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| Opinion polls | ||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 67.31% (first round) 2.80pp71.63% (second round) 3.45pp | |||||||||||||||
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 First round results by powiat Second round results by powiat | ||||||||||||||||
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Presidential elections were held inPoland on 18 May 2025. As no candidate received a majority of the vote, a second round was held on 1 June 2025. Incumbent presidentAndrzej Duda was ineligible for re-election to a third term. The second round was won by conservativeInstitute of National Remembrance directorKarol Nawrocki, with 50.89% of the vote, who was backed by theLaw and Justice (PiS) party. Nawrocki defeated the progressive-liberalMayor of Warsaw,Rafał Trzaskowski, who received 49.11% of the vote,nominatedfor the second time by theCivic Coalition (KO). It was the third consecutive victory for a candidate supported by Law and Justice in the presidential elections.
In the first round, Trzaskowski narrowly came first with 31.4% of the vote, while the right-wing candidates, Nawrocki,Sławomir Mentzen (Confederation) andGrzegorz Braun (KKP) overperformed polls, winning 29.5%, 14.8% and 6.3% respectively, coming in second, third and fourth. Other candidates of the ruling coaliton underperformed and fell below expectations;[1] the centre-right candidateSzymon Hołownia (PL2050) received 4.99% of the vote while the left-wing candidates together secured 10.2%, with coalition candidateMagdalena Biejat (The Left) coming below oppositionAdrian Zandberg (Razem).[4]
Nawrocki ran on a nationalist andsocially conservative platform, focusing his campaign againstthe incumbent government. Nawrocki's platform called forsignificant government intervention in the economy, close ties between theCatholic Church and thePolish government, opposition to theEuropean Green Deal and economic regulations, themaintenance of Poland's restrictive abortion laws, also being in opposition to legalization ofsame-sex marriage orcivil unions. Trzaskowski supported moderateeconomic liberalization, socialliberalism,ecological regulations,European integration, thebroad legalization of abortion, the introduction ofsame-sex civil unions, and agreater role for the local governments ofvoivodeships. They also differed on their foreign policy approach, with Trzaskowski supporting the further strengthening of relations with theEuropean Union andapproving Ukraine's membership in NATO, and Nawrocki opposing Ukraine's accession to NATO and being against the strengthening of relations with the EU, instead supporting stronger cooperation with theUnited States. Both, however, supported continuing military support to Ukraine.[8]
Observers noted that a victory for Nawrocki would hurtDonald Tusk's government, due the governing coalition not having votes in theSejm to overrule a presidentialveto.[9] The election result continued the trend of tighter electoral margins over the last 25 years, becoming the closest in Polish history, and the streak of Law and Justice aligned presidential candidates winning presidential elections, losing onlyone out of five since its founding in 2001. The first-round results indicated a notable shift in political momentum foranti-establishmentparties, with theConfederation Liberty and Independence (Mentzen),Confederation of the Polish Crown (Braun) andRazem (Zandberg) having their best results in history. Exit polls indicated that both candidates won nearly 50% of each age demographic, a change from older voters voting for the Law and Justice candidate and younger voters voting for Trzaskowski in the prior election.[10] Anti-establishment parties gained the most of the youth vote; the far-right Sławomir Mentzen performed best among the youngest generation of Polish voters, with left-wing Adrian Zandberg coming second.[11] The election saw the largest number of candidates since the1995 presidential election, with 13 candidates running for president.
Presidential elections in Poland must be held on a day off work (Sunday or public holiday), between 75 and 100 days before the end of the term of the sitting president. However, they may be held earlier if the office becomes vacant due to the death, resignation, or removal of the incumbent.[12] TheMarshal of the Sejm is responsible for setting the date of presidential elections and in this case had three possible dates to choose from: 4 May, 11 May, or 18 May 2025.[13]
ThePresident of Poland is elected for a five-year term using thetwo-round system; if no candidate receives a majority of the vote in the first round, a run-off is held between the top two candidates. Presidents serve a five-year term and can be re-elected once. Presidential terms expire on 6 August,[14] and the president-elect takes the oath of office on the same day before theNational Assembly (a joint session of theSejm and theSenate).[15]
In order to be registered to contest the election, a candidate must be a Polish citizen, be at least 35 years old on the day of the first round of the election, and have collected at least 100,000 voters' signatures by 4 April 2025 at 16:00 (CEST).[16] In 2025, 13 candidates registered, the highest amount of candidates tied with1995.
All citizens are eligible to vote following their 18th birthday, except for those that have beendisenfranchised, stripped of public rights, or aredetained. Voters cast votes in their regional district electoral commissions (pluralPolish:okręgowe komisje wyborcze), but can also vote abroad, outside of their assigned district electoral commission, orby correspondence if they have notified the electoral commission beforehand.[16][17] Voting takes place for 14 hours, between 7:00 and 21:00 (CEST).[18]
The elections are managed by theNational Electoral Commission (Polish:Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza), which, for this election, was composed of the chairman (Sylwester Marciniak [pl]), deputy chairman (Wojciech Sych [pl]) and seven members recommended by groups in theSejm — two byCivic Coalition, two byLaw and Justice, and one respectively byPoland 2050, thePolish People's Party, andThe Left.[19][20]
The National Electoral Commission, in press conferences throughout election day, reports turnout for 12:00, 17:00 (CEST) and the final turnout.[21] For the day preceding, and day of, the election, until polls close at 21:00,election silence is in place. In the second round of the presidential election, there were 87 incidents of electoral silence being broken.[22]
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Incumbent PresidentAndrzej Duda (PiS) narrowly defeatedRafał Trzaskowski (PO) in the2020 presidential election and was sworn in for his second term on 6 August 2020.[23] Duda would govern along withPrime MinisterMateusz Morawiecki andhis cabinet until the2023 parliamentary election. The parliamentary election saw record-high turnout, with 74.4% of eligible Poles casting their vote, an increase of 12.6 percentage points since2019.
Following the2023 parliamentary election and installment of the short-livedrenomination of Mateusz Morawiecki,Donald Tusk's cabinet, comprisingCivic Coalition,Poland 2050, thePolish People's Party, and theNew Left, began governing the country. Tusk's coalition did not have enough votes to bypass the presidential veto, for which it would need 276 votes.[24]
Since the coalition's rise to power, Tusk's cabinet had pledged toderegulate the economy, cutwelfare spending andbalance the budget. In February 2025, Tusk invited billionaireRafał Brzoska andGoogle CEOSundar Pichai[25] to deregulate the Polish economy and cutlabor regulations. Tusk's proposal of Brzoska has led to media labelling him as the "PolishElon Musk", but Brzoska later abandoned the project, citing poor cooperation.[26][27][28][29] Tusk has been accused of granting Google amonopoly over theArtificial Intelligence sector in Poland via his investment agreements with Pichai.[30] In May, Tusk also promised more than one hundred laws that would help deregulate the Polish economy, but they were scrapped.[31]
The ruling coalition was composed of mostly centrist or slightly right leaning parties. However, theNew Left also being part of the cabinet, postulated decriminalization of abortion and progressive LGBT+-policies. The Sejm rejected the proposal in July 2024. Facing opposition within the ruling coalition of a large group of dissidents from thePolish People's Party, the vote failed with 218 votes against and 215 for decriminalization.[32]
On 4 April, theSejm narrowly voted (213–190, with KO, PL2050 and PSL voting for – PiS, NL and Razem against – and Konfederacja mainly abstaining) to decrease the health insurance contribution[33] (Polish:składka zdrowotna) for entrepreneurs,[34][35] which sparked protests from the left, especially members ofRazem, accusing the government of attempting to undermine and then privatize public healthcare.[36] Ultimately, Andrzej Duda vetoed the health contribution decrease on 6 May.[33]
| Potential candidates | ||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Karol Nawrocki | Tobiasz Bocheński | Przemysław Czarnek | ||||||||
 |  |  | ||||||||
| Director of theInstitute of National Remembrance (2021-2025) | Member of the European Parliament (2024-present) | Minister of Education and Science (2020-2023) | ||||||||
Because of the centralized nature of the party, the choice for selecting who the party's candidate would be fell primarily to the party chairman,Jarosław Kaczyński, based on social research[62] and the balance of factional power within the party.[63][64] Preceding the election, speculative candidates included PiS parliamentary leaderMariusz Błaszczak,MEPTobiasz Bocheński,posełZbigniew Bogucki, formerMinisterPrzemysław Czarnek, MEPPatryk Jaki, formerPrime MinisterMateusz Morawiecki, posełArkadiusz Mularczyk,IPN directorKarol Nawrocki, posełKacper Płażyński, formerDeputy MinisterTomasz Szatkowski and MEPDominik Tarczyński,[65][66] among others. President of theWorld Anti-Doping Agency,Witold Bańka, was also considered Kaczyński's favoured candidate, but he refused to run in the election.[67][68]
In an AugustRadio Maryja interview, Kaczyński stated that the selection of possible candidates was narrowing, and described that the PiS candidate must be a "young, tall, imposing, handsome" male "[with] a family".[69][70] A United Surveys poll in September 2024 suggested 29% of PiS voters supported Błaszczak, 21% supported Morawiecki, 11% supported Czarnek, 7% supported Nawrocki, 6% supported Bocheński and 6% supported Tarczyński.[71] The possibility of a primary election for the party was rumored, but ultimately, never announced.[72]
By November 2024, media speculation regarding the candidates narrowed down to, most frequently, Bocheński, Czarnek and Nawrocki.[73] According toNewsweek, Nawrocki was supported internally by party activists such asAdam Bielan,Joachim Brudziński,Sławomir Cenckiewicz,Marta Kaczyńska [pl], and Mateusz Morawiecki (despite initially desiring to himself be the candidate).[74]
Ultimately, the party selected nonpartisan Karol Nawrocki as its candidate on 22 November,[75] and declared his candidacy publicly on 24 November.[76]
| Potential candidates | ||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Rafał Trzaskowski | Radosław Sikorski | |||||||||
_(cropped).jpg) | .jpg) | |||||||||
| Mayor of Warsaw (2018-present) | Minister of Foreign Affairs (2007-2014, 2023-present) | |||||||||
Unlike the other parties, the Civic Platform historically held primary elections to select a candidate for the2010 and2020 presidential elections. In the lead-up to the election, theMayor of Warsaw,Rafał Trzaskowski, was considered the presumptive nominee of the Civic Coalition for the presidential election, running for the second time after his loss in theprevious election.[77][78]Minister of Foreign AffairsRadosław Sikorski, who previously also attempted to become the Civic Platform's candidate for the 2010 Polish presidential election and 2020[79] presidential elections, pursued the Coalition's nomination for a third time.[80] With Trzaskowski's presumptive nominee status challenged by Sikorski,[81] the Civic Coalition on 9 November announced it will be holding a presidential primary within the party to decide who will be the coalition's candidate in the election.[82]
Trzaskowski's most prominent backers wereDorota Łoboda,Sławomir Nitras,Barbara Nowacka,Agnieszka Pomaska,Adam Szłapka andCezary Tomczyk.[83] Trzaskowski was considered the candidate who could appeal to left-leaning voters.[84] He was the favorite across the race, consistently overperforming Sikorski in opinion polls.[85][86]
Sikorski was endorsed byRoman Giertych,Marta Golbik,Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska,Gabriela Morawska-Stanecka,Arkadiusz Myrcha andBogdan Zdrojewski.[83][87] His campaign was focused on being more experienced to handle the increasingly tense international situation of Poland,[84][88] and the assumption that he could gain more votes from centrist and conservative electorates in the second round, with opposition voters preferring him, in contrast to coalition voters preferring Trzaskowski.[89] Sikorski, from the position of the underdog, campaigned aggressively,[87] utilizing a powerful social media campaign,[90] manifesting in him winning Donald Tusk'sTwitter poll with 64.7% against Trzaskowski's 35.3%.[91]
Other topics in the campaign also included the2024 United States presidential election,[84][92] and the Jewish ancestry of Sikorski's wife,Anne Applebaum, which Sikorski commented as unacceptable discourse.[93][94]
On 22 November, the primary election took place, after which Trzaskowski was declared the winner the following day, with 75% of the votes, against Sikorski's 25%.[53]
Initially, the Confederation alliance planned to hold another set of primary elections in autumn, like it had donefive years prior, with bothNational Movement leaderKrzysztof Bosak,[95][96] andNew Hope leaderSławomir Mentzen[97][98] declaring their participation, withConfederation of the Polish Crown leaderGrzegorz Braun being considered a possible candidate.[99]Przemysław Wipler of New Hope ruled out the possibility of his faction allowing for Braun or any other politician to contesting the alliance's primary.[100][101]
On 13 August, Bosak stated that he would only contest a hypothetical presidential primary election for all right-wing parties, and in the event of such not being organized, endorsed Mentzen,[102] stating that holding a primary election for the alliance alone would not advance their cause.[103] Grzegorz Braun announced his disapproval for the possibility of the alliance not holding a primary, appealing for the candidate selection process to be open and procedural, instead of agreed in backroom deals.[104]
Regardless, on 20 August, Confederation announced that Mentzen would be its candidate in the election without a primary.[105][106] In opposition to this, Braun, who had been increasingly marginalized in the Confederation since the departureJanusz Korwin-Mikke from New Hope leadership,[107] declared a separate candidacy on 16 January, leaving the Confederation alliance.[108][109]
Marshal of the SejmSzymon Hołownia was the presumptive nominee,[110] announcing his candidacy on 13 November.[111] He was endorsed by thePolish People's Party[112] and theCentre for Poland[47] on 14 December, making it the first time that since1990 that the Polish People's Party did not field a presidential candidate.[46] Despite being a part of theThird Way alliance, theUnion of European Democrats chose to endorse Rafał Trzaskowski instead.[57]
The Left was splintered among its constituent parties. TheNew Left considered several candidates for President:Vicemarshal of the SenateMagdalena Biejat,MinisterAgnieszka Dziemianowicz-Bąk,Deputy Prime MinisterKrzysztof Gawkowski, MinisterKatarzyna Kotula, Mayor ofWłocławekKrzysztof Kukucki and posełŁukasz Litewka.[113][114] An important matter for some in the party was to present a female candidate.[113][115][116]Rzeczpospolita claims, however, that the party most strongly debated between Biejat and Kukucki.[117] On 15 December, the party officially endorsed Magdalena Biejat, a nonpartisan who recently seceded fromRazem.[118]
Another party in the Left,Razem, dissatisfied with the governing coalition, held a non-binding referendum to leave the Left alliance and join the parliamentarny opposition on 11-12 October, with results indicating 70% of participants supporting leaving.[119][120] As a result, it established its own parliamentary group,[121] but suffered a split, with the pro-government faction that included Magdalena Biejat aligning with the New Left.[122] On 11 January,Adrian Zandberg, Razem's leader, announced his start in the presidential election.[123]
FormerDemocratic Left Alliance posełJoanna Senyszyn declared her start in the election on 20 January,[124] successfully registering and contesting them.
