstJews,Huguenots (FrenchCalvinists), andFreemasons. To these, Maurras added unspecific foreigners residing in France, who had been outside French law under theAncien Régime, and to whom he invented a slur name derived from ancient Greek history:métèques. These four groups of "internal foreigners" Maurras calledles quatre états confédérés and were all considered to be part of "anti-France". He alsoopposed Marxism and theOctober Revolution, but antagonism against them did not have to be manufactured.
In 1899,Maurice Pujo andHenri Vaugeois left the French nationalist movementLigue de la Patrie française and established a new one, calledAction Française, and its official journal,Revue de l'Action Française. This was theirnationalist reaction against the intervention ofleft-wing intellectuals on the behalf ofAlfred Dreyfus.[22]
The royalist militantCharles Maurras quickly joinedAction Française and became its principal ideologist. Under the influence of Maurras, the movement becameroyalist,counter-revolutionary (objecting to the legacy of theFrench Revolution),anti-parliamentary, andpro-decentralization, espousingcorporatism,integralism, andRoman Catholicism. TheDreyfus affair gave some French Catholics the impression that Roman Catholicism is not compatible with democracy. Therefore, they regardedAction Française as rampart of religion and the most fitting expression of the church doctrine regarding society.[22]
In its early years,Action Française tried to influence public opinion and to spread its ideas. For example, it created related organisations, such as student groups.[23] The political organisation of the movement, the Ligue d'Action Française, was launched in the spring of 1905, as was the Action Française Federation of Students, directed byLucien Moreau.[24]L'Institut d'Action française was created in 1906 as an alternative institute for higher education.[23] In 1908 the movement's periodical was turned to a daily newspaper, called simplyAction Française.[22]Camelots du Roi, the movement's youth wing, was created in the same year to sell the newspaper in the streets. Its members also served as a paramilitary wing, providing security for meetings and engaging in street violence with political opponents. The newspaper's literary quality and polemical vigor attracted readers and made Maurras and the movement significant figures in French politics. By 1914,Action Française had become the best structured and the most vitalnationalist movement in France.[23]
During theFirst World War,Action Française supported the Prime MinisterGeorges Clemenceau and the will to defeat the Germans.France's victory in the war and the movement'santi-German intransigence on the peace terms set forth by theTreaty of Versailles (1919) betweenGermany and theAllied Powers resulted in a peak of success, prestige and influence during theinterwar period. For example, in 1917 it moved into new spacious offices on the rue Caumartin, nearSt. Lazare train station.[23] However, in the French legislative elections of 16 November 1919Bernard de Vésins, president of theLigue d'Action Française, was defeated in the first district of Paris.[25]
Action Française exploited the disquiet aroused on the right by thevictory of the left-wing coalition (Cartel des Gauches) founded by theRadical politicianÉdouard Herriot in 1924 and thefear of communism (see also:Red Scare), sending about thirty candidates to theFrench Parliament.[22][23] Well-known French writers endorsed the movement, which advertised itself as the thinking man's party. Literary reviews, especiallyRevue universelle, spread the message ofAction Française. The polemics of the review, its personal attacks on leaders, and its systematic exploitation of scandals and crises helped detach some of the intellectuals from their allegiance to the French Republic and democracy. This agitation culminated in the6 February 1934 crisis. The successes shaped the ideology ofAction Française; hence, it became more integrated intomainstream conservatism, stressing patriotism and Roman Catholicism as opposed to monarchism.
In spite of the movement's support for Roman Catholicism as thestate religion of France, and the fact that the vast majority of its members were practising Catholics (indeed, they included significant numbers ofclergymen), some French Catholics regarded it with suspicion and distrust. Much of this was due to the influence of Maurras, anagnostic who advocatedRoman Catholicism as a factor of social cohesion and stability and a vital element of theFrench tradition. This ratherutilitarian view of religion disturbed many who otherwise agreed with him. Its influence on younger generations of French Catholics was also considered unwholesome. Thus,Pope Pius XI condemnedAction Française on 29 December 1926.
Several of Maurras's writings were placed on theIndex Librorum Prohibitorum at the same time, on 9 January 1927, withAction Française being the first newspaper ever placed on the Catholic Church's list of banned books.[26] This was a devastating blow to the movement. On 8 March 1927, AF members were prohibited from receiving thesacraments. Many of its members left the movement and were forced to look for a different path in politics and life, such as writersFrançois Mauriac andGeorges Bernanos, and it entered a period of decline.
In 1939, following theSpanish Civil War and a revival ofanti-communism within the Catholic Church,Pope Pius XII decided to end the condemnation.[27] Thereafter,Action Française claimed that the condemnation had been declared for political purposes.
Despite the 1926 Papal condemnation,Action Française remained popular during theinterwar period, being one of the most importantfar-right leagues in France, along with theCroix-de-Feu and others. As increasing numbers of people in France (as in Europe as a whole) turned to authoritarian political movements, many French citizens joined theAction Française. It thus continued to recruit members from the new generations, such asRobert Brasillach (who would become acollaborationist during theSecond World War), the novelist and former deputy and ambassadorPierre Benoist,Thierry Maulnier, andLucien Rebatet. It was marginally represented for a time in theChamber of Deputies, particularly by Léon Daudet, elected in the right-wing conservative coalitionBloc National (1919–1924).
However, with the rise offascism in Europe and the creation of seemingly fascist leagues, added to the 1926 Papal condemnation, the royalist movement was weakened by various dissidents:Georges Valois would create the short-lived fascist movementFaisceau;Louis Dimier would break away, while other members (Eugène Deloncle,Gabriel Jeantet, etc.) createdLa Cagoule, afar-right terrorist organization.
