Wahid was instrumental in lifting the ban onChinese New Year (Indonesian:Imlek). Until 1998, the spiritual practice to celebrate the Chinese New Year by Chinese families was restricted specifically only inside of Chinese community centers. This restriction is made by theNew Order government through Presidential Instruction No. 14 of 1967 signed bySuharto. On 17 January 2000, Wahid issued Presidential Decree No. 6 of 2000 to annul the previous instruction.[3] He establishedConfucianism as the sixth official religion in Indonesia in 2000 and protected minority rights in Indonesia. As a result, Wahid was given the title "Father of Pluralism."[4]
His popular nickname 'Gus Dur' is derived fromGus, a common honorific for a son ofkyai, and from the short-form ofbagus ('handsome lad' inJavanese[5]); andDur, short-form of his name, Abdurrahman.
Abdurrahman Wahid standing between his mother and father, and behind his siblings and a friend of the family, circa 1952
Abdurrahman ad-Dakhil was born on the fourth day of theSha'ban, the eighth month of theIslamic calendar in 1940 inJombang, toAbdul Wahid Hasyim and Siti Sholehah. This led to a belief that he was born on 4 August; instead, using the Islamic calendar to mark his birth date meant that he was actually born on 4 Sha'aban, equivalent to 7 September 1940.
He was named afterAbd ar-Rahman I of theUmayyad Caliphate who brought Islam to Spain and was thus nicknamed "ad-Dakhil" ("the conqueror"). His name is stylized in the traditional Arabic naming system as "Abdurrahman, son of Wahid". The nameAbdurrahman Wahid means "Servant of Mercy the First." Abdurrahman was ofChinese,Arab andJavanese ancestry.[6][7] From his paternal line, he was descended from a well-known Muslim missionary from China known as Syekh Abdul Qadir Tan Kiem Han who was a disciple ofSunan Ngampel-Denta (Raden Rahmat Bong Swie Hoo), one of theNine Wali (Holy Islamic Saints) who became one of the first Islamic Kings on Java who Islamicized Java in the 15–16th centuries.[8]
He was the oldest of his five siblings, and was born into a prestigious family in the East Java Muslim community. His paternal grandfather,Hasyim Asy'ari was the founder ofNahdlatul Ulama (NU) while his maternal grandfather, Bisri Syansuri was the first Muslim educator to introduce classes for women.[9]
After theIndonesian Declaration of Independence on 17 August 1945, Abdurrahman Wahid moved back to Jombang and remained there during the fight for independence from theNetherlands during theIndonesian National Revolution. At the end of the war in 1949, Abdurrahman Wahid moved to Jakarta as his father had been appointedMinister of Religious Affairs. He was educated in Jakarta, going to KRIS Primary School before moving to Matraman Perwari Primary School. Abdurrahman Wahid was encouraged to read non-Muslim books, magazines, and newspapers by his father to further broaden his horizons.[10] He stayed in Jakarta with his family even after his father's removal as Minister of Religious Affairs in 1952. On 19 April 1953, Wahid Hasyim died in a car crash inCimahi.[11]
In 1954, Abdurrahman Wahid began Junior High School. That year, he failed to graduate to the next year and was forced to repeat. His mother made the decision to send him toYogyakarta to continue his education. In 1957, after graduating from Junior High School, he moved toMagelang to begin his Muslim education at TegalrejoPesantren (Muslim school). He completed thepesantren course in two years instead of the usual four. In 1959, he moved back to Jombang toPesantren Tambakberas. There, while continuing his own education, Abdurrahman Wahid received his first job as a teacher and later on as headmaster of amadrasah affiliated with thepesantren. Abdurrahman Wahid found employment as a journalist for magazines such asHorizon andMajalah Budaya Jaya.
In 1963, Abdurrahman Wahid received a scholarship from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to study atAl Azhar University inCairo, Egypt. He left for Egypt in November 1963. Unable to provide evidence to certify that he spokeArabic, Abdurrahman was told when arriving that he would have to take a remedial class in the language before enrolling at the university's Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic studies.
Instead of attending classes, Abdurrahman Wahid spent 1964 enjoying life in Egypt, watching European and American movies as well as indulging in his hobby of watchingfootball. Abdurrahman was also involved with the Association of Indonesian Students and became a journalist for the association's magazine. After passing the remedial Arabic examination, he finally began studies at the Higher Institute for Islamic and Arabic Studies in 1965, but was disappointed as he had already studied a number of the texts offered at the Institute in Java and disapproved of therote learning method used by the university.[12]
In Egypt, Abdurrahman Wahid found employment with the Indonesian Embassy. It was during his stint with the embassy that coup attempt was launched by the30 September Movement, which theCommunist Party of Indonesia was accused of leading. WithArmy Strategic Reserves commander Major GeneralSuharto taking control of the situation in Jakarta, a crackdown against suspected communists was initiated. The Indonesian Embassy in Egypt was ordered to conduct an investigation into the political views of university students. This order was passed to Abdurrahman Wahid, who was charged with writing the reports.[13]
Abdurrahman's displeasure at the method of education and his work following the coup attempt distracted him from his studies. He sought and received another scholarship at theUniversity of Baghdad and moved to Iraq. There Abdurrahman Wahid continued his involvement with the Association of Indonesian Students as well as with writing journalistic pieces to be read in Indonesia.
