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Anti-transgender movement in the United Kingdom

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(Redirected from21st-century anti-trans movement in the United Kingdom)

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Transgender topics
     

The early 21st century has seen a rise in and increasing organisation aroundanti-transgender sentiment in the United Kingdom.[1] The most common strain is that ofgender-critical feminism,[2] although anti-trans advocacy in Britain exists across the political spectrum.[3][4] The movement has led to substantial rollbacks in the rights of transgender people,[5] including in the areas ofgender self-identification,[2] access togender-affirming care,[3] education,[6] sports,[7] the justice system,[8] and access to social services.[1]

Background

[edit]
See also:Transgender rights in the United Kingdom

Gender Recognition Act 2004

[edit]
Main article:Gender Recognition Act 2004

In 1970, a judge ruled that transgender individuals in the United Kingdom could not change the sex recorded on their birth certificates. Following legal advocacy by trans rights organisations, theEuropean Court of Human Rights issued a ruling that the UK government's policy was in breach of human rights. This led to the implementation of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA).[9] The GRA allowed trans individuals to change their legal sex if they obtained a medical diagnosis ofgender dysphoria and had lived for two years in their "acquired" gender.[10]

In June 2020, theEuropean Commission said these medical requirements were "intrusive" and inconsistent with international human rights standards.[11] In 2021, the ParliamentaryWomen and Equalities Committee and theUnited Nations Independent Expert on sexual orientation and gender identity also called for the adoption ofgender self-identification to be the policy.[10]

Gender-critical feminism

[edit]
Further information:Gender-critical feminism

Anti-transgender advocacy in the United Kingdom initially arose among feminist advocates claiming to defendwomen's rights, with some suggesting that the trend began via the British parenting forumMumsnet.[12] This gave rise to the nickname "TERF Island" for Great Britain.[13]Gender-critical feminism, also known as trans-exclusionary radical feminism or TERFism,[a] is an ideology or movement that opposes what it refers to as "gender ideology", the concept ofgender identity andtransgender rights, particularlygender self-identification. Gender-critical feminists believe thatsex is determined by biology and immutable, and believe gender, including both gender identity andgender roles, is inherently oppressive. They reject the concept oftransgender identities,[1][18][19] and have formed alliances with right-wing,far-right, andanti-feminist organisations that have campaigned for the rollback of trans rights and restrictions ontransgender health care.[20][21] British gender critical groups have allied with theChristian right andalt-right in the United States, in particular.[22][20]

Feminist and scholarly critics have described gender-critical feminism astransphobic,[14][17][23] and it is opposed by numerous feminist,LGBTQ rights, andhuman rights organisations.[24][25] TheCouncil of Europe has condemned gender-critical ideology, along with other ideologies it says are linked to "virulent attacks on the rights ofLGBTI people" in countries such as Hungary, Poland, Russia, Turkey, and the United Kingdom.[26]UN Women has categorised the gender-critical movement as one of several extremeanti-rights movements that utilisehate propaganda and disinformation.[27][28]

Organisations

[edit]

Efforts to restrict transgender rights have arisen across the traditionalleft–right political spectrum, with prominent advocates representing thefar right and explicitanti-feminism as well asleft-wing feminism and lesbians.[3][4] Starting in the 2010s, numerous small but influential anti-trans organisations were founded.[29] Advocacy groups opposing trans rights often emphasise their support for trans individuals.[30]

Opposition to proposed changes to Gender Recognition Act

[edit]
See also:Nicola Sturgeon § Social issues

In 2016, theHouse of Commons'Women and Equalities Committee issued a report recommending that theGender Recognition Act 2004 be updated "in line with the principles ofgender self-declaration".[31][32] Later in 2016, inEngland and Wales, the government ofPrime MinisterTheresa May proposed revising the Act to allow for self-identification, with a public consultation on the reforms launched in 2018.[31][33] A majority of respondents expressed support for the proposed reforms.[34] InScotland, ahead of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election,Nicola Sturgeon, theFirst Minister of Scotland, pledged to review and reform the way that trans people could change their legal gender.[35] Sturgeon's government held two consultations on how to reform the Gender Recognition Act, one in 2018 and one in 2019.[31]