Labour Union leaderWaldemar Witkowski also declared he would partake in the elections,[125] but ended up endorsing Biejat instead.[41]
Speculative candidates included military personnel, includinggeneralRajmund Andrzejczak and Head of theNational Security BureauJacek Siewiera, or journalistDorota Gawryluk.[126] None of them ran.
Throughout the candidate selection process, media presented the possibility of the ruling coalition running a single candidate.[127] Polls showed Trzaskowski as the most popular choice for a coalition candidate.[128][129] The idea of a coalition candidate was supported by the leader of the Polish People's Party,Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz,[130] but demeaned by other coalition leaders.[131][132]
A group of citizens seeking to register a candidate in the election was required to establish an electoral committee (Polish:komitet wyborczy) consisting of at least 15 members and submit a notice to theNational Electoral Commission, supported with 1,000 citizens' signatures, no later than 24 March 2025.[136] To register a candidate, an electoral committee had to submit an additional 99,000 endorsement signatures to the PKW by 4 April 2025, the final date for candidate registration.[137] The PKW verified the lists of signatures as they were submitted. The following committees and candidates applied for registration:[138][139][140]
| Candidate | Status | Date | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Sławomir Mentzen (KWiN) | Candidate registered | 3 February |
| 2 | Rafał Trzaskowski (KO) | Candidate registered | 17 March |
| 3 | Grzegorz Braun (KKP) | Candidate registered | 10 March |
| 4 | Szymon Hołownia (TD) | Candidate registered | 24 March |
| 5 | Adrian Zandberg (Razem) | Candidate registered | 24 March |
| 6 | Wiesław Lewicki (NK) | Candidacy rejected | 9 April |
| 7 | Maciej Maciak (RDiP) | Candidate registered | 9 April |
| 8 | Magdalena Biejat (Lewica) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
| 9 | Marek Woch (BS) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
| 10 | Marek Jakubiak (K’15) | Candidate registered | 4 April |
| 11 | Karol Nawrocki (PiS) | Candidate registered | 21 March |
| 12 | Wojciech Papis [Wikidata] (B [Wikidata]) | Notice accepted | |
| 13 | Romuald Starosielec [Wikidata] (RNP) | Candidacy rejected | 11 April |
| 14 | Paweł Tanajno (PL!SP) | Candidacy rejected | 11 April |
| 15 | Dawid Jackiewicz (ind.) | Candidacy rejected | 9 April |
| 16 | Aldona Skirgiełło (SRP) | Notice accepted | |
| 17 | Dominika Jasińska [Wikidata] (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 18 | Joanna Senyszyn (SLD) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
| 19 | Krzysztof Tołwiński (FRONT) | Notice accepted | |
| 20 | Eugeniusz Maciejewski (PIAST-JMENiŚ) | Notice accepted | |
| 21 | Katarzyna Cichos (ind.) | Notice accepted / withdrew[e] | 8 March |
| 22 | Piotr Szumlewicz (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 23 | Jan Kubań (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 24 | Włodzimierz Rynkowski (ZS) | Notice accepted | |
| 25 | Marcin Bugajski [Wikidata] (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 26 | Jolanta Duda (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 27 | Artur Bartoszewicz (ind.) | Candidate registered | 17 March |
| 28 | Kamil Całek [Wikidata] (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 29 | Krzysztof Andrzej Sitko [Wikidata] (AS [Wikidata]) | Notice accepted / withdrew[f] | 29 March |
| 30 | Jakub Perkowski (FdR) | Notice accepted | |
| 31 | Sebastian Ross (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 32 | Marta Ratuszyńska (DR) | Notice accepted | |
| 33 | Stanisław Żółtek (KNP) | Notice accepted / withdrew[g] | 20 March |
| 34 | Krzysztof Stanowski (ind.) | Candidate registered | 11 April |
| 35 | Robert Śledź (PIN) | Notice accepted | |
| 36 | Adam Nawara (PL!SP) | Notice accepted | |
| 37 | Grzegorz Kołek (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 38 | Tomasz Ziółkowski (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 39 | Roman Jackowski (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 40 | Piotr Daniel Lechowicz (KWiN) | Notice accepted | |
| 41 | Robert Więcko (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 42 | Zbigniew Litke (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 43 | Grzegorz Niedźwiecki (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
| 44 | Maria Leśniak-Wojciechowska (RNP) | Notice rejected | |
| 45 | Katarzyna Łysik (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 46 | Dariusz Eligiusz Staszczak (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
| 47 | Artur Szostak (P3) | Notice rejected | |
| 48 | Andrzej Jan Kasela (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
| 49 | Krzysztof Kaszewiak (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
| 50 | Zbnigniew Józef Burzyński (WiS) | Notice rejected | |
| 51 | Mieczysław Eugeniusz Sendecki (ZS) | Notice rejected | |
| 52 | Sławomir Grzywa (SS) | Notice rejected | |
| 53 | Krzysztof Olaf Samberger (ind.) | Notice rejected |
 | This sectionis missing information about the campaign stances of other candidates. Please expand the section to include this information. Further details may exist on thetalk page.(July 2025) |
Karol Nawrocki pitted his campaign against the unpopular[h] government and Prime Minister, declaring the election as a referendum on the Tusk cabinet,[142] and attacking Trzaskowski for being the vice-chairman of the rulingCivic Platform.[143] He portrayed himself as a nonpartisan "citizens' candidate" (Polish:kandydat obywatelski) supported byLaw and Justice, as he was never a member of any political party,[144] and as an authentic "flesh and bone man" (Polish:człowiek z krwi i kości), contrasting with Trzaskowski by calling him the product of a political laboratory.[145] Nawrocki's campaign was oriented around the welfare of citizens, national security and infrastructural development.[146]
Rafał Trzaskowski defended the incumbent coalition government, blaming its inaction on the presidential veto of incumbent presidentAndrzej Duda.[147] He portrayed himself as a competent and educated candidate, highlighting his knowledge of foreign languages, education and political experience,[148][149] promising to be independent of party decisionmaking.[150] He challenged Nawrocki's nonpartisan presentation, attacking him as the "decision of the [PiS] party chairman".[151]
Sławomir Mentzen presented himself as the anti-establishment candidate who would take on the "duopoly" of theLaw and Justice andCivic Platform parties, which have dominated politics since the2005 parliamentary election.[152] He was the dominant candidate in social media and among the youth. He also campaigned on polling indicating himself to have the highest chance out of all the right-wing candidates to defeat Trzaskowski in the second round of the election.[153][154] He focused his campaign on economic and security issues, most prominently tax reform, immigration and military readiness for war.[155]
Grzegorz Braun ran on the slogan "This is Poland!". Braun's campaign was also unique in making populist demands, such as the exhumation of theJedwabne pogrom victims, releasing classified files on the dissolution of theMilitary Information Services, and restarting investigations into deaths ofJerzy Popiełuszko,Andrzej Lepper,Sławomir Petelicki andMarek Papała. Braun became popular for controversial stunts during his campaign; he organized protests that successfully forced the German supermarket chainLidl to resign from building a store near the place of Marian apparitions inGietrzwałd, winning over voters concerned with preserving Catholic tradition,economic nationalism and limiting foreign capital in Poland.[156] Braun's campaign and rhetoric was described by critics as "hostile to democracy, full of conspiracy theories, religiously fundamentalist, and often openly anti-Semitic and anti-Ukrainian",[157] while supporters praised his "fight for truth, authenticity", "soldier-like" dedication to the values ofGod, Honour, Fatherland, and challenging the submissive attitude of the Polish governments towards Ukraine, Israel and NATO.[158] His campaign was centered onPolish nationalism, Catholic tradition and opposition to NATO and the European Union.[159][160]
Szymon Hołownia promised to support "local Poland",decentralize the state administration and applyreferendums to resolve polarizing issues. He presented himself as a "candidate for the people", as opposed to a partisan candidate. Hołownia highlightedenergy transition, housing prices, national security and children's safety from technology addiction as campaign issues.[161]
Adrian Zandberg, a leftwing candidate, contrasted himself against former party ally Magdalena Biejat in his criticism of the ruling coalition, which he criticized as corrupt and ineffectual in resolving problems of the citizens.[162] He presented himself as an anti-establishment candidate, fighting for votes among Mentzen's young anti-establishment base.[163] Zandberg's campaign oriented around infrastructural development, reducing housing prices and improving Poland's healthcare system.[164]
Magdalena Biejat, a former member of Zandberg'sRazem party, criticized Zandberg for his opposition to the ruling government, highlighting the pro-governmentLeft's accomplishments as allies of the Prime Minister.[162] Biejat focused on issues such as housing prices, legalization of abortion and secularization.[165]
Nawrocki's program was described aseconomically interventionist,[166] or economically left-wing.[167] Nawrocki described himself as a strong supporter of armaments and social investment programmes. Nawrocki supported large economic investments; he strongly supports theCentral Communication Port (Polish:Centralny Port Komunikacyjny, CPK) project,[168] and praised theCentral Industrial Region andStocznia Gdynia schemes developed in the interwarSecond Polish Republic.[169] Nawrocki expressed his fascination with other large investments such as theVistula Spit canal andŚwinoujście LNG terminal, wanting to pursue similar undertakings.[170] He promised investments of new infrastructure in everygmina.[146]
During the campaign, Trzaskowski was described asneoliberal.[171] He opposed increasing social spending and expressed openess toausterity policies.[172] He proposed to remove child benefits from unemployed Ukrainian refugees,[173] endorsed Rafał Brzoska's "deregulation task force" and wanted to accelerate the process of deregulation,[174] and pledged to sign the government's bill to cut health insurance tax for entrepreneurs.[175]
Braun promised to oppose any budget bill "that allocates a singlezłoty to matters unrelated to Poles"; this included opposing welfare benefits for Ukrainian immigrants and Jewish property claims. He also demanded a revesal of "selling off Polish land and resources". He argued that Poland should generate energy from both renewable and non-renewable sources, focusing on lowering life costs instead of minimizing the enviornmental impact.[176]
Nawrocki opposed adoption of theEuro as Poland's currency. He also opposed theEuropean Green Deal as well as theEU–Mercosur Association Agreement and further EU economic regulations.[177][178][179]
Hołownia opposed adoption of the Euro until Poland's economy is ready for its adoption, drawing criticism for changing his rhetoric from strong support of the currency.[180][181]
Braun advocatedmultilateralism - he supportedPolexit, supported securing mutual energy and safe border agreements with Belarus, sought to withdraw Polish aid to Ukraine, and criticized the Polish government for becoming "the servants of Ukraine". Braun also campaigned on pursuing good relations with the Russian Federation and punishing Israel for the "Israeligenocide in Gaza".[182]
The enactment of acadastral tax (Polish:podatek katastralny) on owners of several properties was seen as a way to remedy the increasing cost of housing within cities. A SW Research poll showed that, overall, 40% of respondents supported and 34% opposed the introduction of a cadastral tax.[183] Another proposed solution was the construction of low-rent housing by the state.