After completing his education at the University of Baghdad in 1970, Abdurrahman Wahid went to the Netherlands to continue his education. He wanted to attendLeiden University but was disappointed as there was little recognition for the studies that he had undertaken at the University of Baghdad. From the Netherlands, he went toGermany andFrance before returning to Indonesia in 1971.
Abdurrahman Wahid returned to Jakarta expecting that in a year's time, he would be abroad again to study atMcGill University in Canada. He kept himself busy by joining theInstitute for Economic and Social Research, Education and Information [id] (LP3ES),[14] an organization which consisted of intellectuals with progressive Muslims and social-democratic views. LP3ES established the magazinePrisma and Abdurrahman became one of the main contributors to the magazine. Whilst working as a contributor for LP3ES, he also conducted tours topesantren andmadrasah across Java. It was a time whenpesantren were desperate to gain state funding by adopting state-endorsed curricula and Abdurrahman was concerned that the traditional values of thepesantren were being damaged because of this change. He was also concerned with the poverty of thepesantren which he saw during his tours. At the same time as it was encouragingpesantren to adopt state-endorsed curricula, the Government was also encouragingpesantren as agents for change and to help assist the government in the economic development of Indonesia. It was at this time that Abdurrahman Wahid finally decided to drop plans for overseas studies in favor of promoting the development of thepesantren.
Abdurrahman Wahid continued his career as a journalist, writing for the magazineTempo andKompas, a leading Indonesian newspaper. His articles were well received, and he began to develop a reputation as a social commentator. Abdurrahman's popularity was such that at this time he was invited to give lectures and seminars, obliging him to travel back and forth between Jakarta and Jombang, where he now lived with his family.
Despite having a successful career up to that point, Abdurrahman Wahid still found it hard to make ends meet, and he worked to earn extra income by selling peanuts and delivering ice to be used for his wife'ses lilin (popsicle) business.[15] In 1974, he found extra employment in Jombang as a Muslim Legal Studies teacher at Pesantren Tambakberas and soon developed a good reputation. A year later, Abdurrahman added to his workload as a teacher ofKitab al-Hikam, a classical text ofsufism.
In 1977, Abdurrahman Wahid joined theHasyim Asyari University as Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Beliefs and Practices. Again he excelled in his job and the university wanted to him to teach extra subjects such aspedagogy,sharia, andmissiology. However, his excellence caused some resentment from within the ranks of university and he was blocked from teaching the subjects. Whilst undertaking all these ventures he also regularly delivered speeches duringRamadan to the Muslim community in Jombang.
Abdurrahman's family background meant that sooner or later, he would be asked to play an active role in the running ofNahdlatul Ulama (NU). This ran contrary to Abdurrahman's aspirations of becoming a public intellectual and he had twice rejected offers to join the NU Religious Advisory Council. Nevertheless, Abdurrahman finally chose to join the Council when his own grandfather, Bisri Syansuri gave him the third offer.[16] In taking this job, Abdurrahman also made the decision to move from Jombang to Jakarta and to permanently reside there. As a member of the Religious Advisory Council, Abdurrahman envisioned himself as a reformer of NU.[17]
At this time, Abdurrahman Wahid also had his first political experience. In the lead-up to the 1982 Legislative Elections, Abdurrahman Wahid campaigned for theUnited Development Party (PPP), an Islamist Party which was formed as a result of a merger of four Islamist parties including NU. Abdurrahman Wahid recalled that the Government actively disrupted PPP's campaigns by arresting people like himself.[18] However, Abdurrahman Wahid was always able to secure his release, having developed connections in high places with the likes of GeneralBenny Moerdani.
By this time, some[who?] viewed the NU as a stagnant organization. After careful discussion, the Religious Advisory Council finally formed a Team of Seven (which included Abdurrahman) to tackle the issues of reform and to help revitalize the NU. For some members of the NU, reform in the organization involved a change of leadership. On 2 May 1982, a group of high-ranking NU officials met with NU chairmanIdham Chalid and asked for his resignation. Idham, who had guided the NU in the transition fromSukarno to Suharto resisted at first but bowed down to pressure. On 6 May 1982, Abdurrahman Wahid heard of Idham's decision to resign and approached him saying that the demands being made for him to resign were unconstitutional. With urging from Abdurrahman Wahid, Idham withdrew his resignation and Abdurrahman Wahid, together with the Team of Seven was able to negotiate a compromise between Idham and those who had asked for his resignation.[19]
In 1983, Suharto was re-elected to a fourth term as president by thePeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and began taking steps to establish thePancasila state ideology as the sole basis for all organizations. From June 1983 to October 1983, Abdurrahman was part of a team which was commissioned to prepare the NU's response to this issue. Abdurrahman consulted texts such as theQuran andSunnah for justification and finally, in October 1983, concluded that the NU should accept Pancasila as its ideology.[20] To further revitalize the NU, Abdurrahman was also successful in securing its withdrawal from PPP and party politics to allow it focus on social matters instead of hampering itself by being involved in politics.