The 2016 report by the Women and Equalities Committee caused advocacy groups such asWoman's Place UK andFair Play for Women to form in opposition to the proposals. In Scotland, similar groups such as Women and Girls in Scotland,For Women Scotland and Women's Spaces formed during this period. These groups began to campaign on social media, saying the reforms would degrade or damage women's rights.[31][b] Groups of gender critical people also gathered within political parties, including Labour Women's Declaration, Liberal Voice for Women and SNP Women's Pledge.[31] In 2019,Women's Declaration International (initially formed as the Women's Human Rights Campaign) was co-founded by gender-critical feministSheila Jeffreys and Heather Brunskell-Evans to respond to the inquiry into the Gender Recognition Act. The organisation published theDeclaration on Women's Sex-Based Rights, which said that recognising trans women as women "constitutes discrimination against women" and called for the "elimination" of gender recognition laws.[37][38] Organisations that supported the Women's Human Rights Campaign includeLGB Alliance,Transgender Trend, Labour Women's Declaration, WoLF (Women's Liberation Front),Standing for Women, Safe Schools Alliance UK, OBJECT (which wants to make gender-affirming healthcare illegal for anyone under the age of 25) and For Women Scotland.[37]

Opposition to Stonewall pivot to transgender issues

[edit]
See also:Stonewall (charity) § Transgender issues

The stance of LGBTQ rights charityStonewall on transgender issues also became a point of contention for the gender-critical movement. In 2015, Stonewall began actively campaigning for transgender equality, with its then-leaderRuth Hunt issuing an apology for the organisation's prior lack of advocacy on trans issues.[39] In 2019, theLGB Alliance was established in opposition to Stonewall's support for trans rights. It said Stonewall was "undermining women's sex-based rights and protections" and "introducing confusion between biological sex and the notion of gender".[39][40] Sociologist Craig McLean describes the LGB Alliance as part of the "anti-transgender movement in the United Kingdom".[30] The LGB Alliance has said it is "not anti-trans".[41]

Opposition to gender-affirming care for young people

[edit]

Founded in 2019, theBayswater Support Group is a part of the gender-critical movement that describes itself as a support group for parents skeptical about their children's transgender identities.[42] The group has influenced policies that have rolled back transgender rights.[43][44] In 2021,Genspect was founded with close ties to the American lobby group TheSociety for Evidence-Based Gender Medicine. Both organisations have been designated asanti-LGBTQ hate groups by theSouthern Poverty Law Center. Their activities have focused primarily on lobbying within politics and the medical field against access togender-affirming care.[45][46][47][48] Genspect also opposessocial andmedical transition fortransgender people.[49]

Media coverage

[edit]

Since the late 2010s, British media outlets across the political spectrum have published articles that frame transgender rights as directly conflicting with the rights of women and children.[50][3] One such article is an editorial published inThe Guardian in 2018, arguing that there are collisions between trans rights and women's rights, followed two weeks later by a rebuttal by Guardian US journalists who said the editorial promoted transphobic viewpoints.[51][52][50]

According to criminology and queer theory professor Sarah Lamble ofBirkbeck College, gender-critical campaigners across the political spectrum describe transgender rights as directly conflicting with the safety of women and children, and these views have been "amplified by news and social media".[3] Sandra Duffy, lecturer in law at theUniversity of Bristol, described these developments as amoral panic similar to the one leading to the enactment ofSection 28 in 1988.[53] According to political economist Lisa Tilley of theUniversity of London, the British media created an environment where "male violence is also displaced from the real culprits onto vulnerable transgender people, who are demonized collectively as abusers, rather than more accurately represented as victims and survivors of abuse".[54]

Transgender activistChristine Burns said thatThe Times andThe Sunday Times newspapers published six trans-related articles in 2016, over 150 in 2017, and similarly high numbers in subsequent years, portraying trans people as dangerous and censorious. Other media outlets, includingThe Guardian and the BBC, also contributed to this trend.[50][54] In December 2020, theIndependent Press Standards Organisation reported a 414% increase in the average number of UK media stories about trans rights, rising from 34 per month in May 2014 to 176 per month in May 2019, with an additional rise to 224 stories per month in the year prior to the report.[55] According to the report, language had become more "respectful" over this period, although coverage of debate on Gender Recognition Act reform had become "heated" and "strident".[55]

