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| Turnout | 88.08% (first round) 85.61% (second round) | |||||||||||||||||||||
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Presidential elections were held in Brazil in 1989, with the first round on November 15 and a second round on December 17. They were the first direct presidential elections since1960, the first to be held using atwo-round system and the first to take place under the1988 constitution, which followed two decades of authoritarian rule after the1964 Brazilian coup d'état.
The collapse of themilitary-imposed two-party system[1] that pitted the right-wing authoritarianNational Renewal Alliance (ARENA) against the catch-allBrazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) resulted in a wide array of new parties seeking to fill the political vacuum. PresidentJosé Sarney of the PMDB, the MDB's successor, was ineligible to run. Sarney, who was electedVice President onTancredo Neves's ticket in the1985 elections, had taken office due to Neves's death before his scheduled inauguration.[2]
PopularGovernor ofAlagoasFernando Collor de Mello resigned from his position to mount a bid for the presidency.[3] Previously a member of the PMDB, Collor joined the smallNational Reconstruction Party (PRN) in the run-up to the presidential campaign. Collor, who presented himself as a political outsider and was noted for his charisma,[4] polled at a mere 5% according to polling taken in early 1989.[5] Collor's emergence as an unlikely frontrunner was credited to his campaign's skilled use of television advertisements to make the case for his candidacy.[6] Collor, who had governed one of the smallest states in the country, choseSenatorItamar Franco of the populous and electorally crucial state ofMinas Gerais as his running mate.[7] Further, Collor's campaign was noted for his relative youth at the mere age of 40.[8]
Following the end of state repression of socialist parties, the Brazilian Left faced a fractured field defined by two primary candidates: Popular labour leaderLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known as Lula, of the industrialABC Region ofSão Paulo,[9] andLeonel Brizola, a longtime staple of the Brazilian Left who had served asGovernor of Rio Grande do Sul prior to the 1964 military coup.[10] Lula was widely known in Brazil for his role leading the highly publicized metalworkers' strike in the State ofSão Paulo during the late 1970s[11] and had been elected afederal deputy in 1986 with the most votes nationwide.[12] Lula ran as a member of theWorkers' Party (PT), aleft-wing party he helped found in 1980. For his running mate, Lula chose SenatorJosé Paulo Bisol ofRio Grande do Sul, a member of theBrazilian Socialist Party (PSB), to unite the left. In the first round, Lula narrowly defeated Brizola, who was running as a member of theDemocratic Labour Party (PDT), for a position in the runoff.[13]
The general election was marked by negative campaigning, with Collor accusing Lula of supporting divisiveclass struggle.[14] The role ofRede Globo, the largest and most-watched TV network in Brazil, in Collor's election remains controversial.[15][6] Following a tumultuous election cycle, Collor defeated Lula to become the first directly electedPresident of Brazil inalmost thirty years. Collor would later resign from office facing an impending impeachment trial.[16]
On January 15, 1985, following two decades of a US-backed right-wingmilitary dictatorship, in power since the1964 Brazilian coup d'état,Tancredo Neves of theBrazilian Democratic Movement, the opposition party in a military junta-imposedtwo-party system, wasindirectly elected president byCongress. The government was an authoritarianilliberal democracy which directly elected representatives, but not the president. It was in a process of slow liberalization since the1974 indirect election ofErnesto Geisel, who was more permissive of political dissent than his hard-liner predecessor,Emílio Garrastazu Médici. Neves was the first civilian to be elected president since 1960.
However, Neves was hospitalized of an untreated cancer on the eve of his inauguration, and finally died in 21 April, before taking office.José Sarney, the Vice-president-elect, was immediately sworn in. The legitimacy of Sarney's appointment was widely questioned,[citation needed] since Neves had died aspresident-elect without ever taking office. Sarney was seen with suspicion by the civilian population as a member of the military regime's party, theNational Renewal Alliance. The support of General Leônidas Pires Gonçalves, slated to be Minister of the Army in Neves' future cabinet, was decisive for Sarney taking office.[citation needed]
Nevertheless, as promised by Neves, Sarney led atransitional government which allowed for liberalization of the authoritarian military government. In 1986, he called for elections to form aconstituent assembly, which designed and promulgated theseventh and current constitution of Brazil on October 5, 1988. A markedlyliberal democratic andsocial democratic constitution, it prescribedfirst-past-the-post two-round direct elections for executive and legislative seats at the federal, state, and municipal levels, and set the date for the 1989 election. It also provided forfreedom of expression and legalized formerly clandestine parties such as theBrazilian Communist Party and theBrazilian Socialist Party.