Election to chairmanship and first term as chairman
Abdurrahman's reforms had made him popular within the ranks of NU. By the time of the 1984 National Congress, some began to state their intentions to nominate Abdurrahman as the new chairman of NU. Abdurrahman accepted the nomination, provided that he had the power to choose who would be on his leadership team. Abdurrahman was elected as the new chairman of NU during the National Congress. However, his stipulation of choosing his own team was not honored. The last day of the Congress had begun with Abdurrahman's list of team members being approved by high-ranking NU officials including outgoing Chairman Idham. Abdurrahman had gone to the Committee in charge of running the Congress and handed in his list which was to be announced later. However, the Committee in question was against Idham and announced a totally different list of people. Abdurrahman was outraged but was pressured to accept the changes made.[21]
Abdurrahman's ascendancy to the NU chairmanship was seen positively by Suharto and hisNew Order regime. Abdurrahman's acceptance of Pancasila along with his moderate image won him favor among Government ranks. In 1985, Suharto made Abdurrahman a Pancasila indoctrinator.[22] In 1987, Abdurrahman showed further support for the regime by criticizing PPP in the lead-up to the 1987 Legislative Elections and further strengthening Suharto'sGolkar Party. His reward came in the form of a membership of the MPR. Although he was viewed with favor by the regime, Abdurrahman criticised the Government over theKedung Ombo Dam project that was funded by theWorld Bank. Although this somewhat soured the cordial relationships that Abdurrahman had with the Government, Suharto was still keen on getting political support from NU.
During his first term as chairman of NU, Abdurrahman focused on reform of thepesantren education system and was successful in increasing the quality ofpesantren education system so that it can match up with secular schools.[23] In 1987, Abdurrahman also set up study groups inProbolinggo to provide a forum for like-minded individuals within NU to discuss and provide interpretations to Muslim texts.[24] Critics accused Abdurrahman of wishing to replace theArabic Muslim greeting of "assalamualaikum" with the secular greeting of "selamat pagi", which meansgood morning inIndonesian.
Second term as chairman and opposing the New Order
Abdurrahman was re-elected to a second term as chairman of NU at the 1989 National Congress. By this time, Suharto, embroiled in a political battle withABRI, began to ingratiate himself with the Muslim constituency so as to win their support. This venture reached a turning point in December 1990 with the formation of theIndonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia or ICMI). This organization was backed by Suharto, chaired byBJ Habibie and included Muslim intellectuals such asAmien Rais andNurcholish Madjid as its members. In 1991, various members of ICMI asked Abdurrahman to join. Abdurrahman declined because he thought that ICMI encouragedsectarianism and that it was mainly a means by which Suharto manoeuvred to remain powerful.[25] In 1991, Abdurrahman countered ICMI by forming theDemocracy Forum, an organization which contained 45 intellectuals from various religious and social communities. The organization was seen as a threat by the government, which moved to break up meetings held by the Democracy Forum during the run-up to the1992 Legislative Elections approached.
In March 1992, Abdurrahman Wahid planned to have a Great Assembly to celebrate the 66th anniversary of the founding of NU and to reiterate the organization's support for Pancasila. Abdurrahman Wahid had planned for the event to be attended by at least one million NU members. However, Suharto moved to block the event, ordering policemen to turn back busloads of NU members as they arrived in Jakarta. Nevertheless, the event managed to attract 200,000 attendants. After the event, Abdurrahman Wahid wrote a letter of protest to Suharto saying that NU had not been given a chance to display a brand of Islam that was open, fair, and tolerant.[26] During his second term as chairman of NU, Abdurrahman's liberal ideas had begun to turn a number of supporters sour. As chairman, Abdurrahman Wahid continued to push forinter-faith dialogue and even accepted an invitation to visitIsrael in October 1994.[27]
Third term as chairman and the lead-up toReformasi
As the 1994 National Congress approached, Abdurrahman Wahid nominated himself for a third term as chairman. Hearing this, Suharto wanted to make sure that Abdurrahman Wahid was not elected. In the weeks leading up to the Congress, Suharto supporters, such as Habibie andHarmoko campaigned against Abdurrahman's re-election. When it came time for the National Congress, the site for the Congress was tightly guarded by ABRI in an act of intimidation.[28] Despite this, and attempts to bribe NU members to vote against him, Abdurrahman Wahid was re-elected as NU chairman for a third term. During his third term, Abdurrahman Wahid began to move closer towards a political alliance withMegawati Sukarnoputri from theIndonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Capitalizing on her father's legacy, Megawati had a lot of popularity and intended to put political and moral pressure on Suharto's regime. Abdurrahman advised Megawati to be cautious and to avoid being nominated as president during the 1998 MPR General Session. Megawati ignored Abdurrahman's advice and paid the price in July 1996 when her PDI headquarters were taken over by supporters of Government-backed PDI chairman, Suryadi.