A 2019 study by Paul Baker, a professor atLancaster University, found that over 6,000 articles were written in the UK press about trans people from 2018 to 2019, with many being written "in order to be critical of trans people" and cast "trans people as unreasonable and aggressive".[54]

Trans activists have accused the British media of "stoking anti-trans sentiments".[56] A prominent example was a 2021 BBC article titled"We're being pressured into sex by some trans women", which cited a social media poll from an anti-trans activist group to claim thatcisgender lesbians were being coerced into sexual activity with transgender women under threat of being labeled transphobic. The article included statements from theLGB Alliance and an individual who, shortly after the article's publication, called for the execution of all trans women. No statements from trans individuals were included in the article.[57][58]

Policy changes

[edit]

Changes in policy regarding trans rights and associated views have covered a vast range of topics.[3]

Legal status of gender-critical beliefs

[edit]
See also:Gender-critical feminism by country § United Kingdom

In 2021,Forstater v Centre for Global Development Europe established that gender-critical beliefs are protected under discrimination laws, but that this explicitly did not permit holders of these beliefs to discriminate against transgender individuals.[59] The case arose whenMaya Forstater sued her employer, the Centre for Global Development Europe, after her contract was not renewed after she expressed gender-critical beliefs.[60] In April 2021, the BritishEquality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) submitted evidence supporting Forstater in the case.[60] The EHRC said: "We think that a 'gender critical' belief that 'trans women are men and trans men are women' is a philosophical belief which is protected under the Equality Act."[61]

Gender recognition

[edit]

In the late 2010s, several groups were formed in response to the proposed reforms to the Gender Recognition Act, includingFair Play for Women,For Women Scotland, andWoman's Place UK.[34] In January 2022, the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) issued statements opposing the removal of administrative barriers for transgender people to obtain legal recognition in Scotland and recommending that the ban on conversion therapy in England and Wales exclude therapies aimed at transgender individuals.[62][63]

In February 2022,Vice News reported on leaked sections of an unpublished 2021 EHRC guidance document advising businesses and organizations to exclude transgender individuals from single-sex spaces—such as toilets, hospital wards, and changing rooms—unless they possessed a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). According to the report, the guidance, intended for release in January 2022 but unpublished as of February, was framed as protecting women. It also noted that 1% of transgender people in the UK held a GRC.[64]

In June 2022, the EHRC stated that transgender people could be excluded from single-sex spaces as long as it serves a legitimate aim, such as "privacy, decency, to prevent trauma or to ensure health and safety".[65] In July 2024, the EHRC issued further guidance clarifying that sex-based occupational requirements included sex as defined by a GRC but that, under Schedule 9 of theEquality Act 2010, employers were allowed to exclude transgender individuals, including those with a GRC, from roles with sex-based occupational restrictions. The guidance emphasised that the basis and justification for any such restrictions must be clearly stated in job advertisements.[66][67]

In April 2025, theSupreme Court ruled inFor Women Scotland Ltd v The Scottish Ministers that the definitions of "sex", "man", and "woman" in the Equality Act 2010 were meant to refer to biological sex, thus excluding people who hold a GRC from these definitions.[68][69][70] The court said that trans people could still bring sex discrimination cases "not only against discrimination through the protected characteristic of gender reassignment, but also against direct discrimination, indirect discrimination and harassment in substance in their acquired gender".[71] Shortly thereafter, the EHRC issued guidance in which they declared trans women to be "biological men" and trans men to be "biological women", and that they must be excluded from gender-segregated spaces accordingly. The guidance applies to any school, workplace, sporting body, publicly accessible service (such as restaurants, shops, hospitals, or shelters), and any association of 25 people or more. The guidance stated that while trans women and trans men must be barred from the women's and men's facilities, respectively, they could also be barred from the men's and women's as well, so long as there is at least one facility available for them to use. However, the guidance also stated that if only mixed-sex facilities were available, this could constitute discrimination against women, and that the presence of segregated spaces was compulsory in the workplace. The guidance also stated that women-only and lesbian-only groups must bar trans women from entry.[72]

Healthcare restrictions

[edit]

Bell v Tavistock

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Main article:Bell v Tavistock

