| 2020 Azerbaijani protests | |||
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| Part ofJuly 2020 Armenian–Azerbaijani clashes | |||
| Date | 12 – 15 July 2020 (3 days) | ||
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| Methods | Demonstrations,civil disobedience,civil resistance,occupation,rioting,vandalism,looting | ||
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The2020 Azerbaijani protests, also known withinAzerbaijan as theKarabakh March (Azerbaijani:Qarabağ yürüşü),[1] were series of civil protests from 12 to 15 July in various cities and towns in Azerbaijan. They erupted during theArmenian–Azerbaijani border clashes, with the protestors demanding full-scale war withArmenia over theNagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Initial protests erupted on 12 July, inGobu, where theAzerbaijani refugees of theFirst Nagorno-Karabakh War live. Though the local police initially appealed to the crowd to disperse, the crowd ignored them. TheRapid Police Unit (RPU) then intervened and dispersed the protestors, numbering around 700 to 800 people, in the early hours of 13 July.[2][3] On 14 July, after the deaths ofMajor GeneralPolad Hashimov andColonelIlgar Mirzayev during the border clashes with Armenia, about 30[4] to 50[5] thousand people, calling for the end of theCOVID-19 pandemic-relatedquarantine, war against Armenia, country-wide mobilisation and the resignation ofNajmeddin Sadikov, thechief of general staff of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces,[6] demonstrated inBaku, the capital of Azerbaijan andSumgayit,[7] with smaller rallies in support of the military in other cities around Azerbaijan.[8] After the initial demonstrations, a smaller group stormed theParliament building,[9] protesting the government's inaction,[10] though security forces later evicted them. Subsequent clashes between the demonstrators and security forces resulted in seven police officers being injured, and several cars being damaged.[11] The seemingly impromptu rally lasted well into the early hours of 15 July.[9] It was the largest demonstration in Azerbaijan in years.[10][12]
No opposition or government figure appeared in front of the crowd when they stormed Parliament. Analysts said there was "neither a government official nor an intellectual" who could stand up to such a crowd. Some opposition members said that they "did not appear that day because they were worried about provocation". Government officials stated the government did not address the crowd because of the "restrictive andstay-at-home measures" because of the COVID-19 pandemic.[13] Some interpreted the Parliament break-in, and some of the earlier episodes, as provocations meant to discredit the protesters. According to Zaur Shiriyev, a Baku-based analyst for the International Crisis Group, the death of Hashimov and other high-ranking officers was a "turning point" and had "changed people's minds".[8]
The Azerbaijani government regarded the storming of the Parliament as a "provocation",[6] withPresidentIlham Aliyev blaming thePopular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA), the main opposition party, for the incident,[14] though the PPFA declared its members innocent.[15] The Azerbaijani authorities launched a criminal case over the incident and completed their preliminary investigation over the arrests on 11 September. 36 people were arrested—16 were members of the PFPA.[15] Despite this, according to other Azerbaijani sources, as many as 120 people were detained after the protests, including journalists.[14] Relatives of some detainees said that they could not get information about their family members for more than a day. According to some reports, some detainees were not fed or given a place to sleep.[11]
The protests are believed to have led to the2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war later in the year.[16][17][18]
The territorial ownership ofNagorno-Karabakh is fiercely contested between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Theconflict over the region has its roots in events followingWorld War I. Until the2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the region wasde jure part of Azerbaijan, although large parts werede facto held by the internationally unrecognisedRepublic of Artsakh supported by Armenia.[19]
During theSoviet era, anautonomous oblast within theAzerbaijan SSR governed the predominantly Armenian-populated region.[20] As theSoviet Union began to disintegrate during the late 1980s the question of Nagorno-Karabakh's status re-emerged, and on 20 February 1988 the parliament of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast passed a resolution requesting transfer of the oblast from the Azerbaijan SSR to theArmenian SSR. Azerbaijan rejected the request several times,[21] and ethnic violence began shortly after with a series of pogroms between 1988 and 1990 against Armenians inSumgait,Ganja andBaku,[22][23][24][25] and against Azerbaijanis inGugark[26][27][28] andStepanakert.[29] Following therevocation of Nagorno-Karabakh's autonomous status, anindependence referendum was held in the region on 10 December 1991. The Azerbaijani population, which then constituted around 22.8% of the region's population boycotted the referendum. 99.8% of participants voted in favour. In early 1992, following the Soviet Union's collapse, the region descended into outright war.[21]