Nawrocki's stance on the cadastral tax idea was criticized as contradictory, with him stating opposition to a cadastral tax, yet supporting taxation of properties possessed by owners of three or more houses.[184][185] He promised to lower the cost of housing in the country, stating he would "fight for cheap housing".[186]
Trzaskowski's electoral committee declared its candidate was against the introduction of a cadastral tax and in favor of state construction of housing.[187]
Mentzen opposed cadastral taxes and was against state construction of low-rent housing.[155]
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Nawrocki ran a nationalist andsocially conservative campaign,[188] portraying the government asgender ideology radicals.[189] He was opposed to the easing ofPoland's abortion laws and the introduction ofsame-sex marriage orcivil unions, instead supporting the instatement ofclosest person [pl] status for homosexual couples.[190]
Trzaskowski was ideologicallyculturally liberal, supporting causes such as theLGBT rights movement, same-sex civil unions and abortion legalization, but moderated by standing againstsame-sex adoption and distancing himself from the LGBT movement.[191][192] Trzaskowski stated he would appear at the nationalistIndependence March if he won the election,[193][194] despite usually obstructing the event's occurrence asMayor of Warsaw.[195]
Mentzen emphasized protection of free speech in his campaign, standing against "leftwingpolitical correctness". Mentzen supported easinggun laws,legalization of marijuana andgambling. However, he also declared his opposition to legalized abortion.[155] During the campaign, he refrained from tackling LGBT rights issues.[196]
Braun postulated a total abortion ban, abolition of healthcare monopolies, Polish exit from theWorld Health Organization, universal access to guns, abolition ofcompulsory vaccination and introduction ofschool vouchers.[159]
Nawrocki supported social welfare programmes,[177] calling for "a welfare state with zero VAT on food".[197] He stressed the lack of transport in Poland and has pledged to develop rail infrastructure in underdeveloped regions of the country.[198] His other proposals include abolishing tax on savings and increasing the annual indexation of pensions.[199] He also expressedwelfare chauvinist views — believing that Poles are "treated worse in their own country than immigrants", Nawrocki argued that social benefits in Poland should be for Poles only, and pensions for unemployed Ukrainian refugees should be eliminated; additionally, Polish citizens should have a priority in healthcare, school and kindergarten queues.[200][201]
Mentzen's campaign oriented around the lowering of taxes, removing theinheritance tax,capital gains tax, and simplifying thepersonal income tax,corporate tax,value-added tax, among others.[155]
Braun supported the abolition ofincome tax,corporation tax and compulsory health insurance.[176]
Sławomir Mentzen of theConfederation alliance was the first candidate to begin an electoral campaign on 31 August 2024, drawing criticism and accusations of illegality from politicians of other parties for its early start.[202]Marshal of the SejmSzymon Hołownia from thePoland 2050 party declared his candidacy on 13 November.[111] The Civic Coalition (KO)selected its candidate in a presidential primary on 22 November afterMinister of Foreign AffairsRadosław Sikorski challenged presumptive nominee,Mayor of WarsawRafał Trzaskowski, who was KO's 2020 presidential candidate.[203] Following the KO primary,Institute of National Remembrance chairmanKarol Nawrocki was endorsed by theLaw and Justice party on 24 November as an officially independent candidate, as he never belonged to any political party.[204] Other groups also ran their own candidates. Parties of the left, theNew Left andRazem, selectedMagdalena Biejat andAdrian Zandberg respectively. On the right, theFree Republicans group endorsedMarek Jakubiak, and theConfederation of the Polish Crown ranGrzegorz Braun after splitting off from Mentzen's Confederation. Other candidates, not representing parties in parliament, also appeared:Artur Bartoszewicz (independent),Maciej Maciak (Prosperity and Peace Movement),Joanna Senyszyn (Democratic Left Association),Krzysztof Stanowski (independent) andMarek Woch (Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy). In total, the first round of the election had 13 candidates on the ballot, the largest amount of candidates tied with the1995 presidential election.
Speculation swiftly began on whether PiS would replace Nawrocki when it was revealed that he had contact with a future criminal as part of his time as a boxer two decades prior, for which he was attacked by opposing politicians.[205] Polling showed, however, that the vast plurality of people did not expect Nawrocki to be replaced.[206] Nawrocki would continue being PiS' presidential candidate going into the first round and would face further controversies about his private life.
At the party conference on 2 March, Nawrocki declared the election a "referendum on rejecting Tusk",[142] which would remain a theme throughout the campaign, referenced in events like the successfulZabrze recall referendum for the city's KO-aligned mayor, which occurred a week before the first round of the election.[207] On 13 February 2025, Nawrocki was endorsed bySolidarity, Poland's largest trade union, pledging not to raise the age of retirement and to defend theminimum wage.[208] Following the first round, on 20 May,Rural Solidarity also endorsed Nawrocki.[209] At Nawrocki's electoral convention inŁódź on 26 April, he earned the endorsement of outgoingpresidentAndrzej Duda,[210] who previously refrained from issuing endorsements or supporting any of the candidates.[211] Nawrocki also secured the support ofDonald Trump, withKristi Noem endorsing him at the first PolishCPAC event nearRzeszów on 27 May.[212]
During the campaign, Trzaskowski took a "turn to theright";[213] Trzaskowski put forward the idea to limit welfare programs for non-workingUkrainian refugees[191][214] which was proposed in the Sejm by Law and Justice on 20 January to "check" the genuinity of Trzaskowski's proposal.[215] While being a supporter ofLGBT rights, he was not outspoken about it.[191] During the first TVP debate in Końskie, after being given anLGBT flag by Nawrocki, Trzaskowski first hid and then gave away the flag to his opponent, Magdalena Biejat.[191] Despite being a supporter ofsame-sex civil unions, he spoke out againstsame-sex adoption.[191][192]
Mentzen and Braun, who would come third and fourth in the election, campaigned along right-wing social and economic lines. Mentzen, who polled best among the youth, and eventually won the demographic,[216] visited the largest amount ofpowiats out of all the other candidates.[217] Some commentators believed Mentzen had a chance to enter the second round, and by March, Mentzen was rising inopinion polling, in some of them even slightly coming ahead of Nawrocki.[218] However, he began declining afterwards.[219][220]
In March, a controversy erupted over an abortion conducted in the 36th week of pregnancy of a fetus with abirth defect in a hospital inOleśnica.[221] Right-wing politicians criticized the abortion. President Duda called the act barbaric,[222] Nawrocki called it murder and stated that the state should help children with disabilities,[223] Braun came to notoriety regarding the incident when on 16 April, he, along with others, stormed into the hospital and constrained the gynecologist who conducted the abortion for several minutes, claiming to be doing aposeł's intervention [pl][221] for which, alongside other incidents, he lost hiseuroparliamentary immunity.[224] On 27 March, Mentzen held an interview with candidate Krzysztof Stanowski, during which his assertion expressing unconditional opposition to abortion and describing pregnancy resulting from rape as "unpleasant" sparked significant backlash,[225] with some commentators attributing his decline in polling by late March to this statement.[226]
An important election issue was the matter of the health insurance contribution (Polish:składka zdrowotna), with the country's poor healthcare being amongst the most important problems.[227] In April, the center and center-right parties in the coalition government narrowly voted to decrease the health insurance contribution for entrepreneurs,[227] which sparked protests from the left, especially MPs fromRazem, accusing the government of attempting to undermine and then privatize public healthcare.[36] On 11 April, Razem's leader, Adrian Zandberg, missed the first TVP debate to have an audience with PresidentAndrzej Duda about the health contribution,[228] which he vetoed on 6 May. Following Duda's veto of the decrease, Trzaskowski defended his party's health insurance contribution proposal, stating it would lead to increase the amount of money in the healthcare system,[229] with Hołownia also approving of the proposal. Meanwhile, Nawrocki and Biejat disagreed, speaking of the already poor state of Poland's healthcare.[230]
 | This section needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(June 2025) |
During the course of the campaign, public criticism emerged over Nawrocki's acquisition of a second apartment from an elderly man in pre-trial detention. As Nawrocki had declared to own just one apartment during a debate,Onet publicized information about him owning a second one. The candidate proceeded to declare that he had acquired the second apartment from the elderly man for pledging lifelong care in exchange, however it was revealed the man was placed in a state care facility without Nawrocki's involvement.[231] Amid accusations of exploitation, Nawrocki defended the deal's legality and promised to donate the property to charity.[232]
Trzaskowski and Nawrocki advanced to the second round, with Nawrocki overperforming in the polls. Hołownia and Biejat quickly endorsed Trzaskowski,[233][234] and Jakubiak endorsed Nawrocki.[235] Mentzen, who came third in the first round with 14.8% of the vote, called both advancing candidates to meet with him in a public meeting, and presented a set of eight points[i] for each candidate to sign onto,[236] which were signed by Nawrocki.[237][238][239] Trzaskowski also appeared on 24 May 2025, agreeing with four out of the eight points, but not agreeing to sign onto them,[240] and being more assertive towards the host.[226] Following Trzaskowski's appearance, he went out to drink with Mentzen, generating accusations of Mentzen being a traitor by Confederation figures.[241][242] Trzaskowski, meanwhile, faced criticism fromLeft supporters, which were dissatisfied with him drinking with a far-right politician.[243][244]
Shortly after the completion of the first round, both candidates announced launching rallies of support to be held inWarsaw on the same day, 25 May.[245] Differing turnout estimates were presented, ranging between 130,000 and 160,000, includingRomanian president-electNicușor Dan,[246] for Trzaskowski's march and between 50,000 and 70,000 for Nawrocki's rally.[247][248]
Throughout the second round, Nawrocki encountered a set of new controversies involving his personal life, beginning with the revelation that he had previously participated in a 70 vs 70football hooligans' fight (Polish:ustawka) between fans ofLechia Gdańsk andLech Poznań.[249] Facing criticism, he accused Prime Minister Tusk of likewise participating in football hooliganism in his youth, and called the fights "noble battles".[250][251] It also came to light that Nawrocki hadChelsea F.C. and Lechia Gdańsk tattoos on his torso.[252] Further controversies about Nawrocki's personal background emerged due to allegations of him having worked as a bodyguard for prostitutes in a five-starGrand Hotel inSopot in his youth[253][254][255] and usingsnus while on air during a presidential debate,[256][257] causing allegations of him possibly being heavily addicted to nicotine.[258][259]
Meanwhile, Trzaskowski's campaign was hampered by party colleagues — KO posełKinga Gajewska was criticized for taking photos handingnursing home residents sacks of potatoes,[260][261] former PresidentBronisław Komorowski claiming he most proudly hunts ducks (Polish:Kaczory, implying PiS leadersLech andJarosław Kaczyński),[262][263] and Prime Minister Donald Tusk citing convicted[264] Freak Fighter Jacek Murański as his main source for Nawrocki's Grand Hotel allegations, sounding like he was favoring Murański's comments more than the research conducted by his own government ministries in the early 2010's.[265][266]
| This section needs to beupdated. The reason given is: Needs information about debates between 11 April 2025 and 12 May 2025. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(June 2025) |
Ten debates were organized, with eight directly between candidates participating in the election, with most excludingMaciej Maciak. Due to the boycotting of debates hosted by the right-wingTV Republika by Trzaskowski and Biejat, the two candidates had the lowest turnout, with Trzaskowski or his representative appearing at only 56% of the debates he was invited to.