In 2020, the High Court ruled in a case championed by a number of anti-trans groups and figures that transgender patients under the age of 16 could not receivepuberty blockers to prevent the development of unwanted secondary sex characteristics.[73][74] This decision led to the withdrawal of care for many patients, resulting in some undergoing the puberty of their assigned gender at birth.[75] According to a clinician speaking to iNews, this decision has led to many patients over the age of 16 having their gender-related healthcare withdrawn, even when it did not involve puberty blockers.[76] In late 2021, the ruling was overturned on appeal, allowing puberty-suppressing treatment to resume.[77]

Cass Review

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Main article:Cass Review

In April 2024, the Cass Review intoNHS England's youth gender services published its final report.[78][79] The review's recommendations were largely welcomed by the British medical community.[80] However, numerous international academics and medical organisations criticised the review's methodology and findings.[81][82] TheWorld Professional Association for Transgender Health criticised the review's methodology and evidence base, stating that it "deprives young trans and gender diverse people of the high-quality care they deserve".[83]

The review received widespread support from UK politicians and political parties,[84][85][86] as well as gender-critical groups such asSex Matters,[87]Transgender Trend,[88] andWoman's Place UK.[89]Julie Bindel said the review "vindicated" people with gender critical views.[90] The review's findings led to bans on the use of puberty blockers for transgender children, both within the NHS[91][92][93] and inprivate healthcare.[94][95][96]Wes Streeting,[97] Hilary Cass,[98] and theCommission on Human Medicines said a lack of evidence and concerns over safety were the reasons for the ban.[99] This position was disputed by several international medical organisations, including theAmerican Academy of Pediatrics, theCanadian Paediatric Society, theEndocrine Society, and the Japanese Society of Psychiatry and Neurology;[100][101][82] along with a collaboration of the German, Swiss, and Austrian medical communities led by theAssociation of the Scientific Medical Societies in Germany.[102] Many GPs also began withdrawing hormone treatment from adult trans patients, citing the Cass Review—despite the review only applying to youth services.[103]

Conversion therapy

[edit]
Further information:Transgender rights in the United Kingdom § Conversion therapy

In 2015, health organizations across the UK signed theMemorandum of Understanding on Conversion Therapy (MoU), a statement opposing conversion therapy for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. In 2017, the MoU was updated to include opposition to conversion therapy for transgender individuals.[104] In 2022, theConservative government underBoris Johnson reversed plans to include conversion therapy targeting gender identity in a proposed ban on the practice. This decision followed lobbying by gender-critical groups and drew condemnation from the coalition behind the MoU, which published an open letter criticising the government's decision. In response to the backlash, the government cancelled its first LGBTQ conference after members withdrew in protest. The gender-critical groupTransgender Trend criticised the coalition's letter, referencing the interim findings of theCass Review.[105]

The Cass Review's interim report said that affirmative approaches were not neutral, and that some professionals were scared to take "an exploratory approach or challenging approach" due to perceived pressures from organisations taking an "ideological stance". It suggested there was "a fear of being labelled transphobic" if professionals tried to explore or investigate the causes of gender non-conformity in children.[106][107] In 2024,Hilary Cass, who chaired the review, toldKemi Badenoch that the proposed conversion therapy ban was risky and toldThe Guardian that she'd been "really clear with the government that any legislation would have to take inordinate care to not make workforce problems worse than they are".[107]

In 2022, theWorld Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) and regional transgender health bodies released a statement in response toNHS England's interim service specifications, which followed the Cass Review's interim report.[108][109] The statement said:

This document seems to view gender incongruence largely as a mental health disorder or a state of confusion and withholds gender-affirming treatments on this basis. WPATH, ASIAPATH, EPATH, PATHA, and USPATH call attention to the fact that this "psychotherapeutic" approach, which was used for decades before being superseded by evidence-based gender-affirming care, has not been shown to be effective (AUSPATH, 2021; Coleman et al., 2022). Indeed, the denial of gender-affirming treatment under the guise of "exploratory therapy" has caused enormous harm to the transgender and gender diverse community and is tantamount to "conversion" or "reparative" therapy under another name.[108]

TheProfessional Association for Transgender Health Aotearoa (PATHA), a New Zealand professional organisation, said the Cass Review made "harmful recommendations" and was not in line with international consensus. It said: "Restricting access to social transition is restrictinggender expression, a natural part of human diversity." PATHA further said that several people involved in the review "previously advocated for bans ongender-affirming care in the United States, and have promoted non-affirming 'gender exploratory therapy', which is considered a conversion practice".[110]