TheFirst Nagorno-Karabakh War resulted in the displacement of approximately 725,000 Azerbaijanis and 300,000–500,000 Armenians from both Azerbaijan and Armenia.[30] The 1994Bishkek Protocol brought the fighting to an end and resulted in significant Armenian territorial gains: in addition to controlling most of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Republic of Artsakh also occupied the surrounding Azerbaijani populated districts ofAgdam,Jabrayil,Fuzuli,Kalbajar,Qubadli,Lachin andZangilan.[31] The terms of the Bishkek agreement produced afrozen conflict,[32] and long-standing international mediation attempts to create a peace process were initiated by theOSCE Minsk Group in 1994, with the interruptedMadrid Principles being the most recent iteration prior to 2020.[33][34] TheUnited Nations Security Council adoptedfour resolutions in 1993 calling for the withdrawal of "occupying forces" from the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh,[a]and in 2008 theGeneral Assembly adopteda resolution demanding the immediate withdrawal of Armenian occupying forces,[35] although the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group,Russia,France and theUnited States, voted against it.[36]
For three decades multiple violations of the ceasefire occurred, the most serious being the four-day2016 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[37] In August 2019, in a declaration in favour of unification, theArmenian prime ministerNikol Pashinyan stated "Artsakh is Armenia, full stop".[38] From 12 to 16 July 2020,[39]skirmishes occurred on theborder between Armenia and Azerbaijan,[37] mainly in theTavush province ofArmenia and theTovuz district ofAzerbaijan.[40] The skirmishes were conducted mainly through artillery anddrones, without infantry,[41] and were of varying intensity, injuring many, and killing at least 17 military and one civilian. Among Azerbaijani military casualties were high-ranking officers, includingMajor GeneralPolad Hashimov andColonelIlgar Mirzayev.[42] Hashimov was buried alongside Mirzayev on 15 July in theSecond Alley of Honor inBaku.[43] Azerbaijan'sminister of defence,Zakir Hasanov,chief of general staff,Najmaddin Sadigov, and, themayor of Baku,Eldar Azizov, attended the funeral.[44] On the same day,PresidentIlham Aliyev had a telephone conversation with Hashimov's mother, expressing his deep condolences to her.[45] A street was named after Hashimov in his nativeVandam, inGabala District.[46] A park named after Polad Hashimov was opened in theOsmangazi district ofBursa,Turkey on 28 October.[47] Both Hashimov and Mirzayev were declaredNational Heroes of Azerbaijan in December 2020.[48]
On 12 July, despiteCOVID-19 regulations, mass pro-war protests erupted at night inGobu Park, near Baku, where the Azerbaijaniinternally displaced persons (IDPs) live. Protesters, chanting slogans such as "Martyrs do not die, the homeland will not be divided," moved towards the Bina Bazaar. The local police initially talked to the crowd and tried to disperse it, but the crowd ignored them. The protestors, numbering around 700 to 800 people, were broadcasting the events via social media, which attracted more participants. TheRapid Police Unit (RPU) intervened and dispersed the crowd an hour after the protests had begun. Police detained dozens of protestors, though they were released afterwards. The RPU was deployed in Lokbatan to ensure security.[2][3]
On 14 July, hundreds of people arrived in front of Colonel Ilgar Mirzayev's house in theKhatai District of Baku, where his body was due to arrive. Mirzayev was one of the high-ranking officers killed during the border skirmishes with Armenia.[6] Shortly after, demonstrations erupted inSumgait,[49] where Major General Polad Hashimov was residing before his death during the border skirmishes,[50] andAhmadli,[51] with hundreds of demonstrators chanting pro-army slogans.[52] The demonstrations spread to others parts of Baku,[53] with about 30[4] to 50 thousand demonstrators being present.[7] They first marched toFreedom Square, then to theMartyrs' Lane but were not allowed enter it,[51] or theNational Assembly of Azerbaijan.[6] The Baku Police did not allow vehicles to enter the area to ensure the crowd's safety.[11] The demonstrators, waving theAzerbaijani flag, called for the end of the COVID-19 pandemic relatedquarantine, mobilisation and a war against Armenia to retake the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.[4][9] There were smaller rallies in support of the military in other cities around Azerbaijan, usually connected to the burials of fallen soldiers.[8]