Seeing what happened to Megawati, Abdurrahman thought that his best option now was to retreat politically by getting himself back in favor with the Government. In November 1996, Abdurrahman Wahid and Suharto met for the first time since Abdurrahman's re-election to the NU chairmanship and this was followed over the next few months by meetings with various Government people who in 1994 had attempted to block Abdurrahman's re-election.[29] At the same time, however, Abdurrahman Wahid kept his options for reform open and in December 1996, had a meeting withAmien Rais, an ICMI member who had grown critical of the regime.
July 1997 saw the beginning of theAsian Financial Crisis. Suharto began to lose control of the situation and just as he was being pushed to step up the reform movement with Megawati and Amien, Abdurrahman experienced a stroke in January 1998. From his hospital bed, Abdurrahman Wahid continued to see the situation worsen with Suharto's re-election to a seventh term as president accompanied by student protests. The protests would turn into riots in May 1998 after thekilling of four students atTrisakti University. On 19 May 1998, Abdurrahman Wahid, together with eight prominent leaders from the Muslim community were summoned to Suharto's residence. Suharto outlined the idea of a Reform Committee which he had begun to propose at the time. All nine rejected Suharto's offer to join the Reform Committee. Abdurrahman Wahid maintained a more moderate stance with Suharto and called on the protesting to stop to see if Suharto was going to implement his promise.[30] This displeased Amien who was one of the most vocal of Suharto's critics at the time. Nevertheless, support for Suharto quickly ebbed away, and he resigned the presidency on 21 May 1998. Vice President Habibie became president.
President Suharto meeting with Abdurrahman Wahid in 1998
One of the immediate effects of Suharto's fall was the formation of new political parties. Under Suharto's regime, political parties had been limited to just three;Golkar,PPP, andPDI. Now with his fall, new political parties were formed, the most prominent of which were Amien'sNational Mandate Party (PAN) and Megawati'sIndonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). In June 1998, some from within the NU community began pressuring Abdurrahman Wahid to form a new political party. Abdurrahman Wahid did not warm up to the idea immediately, thinking that this would result in a political party which only catered to one religion. He was also unwilling to overrule his own decision to take NU out of politics. By July 1998, however, he began to warm up to the idea, thinking that establishing a political party was the only way to challenge the organizationally strong Golkar in an election. With that in mind, Abdurrahman Wahid approved of the formation of PKB and became the chairman of its Advisory Council with Matori Abdul Djalil as party chairman. Although it was clearly dominated by NU members, Abdurrahman Wahid promoted the PKB as a party that was non-sectarian and open to all members of society.
As opposition to the government, Abdurrahman Wahid, together with Megawati and Amien were willing to adopt a moderate stance towards Habibie's Government, preferring instead to wait for the 1999 legislative elections.[31] Nevertheless, in November 1998, in a meeting at his residence in the Jakarta suburb of Ciganjur, Abdurrahman, together with Megawati, Amien, and SultanHamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to reform. On 7 February 1999, PKB officially declared Abdurrahman Wahid as their presidential candidate.
Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid conversing during a session of the MPR
In June 1999, Abdurrahman's PKB entered the legislative elections. The PKB won 12% of the votes with Megawati's PDI-P winning the legislative elections with 33% of the votes. With her party decisively winning the legislative elections, Megawati expected to win the presidency against Habibie at the MPR General Session. However, the PDI-P did not have complete majority and formed a loose alliance with the PKB. In July, however,Amien Rais would form the Central Axis, a coalition of Muslim parties.[32] The Central Axis then began to consider nominating Abdurrahman as a third candidate in the presidential race and the PKB's commitment towards PDI-P began to waver.
In October 1999, the MPR convened and Abdurrahman threw his support behind Amien, who was elected as the chairman of the MPR. On 7 October 1999, Amien and the Central Axis, who now had the PKB on their side, officially nominated Abdurrahman as a presidential candidate.[33] On 19 October 1999, the MPR rejected Habibie's accountability speech and Habibie withdrew from the presidential race. In the hours that followed,Akbar Tanjung, chairman of Golkar and head of thePeople's Representative Council (DPR) made it clear that Golkar would support Abdurrahman in his bid for the presidency. On 20 October 1999, the MPR convened and began voting for a new president. Abdurrahman Wahid was elected as Indonesia's fourth president with 373 votes to Megawati's 313 votes.[34]
Displeased that their candidate had not won the presidency, Megawati's supporters began to riot. Abdurrahman realized that for this to stop, Megawati had to be elected as vice president. After convincing GeneralWiranto not to contest vice presidential elections and getting the PKB to endorse Megawati, Abdurrahman Wahid persuaded the demoralized Megawati to stand. On 21 October 1999, Megawati defeated the PPP'sHamzah Haz and was inaugurated as vice president.