In 2022, an NHS conference on gender dysphoria was cancelled following complaints by NHS whistleblowers, researchers, and trans rights activists, who accused a majority of the speakers as having a "record of extreme prejudice towards trans people".openDemocracy said the speakers had "close links to proponents of anti-trans conversion therapies".[111]

In November 2023, theUK Council for Psychotherapy (UKCP) issued a statement on gender-critical views, asserting that practitioners holding such views might favorconversion therapy overgender-affirming care, particularly for children and young adults with gender dysphoria.[112][113] In April 2024, the UKCP withdrew from the MoU and the Coalition Against Conversion Therapy, saying it did not want to oppose conversion therapy for young trans people.[112][114][115] This decision was criticised by other MoU signatories and over 1,500 UKCP members.[112][115][116]

Education

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In December 2021, theGirls' Day School Trust, the largest network of girls'private schools in the UK, issued a blanket ban on trans girls being admitted to any of its schools.[6] In August 2022, Attorney-GeneralSuella Braverman stated that it is lawful for schools to misgender,deadname, and exclude transgender students from certain sports; to deny enrolment based on their transgender status; and to refuse any form of gender affirmation. She further said that recognising transgender identities could be considered "indoctrinating children".[117]

In July 2025, new education guidance was implemented regarding the teaching of transgender topics in schools in England mandating that students must carefully be taught a person's rights held on the basis of "biological sex" and how the rights of a trans person of a particular gender differ from the rights of someone assigned that gender at birth. Additionally, schools are forbidden from encouraging children to question their gender, or from teaching that everyone has a gender identity; and must not advocate for social transition as a "simple solution".[118][119]

Sports

[edit]

Restrictions on sports participation have been a significant focus of the anti-trans movement in the UK.[1][3][120] In September 2021, the UK Sports Council Equality Group issued guidance asserting that, in their view, transgender inclusion and "competitive fairness" cannot coexist in sports. The SCEG based its guidance on 300 interviews regarding personal opinions on the matter, conducted across 54 sports and 175 organisations. 20 of those interviewed were trans people.[7]

In June 2022,Nadine Dorries, the UKSecretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport at the time, met with the heads of UK sporting bodies and stated that "elite and competitive women's sport must be reserved for people born of the female sex".[121][122][123] Since then, transgender women have been banned from competing inwomen's sports across various disciplines, including cycling and fishing.[124][125]

Rape law

[edit]

Under 2024 guidance published by theCrown Prosecution Service, trans people who fail to disclose theirbirth sex to a sexual partner, whether deliberately or not, are charged withrape.[126][127]

Prisons

[edit]

As of 2023, trans women imprisoned in England and Wales are to be housed in men's prisons if they have committed any violent or sexual crime, or if they have male genitalia. In late 2023, it was announced that trans women in Scotland would be sent to a men's prison only if they were convicted of or awaiting trial for a crime against a woman, and were considered to be a risk to women and girls.[128][129]

International responses

[edit]

In 2021, theCouncil of Europe's Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination issued a warning regarding the United Kingdom, stating that:

ongoing social, political and legal debate [in the United Kingdom (UK)] about whatconstitutes harmful discourse when it comes to trans people and their rights, andarguments defending freedom of expression have been – and are still being – usedas a tool to justify transphobic rhetoric, further penalising and harming alreadymarginalised trans people and communities.

The committee concluded that the "'gender-critical' movement, which wrongly portrays trans rights as posing a particular threat to cisgender women and girls, has played a significant role in this process".[8][130]

In May 2023, aUnited Nations investigation found that the BritishEquality and Human Rights Commission had intentionally acted to reducehuman rights protections for transgender individuals with legal gender recognition, and that rhetoric by both the British media and politicians had created a climate of hostility against trans people in the UK.[131][132]

Impact abroad

[edit]

United States

[edit]

The Republican Party in the 2020s has extensively cited British anti-trans measures as justification toimplement their own in the United States,both at the state and the federal level, as well as in court.[133][134][135]

Sweden

[edit]

In March 2021, theKarolinska University Hospital in Sweden announced, citing the UK court decision inBell v. Tavistock, that it would not longer prescribe puberty blockers to patients under 16, and would only allow patients between the ages of 16 and 18 to access gender affirming care as part of an approved clinical trial.[136]