The retired AdmiralAntoine Schwerer became president of the league in 1930, succeedingBernard de Vésins in difficult circumstances.He was a talented orator.[28]At the December 1931 congress, "greeted by loud acclamation", he gave himself to a full presentation of "the general situation of France", external, financial, economic, interior and religious. He concluded with a passionate statement,[29]
... the situation is very dark. It would be almost desperate if there were not a cell that is not huge, but that is alive and is the only one able to animate the amorphous environment that surrounds it. This cell is the Action française. Every day more people understand it. There will always be imbeciles in France, men of bad faith, madmen and criminals; but there are in our midst a great many excellent elements now deceived and blinded. Our task is to enlighten them and then to train them to the assault. It requires a huge effort pursued with perseverance. The job is tough. We will not do it by sitting in a good armchair, in flowery salons, lavishing sweet smiles and honeyed words, fighting in white gloves with dainty foils. We must be ready for hard sacrifices. Are you all ready? You want the restoration of the Monarchy. Have you all done what is necessary to achieve this?[29]
Antoine Schwerer was forced by illness to retire toBrittany in 1935. He was succeeded as head of the league by François de Lassus.[29]
John Gunther wrote that of the more than 100 daily newspapers in Paris, onlyL'Humanité andAction Française were honest.[30] The group participated in the6 February 1934 crisis, which led to the fall of the secondCartel des Gauches and to the replacement of the centre-leftRadical-SocialistÉdouard Daladier by thecentre-right RadicalGaston Doumergue. In foreign policy, Maurras and Bainville supportedPierre Laval's double alliance withBenito Mussolini'sFascist Italy and with the United Kingdom in theStresa Front (1935) on one side, and with the Soviet Union on the other side, against the common enemyNazi Germany. TheAction française greetedFranco's appearance with delight, and supported the self-proclaimedCaudillo during theSpanish Civil War (1936–1939). But the extra-parliamentary agitation brought by thefar-right leagues, including the AF, ledPierre Laval's government to outlaw militias and paramilitary leagues, leading to the dissolution of the AF on 13 February 1936[31] – the other leagues were dissolved only in June 1936 by thePopular Front.
MarshalPhilippe Pétain's proclamation of theVichy Regime and of theRévolution nationale after the failure of theBattle of France was acclaimed by Maurras as a "divine surprise", and he rallied thecollaborationist government. Royalist members hoped that Pétain would restore the monarchy, and the headquarters of the movement were moved from Paris toVichy. However, the AF members were split between supporting the collaborationist regime and their nationalist sentiment: after 1942, and in particular in 1943, some members, such asHenri d'Astier de la Vigerie,Pierre Guillain de Bénouville, andHonoré d'Estienne d'Orves either joined theFrench Resistance or escaped to join theFree French Forces. Others actively collaborated, while Maurras supported the Vichy Regime, but theoretically opposed Pétain's collaboration with the Germans. After theLiberation of France, he was condemned tolife imprisonment in 1944, although he was reprieved in 1952.Action Française was dissolved in 1944.
Following the fall of the Vichy regime, the originalAction Française newspaper was banned, and Charles Maurras was sentenced tolife imprisonment in 1944, though he was released in 1952. The movement restructured in 1947 underMaurice Pujo, who founded the newspaperAspects de la France and the counter-revolutionary organizationRestauration Nationale. Despite diminishing relevance due to the decline of monarchism, the movement maintained influence through publications and associations. In 1971, the split of theNouvelle Action Française, which later evolved into theNouvelle Action Royaliste, highlighted the divergence within monarchist circles, as younger leaders sought to modernize its doctrines.
By the late 20th century, figures associated with the movement, such asPierre Pujo, continued its legacy with journals likeL'Action française 2000. Although it no longer commands significant political clout, the movement has influenced contemporary right-wing currents in France, including theNational Rally, due to its focus onCatholic values and preserving traditionalFrench culture.[32][20]
In 1965, the German historianErnst Nolte claimed thatAction Française was afascist movement.[33] He consideredAction Française to be the first fascist party inEuropean history.[33]
Certain present-day scholars disagree with Nolte's view. For example, in 1999, the British historianRichard Thurlow[34] claimed that "his [Nolte's] linking ofAction française to the fascist tradition was misleading".[35] Later,René Rémond andStanley G. Payne described the differences betweenAction Française andItalian fascism.[22][36]
In the booksNeither Right nor Left[37] andThe Birth of Fascist Ideology,[38]Zeev Sternhell claimed thatAction française influencednational syndicalism and, consequently,fascism.According to Sternhell, national syndicalism was formed by the combination between the integral nationalism ofAction française and therevolutionary syndicalism ofGeorges Sorel. National syndicalism spread to Italy, and was later a part of the doctrine of Italian fascist movement.In France, national syndicalism influenced thenon-conformists of the 1930s. Based on the views of the non-conformists themselves, Sternhell argued that the non-conformists were actually a French form of fascism.
Although it supported theOrléanist branch, according to historianRené Rémond's categorization of Frenchright-wing groups, AF would be closer to thelegitimist branch, characterized by a complete rejection of all changes to France since the 1789French Revolution. According to Rémond, supporters of the Orléanist branch tended to favoureconomic liberalism.
{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)... fascist Italy ... developed a state structure known as the corporate state with the ruling party acting as a mediator between 'corporations' making up the body of the nation. Similar designs were quite popular elsewhere in the 1930s. The most prominent examples wereEstado Novo in Portugal (1932–1968) and Brazil (1937–1945), the AustrianStandestaat (1933–1938), and authoritarian experiments in Estonia, Romania, and some other countries of East and East-Central Europe,
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