1999 version of Abdurrahman Wahid's official presidential portraitPresident Abdurrahman Wahid with Japanese Prime MinisterKeizō Obuchi in 1999
Abdurrahman's first cabinet, known as theNational Unity Cabinet, was a coalition composed of members from several political parties, including the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB), Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN), and the Justice Party (PK). The cabinet also included non-partisan members and representatives from the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), previously known as ABRI. Upon assuming office, Abdurrahman implemented two significant administrative reforms. The first was the abolition of the Ministry of Information, which had served as the Suharto regime’s principal tool for media control. The second was the disbandment of the Ministry of Social Affairs, which had developed a reputation for corruption and extortion during the New Order period.[35]
In November, Abdurrahman embarked on his first international tour, visiting fellowASEAN member states,Japan, theUnited States,Qatar,Kuwait, andJordan. He followed up this initiative in December with a visit toChina.[36]
After just a month following the cabinet's formation, Coordinating Minister of People's Welfare Hamzah Haz resigned in November. The resignation sparked speculation, with some suggesting it stemmed from Abdurrahman's allegation—made while still in the United States—that certain cabinet members were involved in corruption. Others posited that Haz stepped down in protest against Abdurrahman's conciliatory approach towardIsrael.[37]
Regarding the conflict inAceh, Abdurrahman proposed areferendum. However, unlike the East Timor vote, this referendum would focus on determining various modes of autonomy, not independence. His strategy also involved adopting a softer approach by reducing the number of military personnel deployed in the region. On 30 December, Abdurrahman traveled to Jayapura in Papua, then officially known as Irian Jaya. During the visit, he succeeded in persuading Papuan leaders that he was committed to change. Notably, he endorsed the use of the term "Papua" to refer to the province.[38]
President Abdurrahman Wahid at the 2000 annual meeting of theWorld Economic Forum
In January, President Abdurrahman Wahid traveled overseas to attend theWorld Economic Forum in Switzerland, stopping inSaudi Arabia on his return to Indonesia. In February, he embarked on another international tour, visiting the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, Germany, and Italy. On his return journey, he also stopped in India, South Korea, Thailand, and Brunei. In March, Wahid visited East Timor, followed by a trip to South Africa in April, en route to theG77 summit in Cuba. He returned to Indonesia via Mexico City and Hong Kong. In June, he again visited the United States, Japan, and France, while adding Iran, Pakistan, and Egypt to the list of countries he had officially visited.[39]
While abroad in February, Wahid began calling for the resignation of GeneralWiranto, who served as Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. He viewed Wiranto as an impediment to military reform and a political liability due to his alleged human rights violations in East Timor.[41][42] Although initially persuaded by Wiranto to reconsider, Wahid later reaffirmed his decision and demanded the general’s resignation. In April 2000, Wahid dismissed Minister of Industry and Trade Jusuf Kalla and Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi, citing alleged corruption—though he provided no evidence.[43] These dismissals strained Wahid’s relationships with major political parties, including Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
In March 2000, Wahid’s government initiated peace negotiations with theFree Aceh Movement (GAM). By May, amemorandum of understanding had been signed, intended to last until early 2001. However, both parties violated the terms before the agreement expired.[44]
In March 2000, Wahid proposed lifting the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution that bannedMarxism–Leninism.[45] He further sought to establish commercial relations with Israel, prompting backlash from many Muslim organizations.[46] This initiative, along with Wahid’s membership in the Shimon Peres Foundation, led to diplomatic tension with Palestinian representatives in Indonesia. In response to public mischaracterizations of the president’s views, Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab demanded the replacement of Palestinian Ambassador Riddhi Awad.[47] ScholarNurcholish Madjid argued that Wahid’s personal neutrality in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict should defer to the pro-Palestinian sentiments of the Indonesian majority.[48] Wahid, who visited Israel six times, defended his stance in an Israeli media interview where he said:
"I think there is a wrong perception that Islam is at odds with Israel. This is due to Arab propaganda. We must distinguish between Arabs and Muslims. Some people in Indonesia claim that I am a stooge for the West, but the fact that I am gaining popularity over time dispels this idea, and shows that this is the view of only a small elite. I have always said thatChina and theSoviet Union owned or hadatheism as part of their constitution, but we have a long-term relationship with these two countries. SoIsrael has a reputation as a nation that upholds God and religion—therefore there is no reason we should fight Israel."[49]
One of Wahid’s key ambitions as president was to reform the military (TNI) and reduce its political influence. In March 2000, he appointed allyAgus Wirahadikusumah as Commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad). By July, Agus had begun exposing financial irregularities linked to theDharma Putra Foundation, which was affiliated with Kostrad. The move drew pressure from the military, communicated via Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri, for Agus to be removed. Wahid initially resisted but ultimately yielded, then proposed Agus for Army Chief of Staff—a nomination that provoked threats of mass military resignations, leading Wahid to withdraw the appointment.[50]
Wahid's relations with the TNI further deteriorated when the radical Islamic militiaLaskar Jihad managed to reach the conflict zone inMaluku to assist their Muslim allies in theMaluku sectarian conflict despite orders from Wahid to block their deployment. The group was later found to be receiving arms from the TNI.[51]
Two financial scandals in 2000 severely impacted Wahid’s credibility. In May, theLogistic Affairs Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 million had gone missing, allegedly collected by Wahid’s masseur on his behalf.[52] Although the money was returned, critics accused Wahid of complicity or negligence. Simultaneously, he was criticized for failing to account for a US$2 million donation from theSultan of Brunei, intended for humanitarian relief in Aceh.