New Zealand

[edit]

On 19 November 2025, the Ministry of Health under the right-wingNew Zealand First andACT party coalition and led bySimeon Brown, announced a ban on puberty blockers for minors with gender dysphoria set to take effect on 19 December 2025.[137] Minors with gender dysphoria already on puberty blockers will be able to continue them and the drug will also remain available for other uses like early onset puberty. Brown cited the Cass Review in his decision and said the ban will remain in place until the completion of the United Kingdom's clinical trial on puberty blockers. The ban was strongly condemned by the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists (RANZCP), the Professional Association for Transgender Health Aotearoa (PATHA) and multiple other doctors in New Zealand. The ban was also condemned by the opposition centre-leftLabour Party as well as members of theGreen Party.[138][139][140]

Analysis

[edit]

Criminologist Sarah Lamble ofBirkbeck, University of London writes that gender-critical activists from across the political spectrum, whether feminist or conservative, routinely argue that the rights of transgender people and "gender ideology" threaten the safety of cisgender women and children; such messages have been amplified by news reporting and social media, fuelling the rise of the gender-critical movement.[141] Lamble, alongside researcher Claire House, and sociologistSally Hines show that a reinforcing partnership between anti-transgender feminists and right-wing and far-right actors has formed since the 2010s, which has mobilised a core of activists to roll back rights and protections granted to transgender people in the UK.[142][143][144]

Sociologist Craig McLean ofNorthumbria University writes that the British anti-trans movement has been shaped by the influence of a small core of lobby groups that "have used their influence in the media to push with impunity a narrative that transwomen are not safe and should not be allowed to use female facilities. They have pushed a narrative of 'raising reasonable concerns' andjust 'asking questions', but the reality is that they have helped to demonize an already vulnerable minority."[30] He further details how they have sought to radicalise the broader electorate against transgender people.[30] Sociologist Sone Erikainen of theUniversity of Aberdeen has argued that gender-critical feminists are a vocal minority but do not represent British feminism as a whole; despite claims that gender-critical feminists have been silenced by the "trans lobby", their views have appeared in the media "sometimes more than the views of trans-affirming feminists and trans activists, and their arguments have also carried a lot of impact on policy decisions".[29]

Sociologists McLean and Stretesky argue that "a veritable miasma of anti-trans campaign groups [...] united in their antipathy toward transgender people" has contributed to an anti-trans moral panic in the United Kingdom, which they link toauthoritarian beliefs. They identify anti-trans groups such asCitizenGO,FiLiA,Fair Play for Women,Get the L Out,LGB Alliance,Sex Matters, andTransgender Trend.[145]

Surveying byYouGov in 2024 and 2025 found that inline with an increase in theanti-gender movement,[146] there has been a decrease in support of transgender people observed in polling since 2020.[147] Such surveying also found that in late 2025, 24% of trans adults reported being subjected to physical violence in public spaces, 65% reported receiving verbal abuse in public spaces, and 84% reported feeling unsafe in the United Kingdom.[148][149]

James Pickles and Ben Colliver argue that self-styled "gender critical" actors in the United Kingdom contribute to a wider social environment in which transphobic prejudice is normalised, shaping public attitudes and enabling increased hate-crime perpetration and structural harms against trans communities.[150]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^The older term, TERF, was coined by a radical feminist to distinguish between those who included trans people and those who did not.[14][15][16][17]
  2. ^Anne Maria Holli described the groups as a "women's cooperative constellation",[36] (a term referring to a "network of actors from the organisations of the state, civil society, and universities and consultancies") that directly opposed the plans of the Sturgeon government.[31]