On 11 April 2025, two debates took place inKońskie, widely described as chaotic.[319][320][321][322] One was organized by TV Republika,wPolsce24 [pl] and the CatholicTelewizja Trwam, with five candidates participating (Hołownia, Jakubiak, Nawrocki, Senyszyn, Stanowski).[320] Another one, organized by Trzaskowski's committee and moderated by journalists of TVP, TVN and Polsat, was held at the town's sports hall once the candidates from the earlier debate joined Biejat, Maciak and Trzaskowski.[319] The former was initiated in opposition to the latter event,[323] which organization started spontaneously on 9 April,[321] and which in the beginning was meant for just the two leading candidates, however other ones were also invited just shortly before its planned start.[319]
On 12 May 2025 an official presidential debate involving all 13 candidates was hosted by the state broadcasterTelewizja Polska. During the debate, two questions were published by an employee of the broadcaster Jarosław Olechowski onTwitter prior to being asked by the hostDorota Wysocka-Schnepf [pl]; one at the time of their publication, the other over an hour later.[324]
On 23 May 2025, the first second-round debate was held between Nawrocki and Trzaskowski. The debate had thematic sections for healthcare, foreign policy, economics, welfare, security and social policy.[325] Nawrocki was criticized for using a nicotine pouch (snus) in the middle of the debate.[326] Meanwhile, Trzaskowski caused controversy for callingStowarzyszenie Demagog [pl] to fact-check Nawrocki, which confirmed Nawrocki's statement.[327]
The final debate of the election, organized byTelewizja Republika, was set to take place on 28 May 2025 in the market square ofKońskie. However, Trzaskowski ultimately declined the invitation and instead travelled toKalisz to speak with voters in a one-on-one format there. Nawrocki's televised conversation with the town's residents was interrupted byWitold Zembaczyński, who drew attention to himself using a deck of cards and by running in front of the stage.[328]
JournalistKrzysztof Stanowski, himself a candidate, held extensive interviews with all of the other candidates,[329] except forMaciej Maciak, the interview with whom was ended abruptly just after a few minutes once Maciak expressed favorable views about the Russian presidentVladimir Putin.[330] Stanowski's interviews had a major influence on the course of the electoral campaign.[331]
| # | Date | Time (CEST) | Location | Hosted by | Host(s) | Ref |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 11 April 2025 | 18:50 | Końskie |
| [332] | |
| 2 | 11 April 2025 | 20:44 | Końskie |
|
| [333][334] |
| 3 | 14 April 2025 | 20:03 | Warsaw | TV Republika | [335][336] | |
| 4 | 28 April 2025 | 18:00 | Warsaw | Super Express |
| [337][338][339][340] |
| 5 | 30 April 2025 | 20:00 | Gdynia | Campaign teams of Biejat andHołownia |
| [341][342] |
| 6 | 5 May 2025 | 20:00 | Polsat studio | Polsat News | [343] | |
| 7 | 9 May 2025 | 20:00 | Warsaw |
| [344][345] | |
| 8 | 12 May 2025 | 20:00 | TVP headquarters, Warsaw |
| [346] | |
| 9 | 23 May 2025 | 20:00 | TVP headquarters, Warsaw | [o] |
| [347] |
| 10 | 28 May 2025 | 20:00 | Końskie | TV Republika | [348][349][350] |
The following is a table of participating candidates in each debate:
| Candidate | ||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| P Present I Invited, not present N Not invited | Total | Attnd. | ||||||||||
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6[p] | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | |||
| Bartoszewicz | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
| Biejat | I | P | I | P | P | P | I | P | N | N | 5 | 63% |
| Braun | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
| Hołownia | P | P | P | P | P | P | P | P | N | N | 8 | 100% |
| Jakubiak | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
| Maciak | N | P | N | P | N | N | N | P | N | N | 3 | 100% |
| Mentzen | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
| Nawrocki | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | P | P | 9 | 100% |
| Senyszyn | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
| Stanowski | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
| Trzaskowski | I | P | I | P | N | P | I | P | P | I | 5 | 56% |
| Woch | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N[q] | 5 | 71% |
| Zandberg | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
_03.jpg)
Marshal of the SejmSzymon Hołownia announced the election day on 8 January 2025;[352] the following schedule was approved by theNational Electoral Commission on 15 January 2025:[16]
| Timeline of the 2025 Polish presidential election | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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In the first round Trzaskowski came first with 31% of the vote, with Nawrocki coming in second with 30%, advancing to the second round. The right-wing candidates Nawrocki, Mentzen and Braun overperformed polls, received 30%, 15% and 6% respectively, finishing second, third and fourth.[353][354] Hołownia and Biejat underperformed, coming fifth and seventh, the latter coming below her left-wing rival, Zandberg.[2][3]
In the second round, according to an exit poll byIpsos, Trzaskowski received 50.3% of the vote and Nawrocki 49.7%, however, the margin of 0.6% was within the margin of error. Shortly after the poll was released, Trzaskowski claimed victory giving a speech to supporters in Warsaw.[355] A late poll, released by Ipsos at 23:00, later indicated that Nawrocki came first with 50.7% of the vote.[356] After all votes were counted, Nawrocki's vote share ended with 10,606,877 votes (50.89%), against Trzaskowski's 10,237,286 (49.11%).[357]
| Candidate | Party | First round | Second round | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||
| Karol Nawrocki | Independent (PiS) | 5,790,804 | 29.54 | 10,606,877 | 50.89 | |
| Rafał Trzaskowski | Civic Coalition (PO) | 6,147,797 | 31.36 | 10,237,286 | 49.11 | |
| Sławomir Mentzen | Confederation (New Hope) | 2,902,448 | 14.81 | |||
| Grzegorz Braun | Polish Crown | 1,242,917 | 6.34 | |||
| Szymon Hołownia | Third Way (Poland 2050) | 978,901 | 4.99 | |||
| Adrian Zandberg | Partia Razem | 952,832 | 4.86 | |||
| Magdalena Biejat | Independent (The Left) | 829,361 | 4.23 | |||
| Krzysztof Stanowski | Independent | 243,479 | 1.24 | |||
| Joanna Senyszyn | Independent (SLD) | 214,198 | 1.09 | |||
| Marek Jakubiak | Free Republicans | 150,698 | 0.77 | |||
| Artur Bartoszewicz | Independent | 95,640 | 0.49 | |||
| Maciej Maciak | Independent (RDiP) | 36,371 | 0.19 | |||
| Marek Woch | Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy | 18,338 | 0.09 | |||
| Total | 19,603,784 | 100.00 | 20,844,163 | 100.00 | ||
| Valid votes | 19,603,784 | 99.56 | 20,844,163 | 99.10 | ||
| Invalid/blank votes | 85,813 | 0.44 | 189,294 | 0.90 | ||
| Total votes | 19,689,597 | 100.00 | 21,033,457 | 100.00 | ||
| Registered voters/turnout | 29,252,340 | 67.31 | 29,363,722 | 71.63 | ||
| Source:National Electoral Commission | ||||||
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Voivodeship | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen Confederation | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | |||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | |
| Lower Silesian | 519,319 | 36.52 | 362,779 | 25.51 | 192,749 | 13.56 | 77,921 | 5.48 | 66,643 | 4.69 | 80,976 | 5.70 | 66,320 | 4.66 | 17,430 | 1.23 | 17,342 | 1.22 | 2,717 | 0.68 | 6,727 | 0.47 | 2,717 | 0.19 | 1,249 | 0.09 |
| Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 339,442 | 35.63 | 251,323 | 26.38 | 141,713 | 14.87 | 49,699 | 5.22 | 49,495 | 5.19 | 41,052 | 4.31 | 44,077 | 4.63 | 12,039 | 1.26 | 10,304 | 1.08 | 2,087 | 0.67 | 4,296 | 0.45 | 2,087 | 0.22 | 879 | 0.09 |
| Lublin | 213,269 | 20.65 | 402,906 | 39.02 | 170,886 | 16.55 | 96,862 | 9.38 | 44,662 | 4.32 | 36,471 | 3.53 | 28,625 | 2.77 | 10,828 | 1.05 | 9,009 | 0.87 | 2,143 | 0.93 | 5,551 | 0.54 | 2,143 | 0.21 | 1,811 | 0.18 |
| Lubusz | 183,321 | 40.49 | 105,266 | 23.25 | 64,452 | 14.23 | 25,954 | 5.73 | 22,352 | 4.94 | 18,325 | 4.05 | 17,529 | 3.87 | 5,159 | 1.14 | 4,520 | 1.00 | 779 | 0.58 | 2,133 | 0.47 | 779 | 0.17 | 383 | 0.08 |
| Łódź | 377,192 | 30.27 | 400,817 | 32.17 | 172,049 | 13.81 | 75,641 | 6.07 | 58,080 | 4.66 | 56,702 | 4.55 | 56,981 | 4.57 | 15,248 | 1.22 | 13,629 | 1.09 | 2,391 | 0.82 | 6,133 | 0.49 | 2,391 | 0.19 | 1,043 | 0.08 |
| Lesser Poland | 445,859 | 24.41 | 643,054 | 35.21 | 295,847 | 16.20 | 120,425 | 6.59 | 89,634 | 4.91 | 99,552 | 5.45 | 63,052 | 3.45 | 22,519 | 1.23 | 18,951 | 1.04 | 2,845 | 0.82 | 8,090 | 0.44 | 2,845 | 0.16 | 1,592 | 0.09 |
| Masovian | 957,329 | 31.52 | 897,133 | 29.53 | 409,064 | 13.47 | 170,378 | 5.61 | 150,536 | 4.96 | 168,936 | 5.56 | 151,315 | 4.98 | 42,731 | 1.41 | 38,173 | 1.26 | 4,944 | 0.94 | 15,830 | 0.52 | 4,944 | 0.16 | 2,736 | 0.09 |
| Opole | 148,253 | 35.59 | 107,179 | 25.73 | 63,664 | 15.28 | 26,750 | 6.42 | 23,534 | 5.65 | 16,984 | 4.08 | 14,838 | 3.56 | 5,116 | 1.23 | 3,976 | 0.95 | 936 | 0.68 | 2,107 | 0.51 | 936 | 0.22 | 408 | 0.10 |
| Subcarpathian | 188,299 | 17.90 | 449,871 | 42.77 | 185,021 | 17.59 | 96,959 | 9.22 | 40,971 | 3.90 | 32,335 | 3.07 | 23,395 | 2.22 | 10,695 | 1.02 | 7,691 | 0.73 | 2,032 | 0.84 | 4,824 | 0.46 | 2,032 | 0.19 | 886 | 0.08 |
| Podlaskie | 130,372 | 23.31 | 199,325 | 35.64 | 95,487 | 17.07 | 43,059 | 7.70 | 32,337 | 5.78 | 20,277 | 3.63 | 16,375 | 2.93 | 6,547 | 1.17 | 4,967 | 0.89 | 1,781 | 0.80 | 3,810 | 0.68 | 1,781 | 0.32 | 399 | 0.07 |
| Pomeranian | 460,423 | 38.05 | 268,441 | 22.19 | 171,136 | 14.14 | 70,843 | 5.85 | 69,922 | 5.78 | 70,843 | 5.85 | 58,120 | 4.80 | 16,683 | 1.38 | 15,856 | 1.31 | 2,052 | 0.67 | 5,805 | 0.48 | 2,052 | 0.17 | 1,165 | 0.10 |