On the same day, a video calling for mobilisation on behalf of Azerbaijan's minister of defence, Zakir Hasanov, was spread on the social media. The video shows an unidentified man sitting in a police car talking through a loudspeaker. Dozens of people, including two in police uniforms, appeared to have gathered around the car. TheAzerbaijani Ministry of Internal Affairs claimed that the video wasfake, though local social media users disputed this. The Azerbaijani military authorities said they were unaware of who disseminated the information. Elshad Hajiyev, a spokesman for the Baku State Traffic Police, said he was unaware of the identity of the person "sitting in a police car and calling for mobilisation". TheState Service for Mobilization and Conscription of Azerbaijan, in a statement referring to the recruitment of the reservists, said there was "no reason for such a need today". The service added it had received numerous appeals from the citizens willing to serve on the frontline and provide assistance.[54]
After the initial demonstrations, a smaller group reached the front of the National Assembly on the night of 14 and 15 July. Apart from support for the army and calls for war,[11] the demonstrators demanded the resignation of the chief of general staff of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces and the deputy minister of defence,Najmeddin Sadikov,[6] who was suspected of giving the coordinates of Polad Hashimov's location to the Armenian authorities, leading to his death.[55][56] At around 01:00, street lights were turned off in front of the Parliament building. However, the demonstrators protested this by turning their phone lights and whistling. Although a representative from the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence arrived to address the crowd, the demonstrators did not allow him to speak and demanded that the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, come and speak.[6] At around 04:00,riots broke out, during which police cars were overturned.[57] Several demonstrators breached the National Assembly, protesting the government's inaction.[10] They smashed windows and chandeliers inside, but security forces later evicted them. ABBC Azerbaijani Service correspondent at the scene reported that although there were guards inside, they did not interfere with the crowd.[11] According to a report by the Azerbaijani Parliament, the demonstrators damaged a number of items in the Parliament worth 22,150AZN in total.[58][59] The Azerbaijani Ministry of Internal Affairs accused the demonstrators of deliberately disobeying the demands of police officers and attacking them with stones and other objects. As a result, seven police officers were injured, two service cars of the State Traffic Police Department were overturned and rendered useless, fourteen more service cars and the road infrastructure in the area were seriously damaged.[11] After that, security forces used water cannons, tear gas and batons to disperse those gathered in front of the Parliament building.[5] Other demonstrators tried to convince police to join them.[8] The demonstrators moved towards Martyrs' Lane and continued protesting there. They began to disperse in the early morning nearBaku Boulevard and Freedom Square.[6] According toTuran, an independent Azerbaijani news agency, several hundred protesters then marched, escorted by police, to theNariman Narimanov Monument and the building of theAzerbaijani Ministry of Taxes, before dispersing.[5]
On 15 July, no opposition or government figure appeared in front of the crowd. Analysts said there was "neither a government official nor an intellectual" who could stand up to such a crowd. Some opposition members said they "did not appear that day because they were worried about provocation". Government officials said the government did not address the crowd because of the "restrictive andstay-at-home measures" for the COVID-19 pandemic. Political analyst Rashad Shirin attributed the government's reluctance to appear in public to the "fact that they were not used to speaking ... and were not prepared for such a tense situation". He also said the president's speech in a spontaneous, chaotic rally could be problematic because there were security issues.Isa Gambar, head of the National Centre for Strategic Thought, said the government had "no influential people to bring" before the crowd. According to him, the Azerbaijani government had subjugated the intellectuals, and "forced them to lose prestige, or completely excluded them from the socio-political process".Khadija Ismayilova, a human rights activist and investigative journalist, said that although the expectations of the crowd in front of the Parliament were a "promise of mobilisation", there was "no government in Azerbaijan that could make that promise". Recalling the2013 Baku protests, Ismayilova speculated that the government will "once again take steps to get rid of unpopular people". Zahid Oruj, an Azerbaijani MP and head of the Centre for Social Research, believed that it was wrong to approach the issue through the prism of government officials failing to appear before the crowd.[13] Some interpreted the Parliament break-in, and some other earlier episodes, as provocations meant to discredit the protesters.[8]