| Party | Presidential candidate | Running mate[a] | Coalition | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
National Reconstruction Party | Fernando Collor Governor ofAlagoas (1987–1989) | Itamar Franco Senator fromMinas Gerais | New Brazil:
| |||
Workers' Party | Lula da Silva Federal Deputy | José Paulo Bisol (PSB) Senator fromRio Grande do Sul | Popular Brazil Front:
| |||
| Party | Presidential candidate | Running mate[a] | Coalition | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Brazilian Communist Party | Roberto Freire Federal Deputy | Sérgio Arouca President ofFiocruz (1985–1989) | — | |||
Brazilian Labour Party | Affonso Camargo Netto Senator fromParaná | José Roberto Faria Lima | — | |||
Brazilian Municipalist Party | Armando Corrêa President of the party | Agostinho Linhares | — | |||
Brazilian People's Party | Antônio Pedreira President of the party | Orestes Ferreira Alves | — | |||
Brazilian Social Democracy Party | Mário Covas Senator fromSão Paulo | Almir Gabriel Senator fromPará | — | |||
Democratic Labour Party | Leonel Brizola Governor ofRio de Janeiro (1983–1987) | Fernando Lyra Federal Deputy | — | |||
Democratic Social Party | Paulo Maluf Governor ofSão Paulo (1979–1982) | Bonifácio de Andrada Federal Deputy | — | |||
Green Party | Fernando Gabeira | Maurício Lobo Abreu | — | |||
Liberal Party | Guilherme Afif Federal Deputy | Aluísio Pimenta (PDC) | Christian Liberal Alliance:
| |||
National Communitarian Party | Zamir José Teixeira | William Pereira da Silva President of the party | — | |||
| Nationalist Party | Lívia Maria | Ardwin Retto Grünewald | — | |||
| National Mobilization Party | Celso Brant President of the party | José Natan | — | |||
Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement | Ulysses Guimarães Federal Deputy | Waldir Pires Governor ofBahia (1987–1989) | — | |||
| Party of the Christian Democracy of Brazil | Manoel Horta | Jorge Coelho de Sá | — | |||
Party of the Liberal Front | Aureliano Chaves Minister of Mines and Energy (1985–1988) | Cláudio Lembo Secretary of Legal Affairs ofSão Paulo (1986–1989) | — | |||
Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order | Enéas Carneiro President of the party | Lenine Madeira | — | |||
| People's Party | Paulo Gontijo President of the party | Luiz Paulino | — | |||
| Progressive Liberal Party | Eudes Mattar | Dante Lazzaroni Júnior | — | |||
Social Democratic Party | Ronaldo Caiado Leader of theRuralist Democratic Union | Camillo Calazans (PDN) | City-Country Union:
| |||
Social Progressive Party | Marronzinho President of the party | Reinaldo Valim | — | |||
Most political parties were relatively new but managed to actively mobilise the population,[citation needed] with the election coming five years after massive demonstrations for direct elections in the late 1980sDiretas Já movement had called for the end of the military regime. Sarney was barred by the 1988 constitution from running for immediate reelection as a vice president ascending to the office of president counts as a full term.
Twenty-two candidates entered the race, a record number of candidates in a single presidential election. The 1989 elections were the first in which the president and vice-president were jointly elected asrunning mates.
Among the twenty-two candidates, onlyUlysses Guimarães andPaulo Maluf had previously run for the presidency, althoughJânio Quadros planned to run but eventually dropped his candidacy.Aureliano Chaves had also previously served as vice-president.Orestes Quercia, a member of Sarney'sBrazilian Democratic Movement, led the polls until he decided to drop out of the contest.[17] TV hostSilvio Santos announced he would run just 20 days before the election, but his candidacy was mired in uncertainty and eventually revoked by theSuperior Electoral Court because of a technicality.[18]
The first round took place on November 15, 1989, the 100th anniversary of therepublican coup which deposedPedro II of Brazil and proclaimed theFirst Brazilian Republic. Since no candidate managed to win a majority of votes, a second round was held on December 17, featuring the two top finishers:Fernando Collor de Mello of theeconomically liberalright-wing populistNational Reconstruction Party andLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva of thesocial democraticleft-wing populistWorkers' Party.