| Silesian | 722,469 | 33.37 | 599,900 | 27.71 | 322,362 | 14.89 | 122,604 | 5.66 | 115,554 | 5.34 | 104,539 | 4.83 | 93,143 | 4.30 | 29,062 | 1.34 | 23,672 | 1.09 | 3,948 | 0.70 | 10,551 | 0.49 | 3,948 | 0.18 | 2,090 | 0.10 |
| Świętokrzyskie | 140,322 | 23.73 | 236,151 | 39.94 | 85,188 | 14.41 | 36,923 | 7.94 | 24,745 | 4.18 | 19,749 | 3.34 | 18,283 | 3.09 | 6,035 | 1.02 | 4,996 | 0.84 | 1,121 | 0.80 | 2,626 | 0.44 | 1,121 | 0.19 | 496 | 0.08 |
| Warmian-Masurian | 215,229 | 34.56 | 168,158 | 27.00 | 96,346 | 15.47 | 37,144 | 5.96 | 31,510 | 5.06 | 25,111 | 4.03 | 26,577 | 4.27 | 7,187 | 1.15 | 5,983 | 0.96 | 1,250 | 0.74 | 3,188 | 0.51 | 1,250 | 0.20 | 562 | 0.09 |
| Greater Poland | 619,185 | 35.04 | 433,259 | 24.52 | 258,786 | 14.64 | 97,413 | 5.51 | 104,788 | 5.93 | 97,235 | 5.50 | 87,208 | 4.93 | 22,660 | 1.28 | 21,174 | 1.20 | 3,060 | 0.70 | 8,353 | 0.47 | 3,060 | 0.17 | 1,733 | 0.10 |
| West Pomeranian | 315,978 | 40.31 | 190,398 | 24.29 | 100,468 | 12.82 | 42,219 | 5.39 | 38,167 | 4.87 | 33,598 | 4.29 | 35,057 | 4.47 | 9,356 | 1.19 | 8,155 | 1.04 | 1,368 | 0.62 | 3,562 | 0.45 | 1,368 | 0.17 | 671 | 0.09 |
| Abroad and ships | 171,536 | 36.82 | 74,844 | 16.07 | 77,229 | 16.58 | 51,552 | 11.07 | 15,971 | 3.43 | 30,147 | 6.47 | 28,466 | 6.11 | 4,184 | 0.90 | 5,800 | 1.24 | 2,932 | 0.63 | 2,054 | 0.44 | 917 | 0.20 | 235 | 0.05 |
| Poland | 6,147,797 | 31.36 | 5,790,804 | 29.54 | 2,902,448 | 14.81 | 1,242,917 | 6.34 | 962,930 | 4.99 | 952,832 | 4.86 | 829,361 | 4.23 | 243,479 | 1.24 | 214,198 | 1.09 | 150,698 | 0.77 | 95,640 | 0.49 | 36,371 | 0.19 | 18,338 | 0.09 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Voivodeship | Nawrocki PiS | Trzaskowski KO | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |
| Lower Silesian | 673,218 | 44.19 | 850,305 | 55.81 |
| Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 470,660 | 46.58 | 539,860 | 53.42 |
| Lublin | 720,119 | 66.54 | 362,053 | 33.46 |
| Lubusz | 201,982 | 41.78 | 281,477 | 58.22 |
| Łódź | 701,859 | 53.20 | 617,350 | 46.80 |
| Lesser Poland | 1,132,733 | 58.87 | 791,494 | 41.13 |
| Masovian | 1,585,019 | 49.72 | 1,602,996 | 50.28 |
| Opole | 210,321 | 47.02 | 236,992 | 52.98 |
| Subcarpathian | 780,429 | 71.02 | 318,485 | 28.98 |
| Podlaskie | 357,847 | 61.39 | 225,062 | 38.61 |
| Pomeranian | 521,725 | 40.87 | 754,823 | 59.13 |
| Silesian | 1,111,205 | 48.66 | 1,172,343 | 51.34 |
| Świętokrzyskie | 401,863 | 63.61 | 229,895 | 36.39 |
| Warmian-Masurian | 320,797 | 48.29 | 343,483 | 51.71 |
| Greater Poland | 837,129 | 44.83 | 1,030,175 | 55.17 |
| West Pomeranian | 359,267 | 41.97 | 496,666 | 58.03 |
| Abroad and ships | 220,704 | 36.51 | 383,827 | 63.49 |
| Poland | 10,606,877 | 50.89 | 10,237,286 | 49.11 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | ||||
| Demographic | Second round | First round | |||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nawrocki PiS | Trzaskowski KO | Shift for PiS from2020 | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen KWiN | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | ||
| Total vote | 50.89 | 49.11 | -0.14 | 31.36 | 29.54 | 14.81 | 6.34 | 4.99 | 4.86 | 4.23 | 1.24 | 1.09 | 0.77 | 0.49 | 0.19 | 0.09 | |
| Late poll results | 51.0 | 49.0 | =0.0 | 31.2 | 29.7 | 14.5 | 6.3 | 4.9 | 4.8 | 4.1 | 1.3 | 1.4 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Sex | |||||||||||||||||
| Men | 55.5 | 44.5 | +3.6 | 28.0 | 28.6 | 19.7 | 7.6 | 4.4 | 4.0 | 2.4 | 1.8 | 1.3 | 1.0 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
| Women | 47.2 | 52.8 | -2.5 | 34.1 | 30.8 | 9.8 | 5.1 | 5.3 | 5.6 | 5.6 | 0.9 | 1.4 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Age | |||||||||||||||||
| 18–29 years old | 53.2 | 46.8 | +16.9 | 13.0 | 11.1 | 34.8 | 5.3 | 4.3 | 18.7 | 5.3 | 2.5 | 3.3 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| 30–39 years old | 54.0 | 46.0 | +8.7 | 21.6 | 19.5 | 24.8 | 9.9 | 6.9 | 5.2 | 6.1 | 2.4 | 1.7 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| 40–49 years old | 47.9 | 52.1 | +2.3 | 34.2 | 26.9 | 11.2 | 8.6 | 7.1 | 2.2 | 5.0 | 1.5 | 1.3 | 0.8 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
| 50–59 years old | 49.4 | 50.6 | -10.3 | 36.8 | 36.3 | 7.7 | 6.1 | 4.9 | 1.6 | 3.5 | 0.7 | 0.6 | 0.8 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| 60 and older | 51.0 | 49.0 | -11.5 | 42.5 | 45.3 | 2.6 | 2.9 | 2.4 | 0.5 | 1.7 | 0.2 | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| Education | |||||||||||||||||
| Elementary | 73.0 | 27.0 | -4.3 | 16.0 | 52.3 | 12.7 | 5.6 | 2.5 | 4.7 | 2.4 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Vocational | 69.8 | 30.2 | -5.2 | 22.1 | 49.2 | 13.2 | 7.4 | 3.0 | 1.2 | 1.7 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| Secondary | 53.9 | 46.1 | +3.0 | 28.9 | 29.8 | 17.0 | 6.9 | 4.1 | 5.4 | 3.3 | 1.4 | 1.3 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
| Higher | 39.0 | 61.0 | +4.1 | 38.6 | 19.9 | 12.8 | 5.3 | 6.6 | 5.7 | 5.9 | 1.6 | 1.8 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| Agglomeration | |||||||||||||||||
| Rural | 64.2 | 35.8 | +0.4 | 21.7 | 38.1 | 17.4 | 7.7 | 4.7 | 3.2 | 2.9 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
| <50,000 pop. | 48.7 | 51.3 | +1.8 | 33.9 | 29.5 | 13.6 | 6.5 | 4.6 | 4.3 | 3.6 | 1.1 | 1.3 | 0.6 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| 51,000 – 200,000 pop. | 42.9 | 57.1 | -6.7 | 38.0 | 23.9 | 13.2 | 5.6 | 5.2 | 4.9 | 4.6 | 1.9 | 1.2 | 0.7 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| 201,000 – 500,000 pop. | 34.7 | 65.3 | -4.0 | 42.9 | 18.7 | 11.3 | 3.8 | 6.1 | 6.6 | 5.8 | 1.7 | 1.8 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 0.2 | 0.1 | |
| >500,000 pop. | 33.2 | 66.8 | -1.0 | 40.7 | 17.6 | 10.8 | 3.9 | 5.1 | 9.7 | 6.8 | 1.5 | 2.1 | 0.9 | 0.3 | 0.5 | 0.1 | |
| Occupation | |||||||||||||||||
| Company owner | 44.6 | 55.4 | +10.5 | 37.5 | 17.3 | 19.9 | 7.8 | 5.8 | 2.7 | 4.0 | 1.9 | 1.1 | 1.0 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.2 | |
| Manager/expert | 36.3 | 63.7 | +3.7 | 37.4 | 16.9 | 15.0 | 5.0 | 7.2 | 5.2 | 6.7 | 2.2 | 2.1 | 1.1 | 0.7 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Admin/services | 48.3 | 51.7 | +3.6 | 30.2 | 24.3 | 15.7 | 6.7 | 6.3 | 6.2 | 5.8 | 1.5 | 1.7 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.2 | |
| Farmer | 80.1 | 19.9 | -1.3 | 12.2 | 52.4 | 14.2 | 10.4 | 3.5 | 1.1 | 1.5 | 0.9 | 1.2 | 1.3 | 0.7 | 0.5 | 0.1 | |
| Worker | 69.3 | 30.7 | +2.9 | 17.4 | 36.7 | 21.8 | 10.8 | 4.0 | 2.6 | 2.3 | 1.7 | 0.8 | 0.7 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.3 | |
| Student | 44.3 | 55.7 | +14.2 | 16.1 | 10.2 | 26.3 | 4.0 | 4.9 | 25.2 | 5.8 | 1.9 | 4.0 | 0.8 | 0.3 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Unemployed | 64.3 | 35.7 | -1.1 | 19.6 | 33.9 | 18.4 | 8.7 | 6.0 | 5.5 | 3.6 | 1.0 | 1.4 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.4 | |
| Retired | 51.6 | 48.4 | -12.5 | 42.3 | 45.7 | 2.5 | 2.9 | 2.4 | 0.6 | 1.7 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.4 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| Other | 54.8 | 45.2 | +4.2 | 24.2 | 28.7 | 18.9 | 8.7 | 5.3 | 5.0 | 4.7 | 1.3 | 1.5 | 0.8 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
| Second round presidential vote in 2020[af] | |||||||||||||||||
| Duda | 93.3 | 6.7 | +2.2 | 2.7 | 64.7 | 16.3 | 8.4 | 2.1 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 1.0 | 0.5 | 1.2 | 0.6 | 0.1 | 0.2 | |
| Trzaskowski | 4.0 | 96.0 | -0.4 | 71.1 | 1.0 | 3.9 | 1.1 | 6.7 | 5.9 | 6.8 | 1.0 | 1.7 | 0.2 | 0.2 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| Didn't vote | 55.5 | 44.5 | +25.4 | 12.8 | 10.8 | 33.7 | 10.5 | 5.8 | 15.1 | 4.0 | 2.4 | 2.4 | 0.9 | 0.7 | 0.8 | 0.1 | |
| Don't remember | 55.0 | 45.0 | +15.8 | 16.6 | 18.8 | 25.4 | 12.6 | 8.5 | 4.4 | 5.3 | 2.4 | 2.6 | 1.0 | 1.2 | 0.8 | 0.4 | |
| Sejm vote in 2023[ag] | |||||||||||||||||
| BS | 73.1 | 26.9 | – | 10.8 | 18.7 | 15.1 | 15.8 | 4.6 | 7.5 | 5.2 | 6.0 | 3.5 | 3.8 | 6.5 | 1.4 | 1.1 | |
| TD | 20.9 | 79.1 | -8.5 | 22.6 | 4.0 | 10.8 | 2.8 | 36.6 | 8.7 | 7.3 | 2.7 | 2.0 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.7 | 0.3 | |
| NL | 10.8 | 89.2 | +2.5 | 17.9 | 2.7 | 3.9 | 2.4 | 2.6 | 33.1 | 29.9 | 1.0 | 5.1 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| PiS | 97.9 | 2.1 | +1.0 | 1.4 | 83.3 | 6.9 | 4.4 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.2 | 0.9 | 0.3 | 0.1 | 0.0 | |
| Confederation | 89.3 | 10.7 | +49.3 | 2.1 | 4.7 | 66.6 | 21.1 | 0.6 | 1.1 | 0.3 | 1.2 | 0.5 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.0 | |
| KO | 4.1 | 95.9 | +2.3 | 81.7 | 1.1 | 3.0 | 0.9 | 3.0 | 3.4 | 4.1 | 0.8 | 1.4 | 0.1 | 0.1 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
| PJJ | 75.9 | 24.1 | – | 9.0 | 27.6 | 18.8 | 26.8 | 2.5 | 2.4 | 0.2 | 3.6 | 3.2 | 3.5 | 0.9 | 1.2 | 0.3 | |
| Other parties | 55.6 | 44.4 | +38.8 | 10.4 | 17.1 | 9.7 | 18.7 | 3.9 | 13.3 | 5.3 | 6.9 | 5.6 | 2.0 | 2.2 | 3.3 | 1.6 | |
| Didn't vote | 56.9 | 43.1 | +18.6 | 15.5 | 15.1 | 29.5 | 12.0 | 3.7 | 11.9 | 3.6 | 3.4 | 2.2 | 1.3 | 0.7 | 1.0 | 0.1 | |
| Don't remember | 54.1 | 45.9 | +14.0 | 20.2 | 20.3 | 18.0 | 12.6 | 5.2 | 8.4 | 6.3 | 2.6 | 2.9 | 1.3 | 1.5 | 0.3 | 0.4 | |
| Transfer of electorates from the first round of the election | |||||||||||||||||
| Electorates transferred from candidates in column to candidate in row | Didn't vote | Don't remember | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen KWiN | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | ||
| Karol Nawrocki | 48.6 | 57.2 | 1.2 | 99.3 | 87.2 | 92.6 | 14.6 | 16.5 | 11.7 | 52.1 | 19.3 | 89.5 | 69.6 | 70.7 | 53.8 | ||
| Rafał Trzaskowski | 51.4 | 42.8 | 98.8 | 0.7 | 12.8 | 7.4 | 85.4 | 83.5 | 88.3 | 47.9 | 80.7 | 10.5 | 30.4 | 29.3 | 46.2 | ||
| Shift for PiS candidate from2020 | -1.2 | +0.1 | +0.5 | +0.2 | +34.9 | – | -0.4 | – | -4.3 | – | – | +23.6 | – | – | – | ||
Increase or decrease in turnout relative to2020.