The Azerbaijani government regarded the storming of the Parliament as a provocation, calling the protestors a "group of provocateurs". On 15 July, theProsecutor General's Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan announced they had launched a criminal case against a group of individuals during a rally in support of the army in Baku and that investigative measures were being taken. On the same day, a statement issued on behalf of the Azerbaijani Parliament condemned the actions of "some provocateurs aimed at destruction and damage".[6] In a screed delivered on the same day, the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, blamed thePopular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA), the country's main opposition party, and theNational Council of Democratic Forces (NCDF), analliance of Azerbaijan'sopposition parties, for the storming of the Parliament building. He declared the need to "finish with the 'fifth column', calling them "worse than the Armenians".[14][60] In response, the PFPA and NCDF stated they had not organised the rally and declared their members innocent.[15] The PFPA released a statement saying it had declared its support for theAzerbaijani Armed Forces since the beginning of the skirmishes and called Aliyev's speech "a disgrace to the state" adding that it was "an announcement of the beginning of the next wave of repressions".[61]
The preliminary investigation over the arrests was completed on 11 September. 37 people were prosecuted, officially charged with intentionally causing minor bodily harm, intentionally destroying or damaging another's property, violating public order, and resisting or using force against a government official. Among them, 36 were arrested, and one was put under house arrest. 16 of those prosecuted were members of the PFPA. Others prosecuted included members of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Welfare Movement (ADR) and the Muslim Union Movement.[15] Despite this, according to other Azerbaijani sources, as many as 120 people were detained after the protests, including members of theNIDA Civic Movement and journalists.[14][62] Relatives of some detainees said they could not obtain information about them for more than a day. According to some reports, a number of detainees were not fed or given a place to sleep.[11]
In response to the demonstrators' calls for mobilisation, President Aliyev said that only 150 people had signed up to go to the frontline. This statement caused anger and frustration in the Azerbaijani public. Azerbaijani activistBakhtiyar Hajiyev said that the president's statement was humiliating for the people who flooded the streets. According to him, the message that the Azerbaijani public expected from the state and the president was completely different—a positive reaction. Azerbaijani MP Zahid Oruj said those who "draw conclusions from the president's speech as disappointing distort the real purpose of the head of state". He stressed the president's speech had "increased the morale of the society and strengthened their confidence in victory". Oruj said that interpreting the president's speech as "Azerbaijan does not want to fight" meant distorting Aliyev's true purpose. He added that "against the background of people who sometimes sound like fighting, great ideals of young people, forces trying to gain points by exploiting the feelings of the homeland, not all applicants intended to go to the trenches".[63]
The protests are believed to have led to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war later in September of the same year.[16][17][18]
On 20 July 2020, theUnited States Department of State urged the Azerbaijani government to avoid using the COVID-19 pandemic to "silence civil society advocacy, opposition voices, or public discussion".[14] On 13 August, theAmnesty International also urged to end the "violent persecution of opposition activists".[64] These actions were widely seen as an attempt to "eliminate pro-democracy advocates and political rivals once and for all".[65]
This mountain enclave, mostly inhabited by people of Armenian language and origin, had been placed under Azerbaijan's jurisdiction in the 1920s, and was entirely surrounded by villages populated by Azeris.
Around ninety Armenians died in the Baku pogroms.
Armenians see the campaign that emerged in 1987 to unify Karabakh and Armenia as peaceful, yet met with organized pogroms killing dozens of Armenians in the Azerbaijani cities of Sumgait, Kirovabad (today's Ganja) and Baku in 1988–1990.
...the clashes involving artillery fire and drone attacks largely stopped on July 16.
...the border between Armenia's northern Tavush province and the Tovuz district in Azerbaijan, the scene of the clashes.
Media related toJuly 2020 pro-war demonstrations Baku at Wikimedia Commons
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