References

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  1. ^abcdPearce, Ruth; Erikainen, Sonja; Vincent, Ben (2020)."TERF wars: An introduction".The Sociological Review.68 (4):677–698.doi:10.1177/0038026120934713.hdl:2164/18988.ISSN 1467-954X.S2CID 221097475.
  2. ^abArmitage, Luke (2020)."Explaining backlash to trans and non-binary genders in the context of UK Gender Recognition Act reform"(PDF).INSEP – Journal of the International Network for Sexual Ethics & Politics.8 (special issue):5–6.doi:10.3224/insep.si2020.02.
  3. ^abcdefgLamble, Sarah (2024)."Confronting complex alliances: Situating Britain's gender critical politics within the wider transnational anti-gender movement".Journal of Lesbian Studies.28 (3):504–517.doi:10.1080/10894160.2024.2356496.ISSN 1540-3548.PMID 38783535.
  4. ^abTudor, Alyosxa (2023)."The anti-feminism of anti-trans feminism".European Journal of Women's Studies.30 (2):290–302.doi:10.1177/13505068231164217.ISSN 1350-5068.
  5. ^Lamble (2024), p. 505: "This [anti-trans] movement has contributed to the blocking of progressive gender reform, shifting public opinion, escalating a trans-hostile environment, and rolling back trans people's rights."
  6. ^abParsons, Vic (3 January 2022)."Private schools' ban on trans girls is legally 'unwise at best', experts say".PinkNews.Archived from the original on 25 January 2022. Retrieved17 January 2022.
  7. ^abPowys Maurice, Emma (October 2021)."Glaring holes emerge in new UK trans sports guidance as athletes fear for their future".PinkNews.Archived from the original on 30 July 2022. Retrieved30 July 2022.
  8. ^abWalters, Mark Austin (2024)."Legalizing transphobia: from courtroom to legislature, how gender-critical activism is hurting us all".Journal of Law and Society.51 (3):343–366.doi:10.1111/jols.12491.ISSN 0263-323X.
  9. ^Prosser, Jay (10 August 2022)."Trans rights and political backlash: five key moments in history".The Conversation.Archived from the original on 1 June 2024. Retrieved31 October 2024.
  10. ^abDunne, Peter (30 May 2023)."Why outside experts are worried about the decline of LGBTI rights in the UK".The Conversation. Archived fromthe original on 19 August 2025. Retrieved31 October 2024.
  11. ^Legal gender recognition in the EU: the journeys of trans people towards full equality(PDF) (Report). Luxembourg:European Commission. June 2020. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 19 August 2025.
  12. ^"How Mumsnet changed Britain".The Economist.ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved25 November 2025.
  13. ^Lamble (2024), p. 507.
  14. ^abThurlow, Claire (2022). "From TERF to gender critical: A telling genealogy?".Sexualities.27 (4):962–978.doi:10.1177/13634607221107827.ISSN 1461-7382.S2CID 252662057.
  15. ^Williams, Cristan (2016)."Radical Inclusion: Recounting the Trans Inclusive History of Radical Feminism".Transgender Studies Quarterly.3 (1–2):254–258.doi:10.1215/23289252-3334463.ISSN 2328-9260.
  16. ^Rogers, Baker A. (2023). "TERFs aren't feminists: lesbians stand against trans exclusion".Journal of Lesbian Studies.28 (1):24–43.doi:10.1080/10894160.2023.2252286.ISSN 1540-3548.PMID 37679960.S2CID 261608725.many lesbians despise TERF ideology
  17. ^abBassi, Serena; LaFleur, Greta (2022)."Introduction: TERFs, Gender-Critical Movements, and Postfascist Feminisms".Transgender Studies Quarterly.9 (3):311–333.doi:10.1215/23289252-9836008.ISSN 2328-9260.S2CID 253052875.
  18. ^UK Parliament (7 December 2022)."Employment Tribunal rulings on gender-critical beliefs in the workplace". House of Commons Library.Archived from the original on 11 May 2024. Retrieved22 October 2023.
  19. ^Sullivan, Alice; Todd, Selina, eds. (2023). "Introduction".Sex and Gender: A Contemporary Reader (1st ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 1–15.doi:10.4324/9781003286608-1.ISBN 978-1-003-28660-8.
  20. ^abBillard, Thomas J (2023). "'Gender-Critical' Discourse as Disinformation: Unpacking TERF Strategies of Political Communication".Women's Studies in Communication.46 (2):235–243.doi:10.1080/07491409.2023.2193545.ISSN 0749-1409.
  21. ^
  22. ^Gusmeroli, Paolo (2024). "Is gender-critical feminism feeding the neo-conservative anti-gender rhetoric? Snapshots from the Italian public debate".Journal of Lesbian Studies.28 (3):382–399.doi:10.1080/10894160.2023.2184908.ISSN 1089-4160.PMID 36879551.
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