| Time (CEST) | First round | Second round |
|---|---|---|
| 12:00 | 20.28% ( 4.45pp) | 24.83% ( 0.10pp) |
| 17:00 | 50.69% ( 1.41pp) | 54.91% ( 2.81pp) |
| Final | 67.31% ( 2.80pp) | 71.63% ( 3.45pp) |
| Agglomeration | First round | Second round |
| Urban areas | 68.34% ( 2.40pp) | 72.84% ( 3.80pp) |
| Rural areas | 64.78% ( 3.02pp) | 69.04% ( 2.64pp) |
| Amplitudes | First round | Second round |
| Highest turnout gmina | Krynica Morska (83.51%) | Krynica Morska (88.38%) |
| Lowest turnout gmina | Zębowice (41.61%) | Lasowice Wielkie (47.67%) |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | ||
| Voivodeship | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Lower Silesian | 2,179,515 | 1,428,270 | 65.53 |
| Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 1,508,883 | 956,844 | 63.41 |
| Lublin | 1,581,156 | 1,036,946 | 65.58 |
| Lubusz | 735,151 | 454,969 | 61.89 |
| Łódź | 1,834,708 | 1,251,695 | 68.22 |
| Lesser Poland | 2,630,055 | 1,833,457 | 69.71 |
| Masovian | 4,156,733 | 3,050,909 | 73.40 |
| Opole | 726,177 | 418,575 | 57.64 |
| Subcarpathian | 1,609,302 | 1,056,009 | 65.62 |
| Podlaskie | 874,307 | 561,833 | 64.26 |
| Pomeranian | 1,759,968 | 1,215,424 | 69.06 |
| Silesian | 3,283,581 | 2,174,449 | 66.22 |
| Świętokrzyskie | 929,724 | 593,965 | 63.89 |
| Warmian-Masurian | 1,035,537 | 626,061 | 60.46 |
| Greater Poland | 2,641,294 | 1,774,671 | 67.19 |
| West Pomeranian | 1,241,872 | 787,715 | 63.43 |
| Poland | 28,727,963 | 19,221,792 | 66.91 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| City | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wrocław | 504,001 | 371,481 | 73.99 |
| Poznań | 407,035 | 303,699 | 74.86 |
| Warszawa | 1,379,227 | 1,089,680 | 79.29 |
| Szczecin | 280,501 | 193,668 | 69.33 |
| Kraków | 621,058 | 465,148 | 75.14 |
| Łódź | 491,800 | 346,245 | 70.67 |
| Bydgoszcz | 241,846 | 166,301 | 69.01 |
| Białystok | 213,477 | 150,207 | 70.65 |
| Gdańsk | 372,134 | 280,994 | 75.79 |
| Lublin | 253,867 | 178,695 | 70.63 |
| Total | 4,764,946 | 3,546,118 | 74.42 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| Location | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| City | 17,169,697 | 11,734,470 | 68.34 |
| Village | 11,558,266 | 7,487,322 | 64.78 |
| Abroad | 524,204 | 467,633 | 89.21 |
| Ships | 173 | 172 | 99.42 |
| Total | 29,252,340 | 19,689,597 | 67.31 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| Voivodeship | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Lower Silesian | 2,177,407 | 1,537,859 | 70.63 |
| Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 1,501,949 | 1,019,510 | 67.88 |
| Lublin | 1,567,771 | 1,091,630 | 69.63 |
| Lubusz | 731,055 | 487,694 | 66.71 |
| Łódź | 1,821,514 | 1,331,727 | 73.11 |
| Lesser Poland | 2,625,479 | 1,941,743 | 73.96 |
| Masovian | 4,152,285 | 3,218,427 | 77.51 |
| Opole | 720,842 | 451,310 | 62.61 |
| Subcarpathian | 1,594,072 | 1,107,294 | 69.46 |
| Podlaskie | 867,625 | 588,023 | 67.77 |
| Pomeranian | 1,775,803 | 1,288,961 | 72.58 |
| Silesian | 3,261,536 | 2,305,374 | 70.68 |
| Świętokrzyskie | 921,271 | 636,814 | 69.12 |
| Warmian-Masurian | 1,035,396 | 670,038 | 64.71 |
| Greater Poland | 2,633,052 | 1,885,361 | 71.60 |
| West Pomeranian | 1,254,853 | 863,473 | 68.81 |
| Poland | 28,641,910 | 20,425,238 | 71.31 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| City | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wrocław | 510,438 | 401,815 | 78.72 |
| Poznań | 413,189 | 327,022 | 79.15 |
| Warszawa | 1,384,869 | 1,151,599 | 83.16 |
| Szczecin | 280,400 | 209,146 | 74.59 |
| Kraków | 626,893 | 499,716 | 79.71 |
| Łódź | 488,805 | 368,837 | 75.46 |
| Bydgoszcz | 241,446 | 176,801 | 73.23 |
| Białystok | 212,573 | 155,811 | 73.30 |
| Gdańsk | 376,703 | 297,414 | 78.95 |
| Lublin | 255,018 | 190,372 | 74.65 |
| Total | 4,790,334 | 3,546,118 | 78.88 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| Location | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| City | 17,122,097 | 12,472,310 | 72.84 |
| Village | 11,519,813 | 7,952,928 | 69.04 |
| Abroad | 721,608 | 608,043 | 84.26 |
| Ships | 204 | 176 | 86.27 |
| Total | 29,363,722 | 21,033,457 | 71.63 |
| Source:National Electoral Commission | |||
| Candidate | Amount | Source of funds | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spent funds | Cost | Total funds | Voters | Party | V% | ||
| Nawrocki | 24,597,568.82 | 4.25 | 24,633,787.05 | 23,298,787.05 | 1,335,000.00 | 94.6 | |
| Trzaskowski | 24,587,417.07 | 3.99 | 24,603,540.00 | 10,502,662.04 | 14,100,877.96 | 42.7 | |
| Mentzen | 5,503,159.32 | 1.90 | 5,453,890.36 | 3,653,890.36 | 1,800,000.00 | 66.99 | |
| Braun | 3,847,187.63 | 3.10 | 4,535,489.48 | 4,535,489.48 | — | 100.0 | |
| Hołownia | 7,990,197.87 | 8.16 | 8,025,154.12 | 799,154.12 | 7,226,000.00 | 9.95 | |
| Zandberg | 1,009,285.08 | 1.06 | 978,035.08 | 808,035.08 | 170,000.00 | 82.6 | |
| Biejat | 3,573,590.10 | 4.31 | 3,573,690.63 | 141,690.63 | 3,432,000.00 | 3.96 | |
| Stanowski | 109,905.90 | 0.45 | 110,000.00 | 110,000.00 | — | 100.0 | |
| Senyszyn | 73,153.98 | 0.34 | 73,174.51 | 73,174.51 | — | 100.0 | |
| Jakubiak | 94,609.91 | 0.63 | 97,435.57 | 97,435.57 | — | 100.0 | |
| Bartoszewicz | 392,900.95 | 4.11 | 397,641.72 | 397,641.72 | — | 100.0 | |
| Maciak | 81,319.73 | 2.24 | 79,095.19 | 79,095.19 | — | 100.0 | |
| Woch | 9,155.14 | 0.50 | 8,990.00 | 8,990.00 | — | 100.0 | |
| Source:National Electoral Commission[361] | |||||||
In the lead-up to the election, a portion of theparty subsidy was withheld fromLaw and Justice. Theissue emerged after theNational Electoral Commission ruled the party's financial report for the 2023 parliamentary campaign, and consequently its 2023 annual report, to be flawed. As a result, both the campaign dotation and the annual subsidy were reduced by approximately 11 million PLN. The ruling was appealed to theSupreme Court of Poland, where the Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs Chamber decided in favour of the party. This legally bound the commission to change its verdict, which happened on 30 December 2024. However, as the legitimacy of this particular Supreme Court chamber has been questioned by the ruling government and theCourt of Justice of the European Union due to the ongoingrule of law crisis since 2017, the Minister of FinanceAndrzej Domański refused to transfer the disputed funds.[362][363][364] Ultimately, Nawrocki had to conduct his campaign without the funds transferred to PiS.[365] Therefore, he had to finance his campaign through agrassroot effort – around 50,000 supporters donated to his election effort.[366]
PiS launched the "Electoral Protection Movement" (Polish:Ruch Ochrony Wyborów), operated primarily by former ministerPrzemysław Czarnek,[367] with the intention of safeguarding the democratic conduct of the election and protecting it fromelectoral fraud.[368][369]
Wirtualna Polska detailed allegations of an illegal advertising campaign onFacebook which favored Trzaskowski while attacking Nawrocki and Mentzen, with the advertising campaign having ties to the foreign company Estratos Digital GmbH based in Vienna and headed by two Hungarians —Ádám Ficsor andViktor Szigetvári, with capital tied to the AmericanDemocratic Party.[370][371] TheOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) andParliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) investigated the election and confirmed the allegations.[372]
The OSCE-PACE report further pointed out the bias of government institutions likeNASK in favor of Trzaskowski. According to the report, public media, likeTVP, was also biased, and depicted Nawrocki in a negative light.[373][374] The PolishNational Broadcasting Council released a report accusing TVP and TVN of supporting the Trzaskowski campaign, and TV Republika of supporting Nawrocki.[375]
Shortly before the first round of the election,SMS spam messages were reported encouraging voters to vote for Trzaskowski. Trzaskowski's campaign staff distanced themselves from the messages and informed that they were notifying law enforcement of the incident.[376]
Social media was an important part of the campaign.[377] The campaign marked a realignment in the social media landscape, as right-wing ascendancy replaced what had traditionally been a liberal-dominated sphere.[378] In the first round, Sławomir Mentzen dominated the internet sphere, getting 15x as much internet traffic as Nawrocki and 10x as much as Trzaskowski in January.[377] Between January and April, Mentzen received 24 million interactions (likes, comments, shares) with his social media posts, Nawrocki received 6 million, and Trzaskowski 5 million.[379] Negative campaigning on social media occupied a plurality — 1/3rds of election-related activity,[380] with the tag "#AnyoneButTrzaskowski" (Polish:ByleNieTrzaskowski) trending on social media as part of Nawrocki's second round campaign.[74]
By the end of the deadline for filing them, theSupreme Court of Poland received 54,645 election complaints,[381] significantly more than the 5,800 complaints following the2020 presidential election,[382] but significantly less than the 600,000 complaints following the1995 presidential election.[383] According to theSupreme Court, the overwhelming majority were copies of a complaint template shared byelection denialistRoman Giertych, colloquially titled "giertychówki".[381] The complaints concerned largely the incidents of the results being swapped in a few polling stations, after it was found that Nawrocki performed abnormally well in some isolated stations that heavily favored Trzaskowski in the first round.[384] The campaign of Trzaskowski also filed a complaint and created a website for its supporters to help them file one as well. The Supreme Court ruled to recount the votes in 13 such stations.[385]
Anomalies were found in some voting station protocols where both candidates lost votes relative to the first round. Journalists investigating the situation have asserted that in 15 polling stations the results may have been flipped, but this would not impact the result of the election as the number of votes potentially affected was well below the margin of victory for Nawrocki.[386] On 12 June, theSupreme Court of Poland ordered a recount in 13 commissions, 0.04% of all 32,143 commissions.[387] On 1 July 2025, the Supreme Court certified Nawrocki's victory as president.[388]
On 18 June, the PolishMinister of Justice andPublic Prosecutor GeneralAdam Bodnar announced that theNational Public Prosecutor's Office would review the ballots in 250 selected voting stations where "serious anomalies" were considered likely.[389] On 25 July, Prosecutor's Office announced the results of the investigation — out of the 250 voting stations reviewed, irregularities were found in 84 (33%). In 42 of those, the irregularities were at the expense of Trzaskowski, in 34 they were at the expense of Nawrocki, and in 8 the irregularities only concerned invalid votes. The investigation concluded that compared to the official results in the suspected voting stations, Nawrocki received 1538 less votes, and Trzaskowski 1541 more. Therefore, it did not affect the election's results.[390] Later, on 6 August, the Prosecutor's Office declared that it had made a mistake, and that the discrepancy in votes was even smaller than reported — Nawrocki received 1239 less votes and Trzaskowski 1241 more.[391] It also stated that the official election results remain unchanged because the investigation was only meant to determine whether a crime had taken place or not, and "was not intended to determine the results of the presidential election".[392]
Trzaskowski initially claimed victory after the first exit poll showed him leading, while Nawrocki said that the results were too close to call.[357] Trzaskowski subsequently conceded after the final results showed Nawrocki winning.[393] Nawrocki was sworn in on 6 August 2025.