Both candidates had a reputation as outsiders. Despite being a charismatic leader, Lula failed to attract the majority of votes from poor, unskilled and semiskilled workers – who would, later on, form the basis of the Workers' Party electorate. These voters predominantly favored Collor, who was associated with the traditional economic elites ofnortheastern Brazil. Lula's support was greater among progressive intellectuals, Catholic activists, skilled industrial workers, and the college-educated middle class of theSouth andSoutheast, despite himself being a poor immigrant from the Northeast.[citation needed]
Collor argued that Lula's plans of aggressive spending on inequality reduction programs would destroy Brazil's then-fragile economy, harming the poor people he claimed to champion. He also appealed to his young age and distanced himself from the previous military governments, as well as from the newer political elites who had supported the Sarney government and itsPlano Cruzado, which had failed to stophyperinflation.
AfterLeonel Brizola was defeated in the first round, he supported Lula, with his support being considered crucial to Lula's strong performance inRio Grande do Sul in the second round.[19]
Ultimately, Collor was elected with a six-point lead. His initial widespread support,[citation needed] based on his strong rhetoric againstcorruption,[citation needed] quickly vanished[citation needed] in the wake of his1992 impeachment for corruption charges, leading to Collor resigning from office in an unsuccessful attempt to stop the proceedings. Lula would go on to be elected president for the first time in the2002 elections, win a second term in the2006 contest and be elected president for the second time in the2022 elections. The Workers' Party also won the presidency twice more withDilma Rousseff, a protégé of Lula, in the2010 and2014 elections. The party would remain in power until herimpeachment in 2016 and the2018 election ofright-wing populistJair Bolsonaro.
Following the first round,Rede Globo aired a debate between Lula and Collor live. During the broadcast ofprimetimenews programJornal Nacional on the following day, an edited-down highlight reel of the debate was aired. Critics argued that it highlighted Collor's best moments and Lula's worst ones, and that coverage was sympathetical to Collor, who was supposedly close to Globo's CEORoberto Marinho. The event was explored on the BritishChannel 4documentaryBeyond Citizen Kane, which features an interview with then head of journalism at Globo,Armando Nogueira, where he says his edit of the debate was edited so as to favor Collor and claims that after complaining to Marinho about the edit, he was dismissed from the company.
Some[who?] attribute Collor's electoral victory to this particular event and other media coverage, such as aJornal do Brasil article claiming Lula had fathered anillegitimate daughter. Later, Collor's campaign contacted Lula's ex-girlfriend, the mother of the child in question, and claimed that Lula had asked her to perform anabortion. This is said to be compounded by a prohibition on electoral advertising immediately preceding an election, which prevented Lula from responding to the accusations.[citation needed]
The kidnapping of wealthy businessmanAbilio Diniz on the day of the election by alleged supporters of PT is believed to have harmed Lula, who was legally forbidden from speaking to the press on election day to disavow the crime due to Brazilian election rules.[20]