Despite his controversies, Wahid remained relatively popular and retained the political support of figures like Megawati, Amien Rais, and Akbar Tandjung. At the 2000 Annual Session of the MPR, Wahid acknowledged his administrative shortcomings and announced plans to delegate daily governance to a senior minister.[53] The MPR supported this move and suggested Megawati for the role. Though no formal resolution was passed, Wahid proceeded with a cabinet reshuffle on 23 August, against Megawati’s advice to delay. The new cabinet featured fewer members, prioritized non-partisan figures, and excluded Golkar representatives. Megawati protested by refusing to attend the cabinet announcement.
In September 2000, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku amid escalating violence, fueled in part by Laskar Jihad and allegedly supported by TNI elements. The militia was believed to be financially backed by Fuad Bawazier, Finance Minister inthe final cabinet under Suharto. Meanwhile, separatist sentiment in West Papua intensified, marked by the symbolic raising of theMorning Star flag. Wahid permitted the flag to be flown as long as it was lower than the Indonesian national flag,[54] a decision that drew criticism from political elites including Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, a coordinated series of church bombings occurred in Jakarta and eight other cities.
By the end of 2000, discontent with Wahid's leadership had grown among political elites. Amien Rais, once a key supporter, publicly expressed regret for backing Wahid's presidency and began rallying opposition support, including attempts to persuade Megawati and Akbar to act against him. Megawati remained loyal, while Akbar preferred to wait until the2004 elections. In November, a petition calling for Wahid’s impeachment was signed by 151 members of the DPR.[55]
In January 2001, President Abdurrahman Wahid declaredChinese New Year an optional national holiday.[56] The following month, he lifted the longstanding ban on the public display of Chinese characters and the importation of Chinese-language publications. That same February, Wahid embarked on a diplomatic visit to North Africa and Saudi Arabia, where he also performed theHajj pilgrimage.[57] His final overseas trip as president occurred in June 2001, when he traveled to Australia.
On 27 January, Wahid held a meeting with university rectors, during which he warned of the potential for Indonesia to descend into anarchy. He suggested that, if such a situation arose, he might be compelled to dissolve the People’s Representative Council (DPR).[58] Although the meeting was meant to be off the record, Wahid’s comments sparked significant controversy and intensified opposition efforts to remove him from office. On 1 February, the DPR convened to issue a formal memorandum against Wahid—the first of two required to convene a Special Session of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) for presidential impeachment proceedings. The vote overwhelmingly favored the memorandum, with members of Wahid’s National Awakening Party (PKB) staging a walkout in protest. The decision prompted widespread demonstrations by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) members. In East Java, protestors attacked regional offices of the Golkar Party, while in Jakarta, Wahid’s critics accused him of orchestrating the unrest. Wahid denied the allegations and personally addressed demonstrators inPasuruan, urging them to vacate the streets.[59] Despite his appeal, NU supporters continued their demonstrations, and by April, publicly declared their willingness to defend Wahid’s presidency at all costs.
In an attempt to counter growing opposition, Wahid dismissed key cabinet members in March. Minister of JusticeYusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for openly calling for Wahid’s resignation, and Minister of ForestryNur Mahmudi Ismail was ousted amid suspicions that he had diverted departmental funds to support anti-government factions. In response, Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri began distancing herself from Wahid, notably absenting herself from the swearing-in ceremonies for new cabinet members. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum against Wahid and, the following day, called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August. On 12 June, Wahid reshuffled his cabinet in a last-ditch effort to consolidate political support.[60]
By July, Wahid’s position had become increasingly precarious. He ordered Coordinating Minister for Politics and SecuritySusilo Bambang Yudhoyono to declare a state of emergency. When Yudhoyono refused, Wahid dismissed him. On 20 July, MPR Speaker Amien Rais announced that the Special Session would be advanced to 23 July. The Armed Forces (TNI), whose relations with Wahid had deteriorated during his presidency, deployed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and positioned tanks with turrets aimed at the Presidential Palace in a conspicuous display of force.[61] On the day of the session, Wahid attempted to preempt proceedings by issuing a presidential decree to dissolve the MPR, despite lacking the constitutional authority to do so. The MPR ignored the decree and proceeded with the Special Session, which culminated in a unanimous vote to impeach Wahid. In the same session, the MPR formally appointed Megawati Sukarnoputri as his successor. Although Wahid continued to assert his legitimacy as president and initially refused to vacate the Presidential Palace, he ultimately departed on 25 July for medical treatment in the United States.