Prime MinisterDonald Tusk called avote of confidence on his government, which was held on 11 June.[357][394] Despite speculation of a possible breakdown of the coalition, Tusk survived after gaining the support of all 243 MPs that made up his coalition.[395] Later,Donald Tusk's cabinet was reshuffled.[396]
TheThird Way alliance dissolved on 17 June, as thePolish People's Party declared it will contest thenext Polish parliamentary election separately fromSzymon Hołownia'sPoland 2050.[397] Trzaskowski's defeat led to the creation of theNew Poland andNew Wave parties.[398]
Several politicians and journalists aligned with the ruling coalitionsowed doubt about the election results.[399]Roman Giertych claimed opposition committed organizedelectoral fraud,[400][401] claiming also that Nawrocki's campaign was advantaged by a right-leaningTikTok algorithm, which helped them in the campaign.[402][403] Many other journalists and politicians, like PKW memberRyszard Kalisz,[404] called for a recount of the election. Other figures, like Prime Minister Donald Tusk[405][406] and Trzaskowski's chief of staff[407] or organizations like the Conference of Ambassadors[408] andCommittee for the Defence of Democracy[409] also cast doubt on the election results.
According to a poll forInteria from 17-18 June, 49% of the respondents supported a complete recount of the election.[410] However,Krzysztof Wiak [pl], the President of the Supreme Court, declared that there is no legal basis for a complete recount of the election, as the recount can only be ruled in stations where irregularities occurred.[385]
Following the election, opponents of Nawrocki—including Prime Minister Donald Tusk[411] together with election denialists—attempted to have theMarshal of the Sejm,Szymon Hołownia, block or postpone the inauguration of Karol Nawrocki as president of Poland by calling an indefinite break during theNational Assembly (the joint session of theSejm andSenat), during Nawrocki's inauguration, after which the Marshal of the Sejm would serve asacting president,[412][413] which was described by some as an attempt to conduct acoup d'etat.[412][414] Following Hołownia's refusal of the idea, pro-government outlets likeGazeta Wyborcza accused Hołownia of treason against theConstitution.[415]
President Andrzej Duda on Tuesday vetoed a government-backed bill that would have cut thehealth insurance contribution rate for self-employed entrepreneurs,...
Podsumowując ten wątek: Narodowe Odrodzenie Polski rekomenduje tym, którzy zdecydują się wziąć udział w tzw. wyborach prezydenckich wybór Grzegorza Brauna. Spośród 13 kandydatów jest jedynym, który na niepodległość Polski patrzy – bez wątpienia szczerze – jak na wartość samą w sobie.[To summarize this matter: the National Revival of Poland recommends to those, which decide to take part in the so-called presidential elections, to vote for Grzegorz Braun. Amongst the 13 candidates, he is the only one, who at the sovereignty of Poland looks – undoubtably honestly – as a value itself.]
Ci mądrzejsi i orientujący się w zagrożeniach dla Polski piszą albo mówią to co reprezentują Zjednoczeni Ponad Podziałami. Nie mamy wyboru, mimo słabej kampanii Nawrockiego musimy na Niego głosować .
Do 14 lutego zgłoszono, aż 22 kandydatów. W kolejności alfabetycznej są to: Magdalena Biejat (Lewica), Grzegorz Braun (Konfederacja Korony Polskiej), Katarzyna Cichos (Platforma Rozwoju Polski), Szymon Hołownia (Polska 2050), Dawid Jackiewicz, Marek Jakubiak (Wolni Republikanie), Dominika Jasińska, Wiesław Lewicki (Normalny Kraj), Maciej Maciak (Ruch Dobrobytu i Pokoju), Eugeniusz Maciejewski (PIAST – Jedność Myśli Europejskich Narodów i Świata), Sławomir Mentzen (Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość), Karol Nawrocki (popierany przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), Wojciech Papis (Bezpartyjni),Joanna Senyszyn (Stowarzyszenie Lewicy Demokratycznej)...
Również Bezpartyjni, ale nie mylić z Bezpartyjnymi Samorządowcami, mnie poparli.[Nonpartisians, not to be confused with Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy, have also supported me.]
Takim kandydatem jest w naszym przekonaniu Rafał Trzaskowski.
Jak wynika z informacji PAP, 15 listopada do centrali partii mają spłynąć wyniki kolejnej serii badań dotyczących potencjalnych kandydatów PiS, zleconych przez kierownictwo ugrupowania.
Na razie – żeby ograniczyć walki frakcyjne – Kaczyński zrezygnował z przeprowadzenia w partii prawyborów.
Przeciwko nominacji dla Czarnka, która była już niemal pewna ponad miesiąc temu zaprotestował Mateusz Morawiecki i jego harcerze. Od tego czasu nie przestają kombinować jak pozycję Czarnka podkopać. – Chłopcy się trochę obawiają, że silny Czarnek wzmocni naszych radykałów, że zbudują się sojusze z ziobrystami i że oni – zamiast budować konserwatywne centrum, obudzą się na obrzeżach radykalnej partii. Dla nich to chyba byłby największy koszmar – trochę kpią politycy PiS, których pytamy o stan frakcyjnej wojny w partii.
Witold Bańka to idealny kandydat PiS na prezydenta. Były minister sportu i turystyki i obecny szef Światowej Agencji Antydopingowej spełnia wymagania prezesa, jest akceptowany na prawicy, nie ma na niego haków i nie budzi negatywnych emocji wśród przeciwników PiS. Kompetentny, doświadczony i dobrze prezentujący się Bańka mógłby być trudnym przeciwnikiem dla Trzaskowskiego. Nawet będąc ministrem w rządzie Beaty Szydło, a później Mateusza Morawieckiego, nie był źle oceniany przez konkurentów i nie było wokół niego kontrowersji. Problem w tym, że odmówił Kaczyńskiemu. Musiałby zrezygnować z dobrze płatnej międzynarodowej pracy i kariery, a w zamian dać się zaprzęgnąć w kampanię PiS.
Według informacji PAP w grze o nominację na kandydata PiS są: prezes IPN Karol Nawrocki, b. minister edukacji i nauki Przemysław Czarnek, oraz europoseł i były kandydat na prezydenta stolicy Tobiasz Bocheński.
Prawybory mają wyłonić kandydata PiS w wyborach prezydenckich — podaje Niezależna. Kandydatami mają być Karol Nawrocki, Tobiasz Bocheński, Mariusz Błaszczak i Marcin Przydacz.
W grze o kandydata na prezydenta PiS są: prezes IPN Karol Nawrocki, b. minister edukacji i nauki Przemysław Czarnek, a także europoseł i były kandydat na prezydenta stolicy Tobiasz Bocheński.
Bogdan Rymanowski zwrócił się także do europarlamentarzysty czy prawdą jest, że w grze o nominacje pozostały już tylko dwie osoby - właśnie Tobiasz Bocheński, a także Karol Nawrocki.
Finaliści do inwestytury – kandydaci PiS w wyborach prezydenckich to dziś: Karol NAWROCKI, Mateusz MORAWIECKI i Przemysław CZARNEK.
Poseł PiS, Ryszard Terlecki, w rozmowie z Polsat News ujawnił, że "w tej chwili rozstrzyga się wybór między dwoma nazwiskami". - Chodzi o Przemysława Czarnka i Karola Nawrockiego - dodał, nie wykluczając przy tym możliwości niespodzianek w tym procesie.
Wcześniej Telewizja Republika, a następnie Polsat News podały, że kandydatem na prezydenta z ramienia Prawa i Sprawiedliwości będzie szef Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej Karol Nawrocki, który w wyścigu o nominację miał pokonać m.in. Przemysława Czarnka i Tobiasza Bocheńskiego.
Decyzję o prawyborach potwierdzali inni politycy KO. „Rafał Trzaskowski w związku z pojawieniem się drugiego kandydata zawnioskował, aby przeprowadzić prawybory w Koalicji Obywatelskiej. Wszyscy zgodzili się, że to bardzo dobry i bardzo honorowy pomysł. Brawo Rafał Trzaskowski, brawo Radosław Sikorski" – napisał na platformie X Cezary Tomczyk.
Jesienią ma dojść do powtórzenia selekcji, choć nie wiadomo, na jakich zasadach. Ruch Narodowy i Nowa Nadzieja widzą dwóch faworytów: Sławomira Mentzena i Krzysztofa Bosaka. Czy Braun może pokrzyżować im szyki? – Nie pozwolimy mu startować. Sprawimy, że sam odejdzie – słyszymy u mentzenowców. Nasi rozmówcy przekonują, że ustalenia o formule i liczbie kandydatów są wciąż przed nimi. Narodowcy nie wykluczają startu Brauna. Mówią, że kandydat musi być najlepszy i mieć poparcie całego środowiska. – Jeśli chcemy zaznaczyć swoje miejsce na scenie, to zarówno Krzysztof Bosak, jak i Sławomir Mentzen są dobrymi kandydatami. Jeśli chcemy wygrać, a musimy mieć kandydata akceptowalnego dla elektoratu PiS, to wybór jest prosty i jest nim marszałek. Jak dodają, chcą odradzać Braunowi start. – Sprawimy, żeby nie kandydował.