A 2023 study found that Rede Globo's media coverage on the eve of the election led Lula to lose millions of votes.[15]
| 1989 Brazilian presidential election debates | ||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| No. | Date | Hosts | Moderators | Participants | ||||||||||
| Key: P Present A Absent O Invited to other debate N Not invited | PRN | PT | PDT | PSDB | PDS | PL | PMDB | PCB | PFL | PSD | PTB | |||
| Collor | Lula | Brizola | Covas | Maluf | Afif | Ulysses | Freire | Chaves | Caiado | Camargo | ||||
| 1 | Monday, 17 July 1989 | Rede Bandeirantes | Marília Gabriela | A | P | P | P | P | P | A | P | P | P | P |
| 2.1 | Monday, 14 August 1989 | Rede Bandeirantes | Marília Gabriela | O | O | P | O | P | P | O | P | P | O | O |
| 2.2 | Tuesday, 15 August 1989 | A | P | O | P | O | O | P | O | O | P | P | ||
| 3 | Monday, 16 October 1989 | Rede Bandeirantes | Marília Gabriela | A | P | P | P | P | P | A | P | A | P | N |
| 4 | Sunday, 5 November 1989 | Rede Bandeirantes | Marília Gabriela | A | P | P | P | P | P | A | P | A | P | N |
| 5 | Sunday, 12 November 1989 | SBT | Boris Casoy | A | P | P | P | P | P | A | P | A | P | N |
| 1989 Brazilian presidential election debates | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| No. | Date | Hosts | Moderators | Participants | |
| Key: P Present A Absent | PRN | PT | |||
| Collor | Lula | ||||
| 1 | Sunday, 3 December 1989 | Rede Manchete | Alexandre Garcia Boris Casoy Eliakim Araújo Marília Gabriela | P | P |
| 2 | Thursday, 14 December 1989 | Rede Bandeirantes | Alexandre Garcia Boris Casoy Eliakim Araújo Marília Gabriela | P | P |
| Active candidates |
| Fernando Collor (PRN) |
| Lula (PT) |
| Leonel Brizola (PDT) |
| Mário Covas (PSDB) |
| Paulo Maluf (PDS) |
| Afif Domingos (PL) |
| Ulysses Guimarães (PMDB) |
| Others |
| Abstentions/Undecided |
| Pollster/client(s) | Date(s) conducted | Sample size | Collor PRN | Lula PT | Brizola PDT | Covas PSDB | Maluf PDS | Afif PL | Guimarães PMDB | Others | Abst. Undec. | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1989 election | 15 Nov | – | 30.48% | 17.19% | 16.51% | 11.52% | 8.85% | 4.84% | 4.74% | 5.87% | 6.45% | 13.29% |
| Datafolha | 15 Nov[b] | 10,645 | 30% | 18% | 14% | 10% | 8% | 4% | 4% | – | 6% | 12% |
| Datafolha | 14 Nov | – | 26% | 15% | 14% | 11% | 9% | 5% | 5% | 4% | 11% | 11% |
| Datafolha | 10 Nov | – | 27% | 15% | 14% | 11% | 9% | 5% | 4% | 5% | 10% | 12% |
| Datafolha | 6–7 Nov | – | 25% | 15% | 14% | 9% | 7% | 4% | 4% | 13%[c] | 9% | 10% |
| Datafolha | 1–3 Nov | – | 21% | 14% | 13% | 9% | 7% | 4% | 4% | 17%[d] | 13% | 7% |
| Datafolha | 25–26 Oct | 5,251 | 26% | 14% | 15% | 9% | 9% | 5% | 4% | 5%[e] | 13% | 11% |
| Datafolha | 18–19 Oct | 5,261 | 26% | 14% | 15% | 8% | 9% | 7% | 3% | 5%[f] | 13% | 11% |
| Datafolha | 7–8 Oct | 4,893 | 29% | 10% | 13% | 7% | 8% | 8% | 3% | 4%[f] | 17% | 16% |
| Datafolha | 23–24 Sep | 5,057 | 33% | 7% | 15% | 6% | 7% | 7% | 3% | 5%[f] | 17% | 18% |
| Datafolha | 2–3 Sep | 4,981 | 40% | 6% | 14% | 5% | 8% | 5% | 2% | 4%[f] | 16% | 26% |
| Datafolha | 19–20 Aug | 5,079 | 41% | 5% | 14% | 5% | 7% | 3% | 3% | 4%[f] | 18% | 27% |
| Datafolha | 22–23 Jul | 5,156 | 38% | 6% | 12% | 6% | 7% | 2% | 4% | 4%[f] | 21% | 26% |
| Datafolha | 1–2 Jul | 10,212 | 40% | 7% | 12% | 6% | 5% | 2% | 5% | 5%[g] | 18% | 28% |
| Datafolha | 3–4 Jun | 10,447 | 42% | 7% | 11% | 5% | 4% | 1% | 5% | 4%[g] | 21% | 31% |