TheNew York Times columnist Seth Mydans describes the situation in Indonesia during his presidency:
"Many admired his leadership of the Muslim groupNahdlatul Ulama, which has a membership of 40 million, and later as president, he championed the rights of minorities, non-Muslims and the often-abused ethnic Chinese community and visitedEast Timor to apologize for Indonesian atrocities there and he also sought a peaceful solution to secessionist efforts inAceh andWest Papua. Indonesia in thepost-Suharto years was a volatile place, rocked by economic collapse, sectarian violence, separatist movements and political turmoil. But his erratic, improvisational and vague speech and his progressive liberal views were sometimes a step ahead of those of his compatriots in the world's most populous Muslim country, and his often shifting statements, elusive political alliances and elusive consensus left him alienated by his supporters and allies in government and parliament"[62]
Following his impeachment, Abdurrahman Wahid turned his attention toMatori Abdul Djalil [id], the then-chairman of the National Awakening Party (PKB). Prior to the Special Session of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), PKB members had agreed to boycott the proceedings in a show of solidarity. However, Matori chose to attend, citing his responsibilities as an MPR vice-chairman and his involvement in the impeachment process. In response, Wahid—acting in his capacity as chairman of the Advisory Council—dismissed Matori as PKB chairman on 15 August 2001, suspended him from party activities, and revoked his membership entirely by November.[63] On 14 January 2002, Matori convened a Special National Congress, attended by his supporters, which re-elected him as PKB chairman. In retaliation, Wahid held a separate National Congress on 17 January, a day after Matori’s,[64] where he was re-elected as chairman of the Advisory Council andAlwi Shihab was elected as party chairman. The faction loyal to Wahid became known as PKB Kuningan, while Matori’s faction came to be referred to as PKB Batutulis.
In theApril 2004 legislative elections, PKB secured 10.6% of the national vote[65] and nominated Wahid as its candidate for theJuly presidential election. However, after his ticket was disqualified due to him failing to pass the mandatory medical examination required by Indonesian election law, Wahid endorsedWiranto, the candidate from the Golkar Party, whose running mate was Wahid’s brother,Salahuddin Wahid.[66] The pair finished third in the election's first round. For the September runoff, which pitted Yudhoyono and Megawati, Wahid chose not to endorse either candidate and abstained from voting.[67]
In August 2005, Wahid emerged as one of the leaders of the United and Awakened Archipelago Coalition (Koalisi Nusantara Bangkit Bersatu), alongside political figures such asTry Sutrisno, Wiranto, Akbar Tanjung, and Megawati Sukarnoputri. The coalition voiced opposition to the Yudhoyono administration, particularly criticizing the government’s decision to reduce fuel subsidies, which they argued would disproportionately raise fuel prices.[68]
In September 2006, Wahid announced his intention to run in the2009 presidential election,[69] and he reaffirmed this plan in March 2008 during a PKB rally in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan.[70]
Wahid established the Abdurrahman Wahid Institute in 2004, a nonprofit organization based in Jakarta and now led by his daughter, Yenni Wahid.[71] He also served as a patron, board member, and senior advisor to the LibForAll Foundation ("Liberty for All"), which seeks to combat religious extremism and terrorism.[72] On 30 December 2005, Wahid published an article inThe Wall Street Journal titledRight Islam vs. Wrong Islam,[73] urging people of goodwill from all faiths and nations to unite against the hatred that fuels terrorism. In an interview for the documentary Inside Indonesia’s War on Terrorism, aired by SBS Dateline on 12 October 2005, he shared his suspicions about the possible involvement of the Indonesian government and armed forces in the Bali bombings.