Nazwisko Magdaleny Biejat z kolei miało być rozpatrywane jednym z dwóch rozpatrywanych przez Lewicę. Drugim branym pod uwagę kandydatem miał być prezydent Włocławka Krzysztof Kukucki.
W mediach pojawiają się też nazwiska bardziej egzotycznych kandydatów. To z jednej strony wojskowi – gen. Rajmund Andrzejczak, były szef Sztabu Generalnego Wojska Polskiego, czy minister Jacek Siewiera, szef Biura Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego. Głosy wspierające zwłaszcza tę drugą kandydaturę pojawiają się m.in. w serwisie X. Sam szef BBN zaprzeczył pogłoskom o starcie. Kandydatów może być więcej. Ziarno niepewności zasiał Marcin Mastalerek, szef gabinetu prezydenta, który przyznał, że jest namawiany do startu i byłby na to gotów. Jego kandydatura nie wróży sukcesu, bo prezes Kaczyński nie zgodzi się na wystawienie prezydenckiego ministra jako wspólnego kandydata. Należy zatem patrzeć na nią jak na element szerszej rozgrywki o wpływy w PiS, w której Duda próbuje dołożyć swoje trzy grosze. To samo dotyczy opisywanej przez „Politykę" Doroty Gawryluk, dziennikarki Polsatu, której stacja zdementowała pogłoski o jej starcie. W przeciwieństwie do zainteresowanej.
[...] rezygnuje z udziału w wyborach prezydenckich. [...] Gdy zarejestrował się Grzegorz Braun [...] uznałem, że mój elektorat całkowicie się rozdrabnia. [...] Dzisiaj życzę jak najlepiej Grzegorzowi Braunowi i go wspieram, choć ma dużą konkurencję [...].[[...] resigning from the presidential election. [...] When Grzegorz Braun registered [...] I recognised that my electorate was completely fragmenting. [...] Today I wish the best for Grzegorz Braun and support him, although he has a lot of competition [...].]
Krzysztof Sitko przekazał swoje poparcie dr Markowi Woch[Krzysztof Sitko conveyed his support to Dr Marek Woch]
Podczas konferencji kandydatka na Prezydenta RP dr @Kasia_Cichos wyraziła publiczne poparcie dla dr Marka Wocha.
President-elect Karol Nawrocki's campaign programme outlines a conservative and economically interventionist vision for Poland.
At Sunday's Polish presidential runoff election, Karol Nawrocki, the candidate of the economically left but socially conservative Law and Justice (PiS) defeated Rafał Trzaskowski.
Many would support Nawrocki for his Catholic, family-oriented views, but they dislike PiS's left-wing economic policy of generous state benefits.
Asked whether he supported deregulation, Trzaskowski replied that he would like the work of a deregulation task force, established by the government and led by entrepreneur Rafał Brzoska, to accelerate.
Trzaskowski został także zapytany czy pójdzie w następnym Marszu Niepodległości. Kandydat KO wyrazi nadzieję, że "będzie okazja do tego, żebyśmy wszyscy poszli w tym marszu".
... swój głos w II turze oddam na Rafała Trzaskowskiego i do tego zachęcam wyborców Lewicy.[I will cast my vote for Rafał Trzaskowski in the second round, and I encourage Lewica voters to do the same.]
Jeśli Karol Nawrocki wejdzie do drugiej tury albo jak to będzie Sławomir Mentzen, to go poprę, nie będę miał też problemu z Grzegorzem Braunem. Każdy prawicowy kandydat będzie lepszy niż Rafał Trzaskowski – wskazał Marek Jakubiak, poseł Wolnych Republikanów oraz kandydat na prezydenta RP w "Popołudniowym Gościu Radia ZET".[If Karol Nawrocki makes it to the second round, or if it's Sławomir Mentzen, I will support him, and I will have no problem with Grzegorz Braun either. Any right-wing candidate will be better than Rafał Trzaskowski, said Marek Jakubiak, MP for the Free Republicans and candidate for President of Poland, on Radio ZET's Popołudniowy Gość programme.]
Według badania late poll Marek Jakubiak zdobył 0,8 proc. głosów podczas I tury wyborów prezydenckich. Polityk zadeklarował, że poprze w II turze Karola Nawrockiego. Zaapelował także do pozostałych kandydatów prawicowych, aby postąpili tak samo.[According to a late poll, Marek Jakubiak won 0.8% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election. The politician declared that he would support Karol Nawrocki in the second round. He also appealed to other right-wing candidates to do the same.]
Kukiz przyznał że w pierwszej turze wyborów prezydenckich głosował na Sławomira Mentzena. – Ja będę próbował przekonać elektorat Konfederacji i Grzegorza Brauna do głosowania na Nawrockiego, jako zabezpieczenie przed jednowładztwem Tuska – mówił w rozmowie z dziennikarką wprost.pl.[Kukiz admitted that he voted for Sławomir Mentzen in the first round of the presidential election. ‘I will try to convince the Confederation and Grzegorz Braun's electorate to vote for Nawrocki as a safeguard against Tusk's autocracy,’ he said in an interview with a journalist from wprost.pl.]
Wiceminister rolnictwa i lider Agrounii Michał Kołodziejczak zaapelował do rolników, by nie głosowali na obywatelskiego kandydata Karola Nawrockiego, którego popiera PiS.[Deputy Minister of Agriculture and leader of AGROunia Michał Kołodziejczak appealed to farmers not to vote for independent candidate Karol Nawrocki, who is supported by PiS.]
Zacznijmy od oczywistej oczywistości – dlaczego NIE warto głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego? [...] Zawsze był reprezentantem elit, a nie obrońcą zwykłych ludzi i ich potrzeb. [...] Skoro nie Trzaskowski, to pozostaje opcja numer dwa, czyli Karol Nawrocki. [...] Daleko mu do mojego wymarzonego kandydata. Natomiast doceniam bardzo istotny fakt, że podpisał ważną dla każdego wyborcy Konfederacji 8-punktową deklarację toruńską Sławomira Mentzena oraz odciął się od przynajmniej kilku z wielu błędów jakie popełnił rząd PiS przez 8 lat. To z pewnością pozytywne sygnały, które warto brać pod uwagę.[Let's start with the obvious – why should you NOT vote for Rafał Trzaskowski? [...] He has always been a representative of the elite, not a defender of ordinary people and their needs. [...] If not Trzaskowski, then option number two remains, namely Karol Nawrocki. [...] He is far from my ideal candidate. However, I appreciate the very important fact that he signed Sławomir Mentzen's 8-point Toruń declaration, which is important for every Confederation voter, and distanced himself from at least some of the many mistakes made by the PiS government over the past eight years. These are certainly positive signals that are worth taking into account.]
Mentzen oficjalnie nie poparł żadnego z kandydatów. Powiedział, że dał im jedynie przestrzeń i możliwość, aby zaprezentowali się jego wyborcom.[Mentzen did not officially endorse any of the candidates. He said he only gave them the space and opportunity to present themselves to his constituents.]
Sławomir Mentzen przed II turą wyborów prezydenckich nie poparł bezpośrednio ani Karola Nawrockiego, ani Rafała Trzaskowskiego.[Slawomir Mentzen did not directly support either Karol Nawrocki or Rafał Trzaskowski before the second round of the presidential election.]
- Podsumowując, nie widzę żadnego sensu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego – stwierdził.[- In conclusion, I do not see any point in voting for Rafal Trzaskowski," he said.]
Z analizy dokonanej przez Mentzena wynikało, że ciężko znaleźć jakikolwiek punkt z którym zgodziłby się Rafał Trzaskowski. Z kolei rozmowa z Karolem Nawrockim pokazała, że obaj panowie mają bardzie wiele wspólnych poglądów. Zdaniem Mentzena Trzaskowski to „śliski" człowiek, który kluczy i nie odpowiada na pytania, a jednocześnie chętnie podpisuje się pod sukcesami, nawet tymi, które nie są jego.[Mentzen's analysis showed that it was difficult to find any point on which Rafał Trzaskowski would agree. On the other hand, a conversation with Karol Nawrocki showed that the two men have many views in common. According to Mentzen, Trzaskowski is a ‘slimy’ man who evades questions and does not answer them, while at the same time eagerly taking credit for successes, even those that are not his.]
„Widać, że jesteśmy z Trzaskowskim po dwóch stronach barykady" – ocenił. „Nie widzę żadnego powodu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego" – skwitował.[‘It is evident that we are on opposite sides of the political divide with Trzaskowski,’ he stated. ‘I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ he concluded.]
W pierwszej części Mentzen opisał punkt po punkcie rozmowy z Karolem Nawrockim i z Rafałem Trzaskowskim (PO). Przypomniał, że Nawrocki podpisał "deklarację toruńską", co "powinno całkowicie wyjaśnić sprawę głosowania" tym, którzy się z nią zgadzają. [...] "Podsumowując, nie widzę żadnego powodu, by głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego" – dodał Mentzen, stwierdzając, że jest on bardzo "śliski".[In the first part, Mentzen described point by point his conversations with Karol Nawrocki and Rafał Trzaskowski (PO). He recalled that Nawrocki had signed the ‘Toruń Declaration,’ which ‘should completely clarify the matter of voting’ for those who agree with it. [...] ‘In summary, I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ added Mentzen, stating that he is very ‘slimy.’]
Sławomir Mentzen zabrał głos po rozmowie z kandydatami na prezydenta. – Nie widzę żadnego powodu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego – powiedział lider Konfederacji w nagraniu na swoim kanale na platformie YouTube. [...] Mentzen, mówiąc o Nawrockim, zwrócił uwagę, że ten zgodził się z ośmioma punktami tzw. deklaracji toruńskiej. – Wybór powinien być oczywisty. Mamy kandydata, który podpisem zaświadczył, że będzie się do nich stosował – stwierdził.[Sławomir Mentzen spoke after talking to the presidential candidates. ‘I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ said the leader of the Confederation in a recording on his YouTube channel. [...] Mentzen, speaking about Nawrocki, pointed out that he agreed with eight points of the so-called Toruń Declaration. ‘The choice should be obvious. We have a candidate who has signed a declaration that he will abide by them,’ he said.]
Po odbyciu rozmów przed drugą turą z oboma kandydatami, Sławomir Mentzen oficjalnie nie poparł żadnego z nich. Wykonywał jednak zdecydowane gesty w kierunku Karola Nawrockiego.[After talks with both candidates prior to the second round, Sławomir Mentzen did not officially endorse either of them. However, he made clear gestures towards Karol Nawrocki.]
Jak się okazuje, Krzysztof Stanowski nie planuje skreślać nazwiska żadnego kandydata, nie chce też głosować na samego siebie. Dodał, że nie odda ważnego głosu ani w pierwszej, ani w ewentualnej drugiej turze wyborów prezydenckich.[As it turns out, Krzysztof Stanowski does not plan to cross out any candidate's name, nor does he want to vote for himself. He added that he will not cast a valid vote in either the first or the possible second round of the presidential election.]
Nasze zdanie na temat drugiej tury: Nie idziemy nie dajemy mandatu i poparcia żadnemu kandydatowi; @NawrockiKn i @trzaskowski_ to militaryści i podżegacze wojenni
Dlatego z dwojga złego będę głosował na p. Nawrockiego. Bo mam dzieci i wnuki w wieku szkolnym. A milionom (!) wahającym się, czy wybierać Mniejsze Zło, czy zostać w domu - polecam ważne słowa JE Donalda Tuska: "Dziś wybór jest czarno-biały. Właśnie zaczyna się gra o wszystko. Twarda walka o każdy głos. Te dwa tygodnie rozstrzygną o przyszłości naszej Ojczyzny. Dlatego ani kroku wstecz." - i dodaję: "...ani w bok!".
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