All religions insist on peace. From this we might think that the religious struggle for peace is simple ... but it is not. The deep problem is that people use religion wrongly in pursuit of victory and triumph. This sad fact then leads to conflict with people who have different beliefs.[74]
In a 2009 dialogue with Buddhist leaderDaisaku Ikeda, Abdurrahman Wahid said:
The original meaning of jihad is "to strive." The jihad conducted by Mohammed was a propagation effort to strive tirelessly to communicate the truth of Allah to others. It is extremely dangerous to stray from that essential meaning... Islam is not a violent religion. It places great importance on love, and the Qur'an forbids the use of force for the sake of religion.[75]
In a 2002 interview with Australian television program, "Foreign Correspondent", Abdurrahman Wahid explained his respect for Israel and posed a challenging "correction" to be addressed by his fellow Muslims:
Israel believes in God. While we have a diplomatic relationship and recognizing diplomatically China and Russia, which are atheist states, then it's strange that we don't acknowledge Israel. This is the thing that we have to correct within Islam.[76]
In late December 2009, despite deteriorating health and a recent hospital stay, Wahid requested to visitRembang and Jombang. His condition worsened during the trip, and he was admitted to a hospital in Jombang on 24 December. The next day, he was transferred toDr. Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital in Jakarta fordialysis.[78] On 28 December, he underwent dental surgery after complaining of a toothache.[79][80][81] Two days later, Wahid died at approximately 6:45 pm local time (UTC+7) due to complications from kidney disorders, heart disease, and diabetes. PresidentSusilo Bambang Yudhoyono visited him shortly before his death.[82][83][84] Astate funeral was held on 31 December, and flags were flown athalf-staff for seven days.[85][86] Wahid was buried next to his grandparents and parents at his birthplace, Jombang.[87]
When Abdurrahman Wahid assumed the presidency of Indonesia, there were initial concerns regarding the direction of his foreign policy. However, his approach ultimately proved more orthodox than his prior rhetoric had suggested. Under his leadership, Indonesia secured international assurances regarding its territorial integrity, andASEAN remained a central pillar of Jakarta's foreign policy orientation. East Timor continued to be a major point of contention between Indonesia and several Western nations. TheUnited States, in particular, was hesitant to exert excessive pressure on Jakarta, perceiving Wahid’s presidency as the least undesirable outcome in terms of both domestic and international policy.[88]
Wahid was widely recognized for his visionary leadership, though he was also among the most controversial figures of his time. His contributions to theReformasi era included expanding press freedom, exemplified by the dissolution of the Ministry of Information in 1999.[89] A staunch advocate for minority rights, Wahid made a number of bold, sometimes erratic decisions. Notably, he lifted longstanding restrictions onChinese Indonesians, allowing the open celebration ofChinese New Year and symbolically ending decades of discrimination.[90] For these efforts, he was honored by segments of the Chinese Indonesian community with the title “Father of the Chinese.”[91] Revered as a cleric, Wahid commanded respect from followers of diverse faiths, as well as from non-believers. His dismissal from office, captured in a widely circulated photograph of him waving from the veranda ofMerdeka Palace, remains one of the most iconic images in Indonesian political history.[92] His unwavering support for pluralism earned him the title “Father of Pluralism.”[4] Wahid’s famous phrase, "Gitu aja kok repot" (lit.'Why fuss?'), became emblematic in Indonesian political discourse, reflecting his tendency to tackle complex issues with seemingly effortless pragmatism but often stirring controversy.[2]
In August 2021,Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs, Mahfud MD, publicly stated that Wahid's 2001 impeachment was unconstitutional and unlawful.[93] Speaking on theNahdlatul Ulama YouTube channel, Mahfud argued that the impeachment violated thePeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Resolution No. III of 1978 concerning the structure and operations of the highest state institutions.[94][95] He also highlighted inconsistencies among the three memorandums issued by the Special Session of the MPR leading to Wahid’s removal.[96]
On 25 September 2024, the MPR formally annulled Resolution No. II/MPR/2001, the legal basis for Wahid’s impeachment, thereby posthumously restoring his reputation.[97] On the same day, the MPR also partially revoked Resolution No. XI/MPR/1998, clearing the path for both Wahid and former president Suharto to be considered for National Hero status.[98]
Abdurrahman Wahid was married toSinta Nuriyah with whom he had four daughters: Alissa Qotrunnada Munawaroh, Zannuba Arifah Chafsoh (popularly known asYenny Wahid), Annita Hayatunnufus, and Inayah Wulandari.[99]
Abdurrahman Wahid wasvisually impaired throughout his presidency,[100] although some claimed that he was able to see without assistance.[101] Nevertheless, during his inauguration as president, he was helped by an army officer who acted as an assistant by re-reading the text of presidential oath during his inauguration.[102] His eyesight began to deteriorate due toglaucoma since 1985,[103] and worsened by an accident where he was hit by a car which resulted in the loss of aretina.[104] Consequently, he was helped by some trusted assistants who acted as his "eyes".[105][106] He was also alleged to havesleeping disorder as he was sometimes caught sleeping during important cabinet meetings.[107][108]
In 1993, Abdurrahman Wahid received the prestigiousMagsaysay Award for his efforts to promote inter-religious relations in Indonesia within a democratic society. The award is often referred to as 'Asia's Nobel Prize.'[109]
^abHandayani, Primastuti (31 December 2009)."Obituary: Why fuss?!".The Jakarta Post. Archived fromthe original on 12 April 2010. Retrieved31 December 2009.
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