| Datafolha | 23–24 Apr | 10,421 | 14% | 12% | 13% | 6% | 5% | 1% | – | 24%[h] | 21% | 4% |
| Active candidates |
| Fernando Collor (PRN) |
| Lula (PT) |
| Abstentions/Undecided |
| Pollster/client(s) | Date(s) conducted | Sample size | Collor PRN | Lula PT | Abst. Undec. | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1989 election | 17 Dec | – | 53.03% | 46.97% | 5.42% | 6.06% |
| Datafolha | 17 Dec[b] | 11,995 | 51.5% | 48.5% | – | 3.0% |
| Datafolha | 16 Dec | 11,995 | 47% | 44% | 10% | 3% |
| Datafolha | 12–13 Dec | 5,250 | 46% | 45% | 9% | 1% |
| Datafolha | 8 Dec | 5,250 | 47% | 44% | 9% | 3% |
| Datafolha | 4 Dec | 5,250 | 49% | 41% | 10% | 9% |
| Datafolha | 30 Nov | 5,250 | 50% | 40% | 10% | 10% |
| Datafolha | 22 Nov | 5,716 | 48% | 39% | 13% | 9% |
Fernando Collor received the most votes in most states, except for theFederal District, where Lula came first, andRio de Janeiro,Santa Catarina andRio Grande do Sul, won byLeonel Brizola. In the second round, Lula won in Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, the Federal District, and his home state ofPernambuco, whilst Collor carried every other state.[21]
| Federative unit | Collor | Lula | Brizola | Covas | Maluf | Afif | Ulysses | Other candidates | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | |
| Acre | 49,862 | 38.95% | 22,954 | 17.93% | 8,582 | 6.70% | 3,716 | 2.90% | 12,882 | 10.06% | 7,149 | 5.58% | 14,580 | 11.39% | 8,285 | 6.47% |
| Alagoas | 554,612 | 64.38% | 76,227 | 8.85% | 63,071 | 7.32% | 67,240 | 7.81% | 9,253 | 1.07% | 26,869 | 3.12% | 9,138 | 1.06% | 55,060 | 6.39% |
| Amapá | 42,255 | 48.42% | 21,026 | 24.09% | 4,935 | 5.65% | 3,695 | 4.23% | 1,960 | 2.25% | 4,323 | 4.95% | 3,883 | 4.45% | 5,194 | 5.95% |
| Amazonas | 300,848 | 50.49% | 125,406 | 21.05% | 26,129 | 4.39% | 36,380 | 6.11% | 24,832 | 4.17% | 36,544 | 6.13% | 17,303 | 2.90% | 28,427 | 4.77% |
| Bahia | 1,408,614 | 34.77% | 1,050,444 | 25.93% | 229,186 | 5.66% | 248,803 | 6.14% | 72,200 | 1.78% | 100,970 | 2.49% | 638,007 | 15.75% | 302,851 | 7.48% |
| Ceará | 861,030 | 33.09% | 321,526 | 12.36% | 505,440 | 19.43% | 477,286 | 18.34% | 108,877 | 4.18% | 60,228 | 2.31% | 85,406 | 3.28% | 182,063 | 7.00% |
| Espírito Santo | 468,910 | 39.62% | 264,983 | 22.39% | 105,093 | 8.88% | 118,048 | 9.97% | 32,221 | 2.72% | 45,644 | 3.86% | 71,408 | 6.03% | 77,263 | 6.53% |
| Federal District | 172,818 | 22.75% | 220,720 | 29.06% | 71,719 | 9.44% | 135,227 | 17.81% | 31,364 | 4.13% | 48,068 | 6.33% | 26,167 | 3.45% | 53,397 | 7.03% |
| Goiás | 803,199 | 45.39% | 298,261 | 16.86% | 70,146 | 3.96% | 101,514 | 5.74% | 80,376 | 4.54% | 111,808 | 6.32% | 157,355 | 8.89% | 146,852 | 8.30% |
| Maranhão | 609,758 | 46.93% | 255,586 | 19.67% | 116,539 | 8.97% | 44,154 | 3.40% | 35,939 | 2.77% | 54,021 | 4.16% | 72,794 | 5.60% | 110,471 | 8.50% |
| Mato Grosso | 344,973 | 46.60% | 76,700 | 10.36% | 75,194 | 10.16% | 33,472 | 4.52% | 43,679 | 5.90% | 66,916 | 9.04% | 56,209 | 7.59% | 43,132 | 5.83% |
| Mato Grosso do Sul | 436,539 | 53.23% | 73,697 | 8.99% | 63,721 | 7.77% | 50,465 | 6.15% | 47,237 | 5.76% | 60,061 | 7.32% | 44,130 | 5.38% | 44.313 | 5.40% |
| Minas Gerais | 2,801,422 | 36.12% | 1,792,789 | 23.11% | 418,935 | 5.40% | 799,227 | 10.30% | 275,669 | 3.55% | 503,027 | 6.48% | 459,308 | 5.92% | 706,515 | 9.11% |
| Pará | 793,384 | 52.01% | 294,981 | 19.34% | 52,361 | 3.43% | 101,282 | 6.64% | 62,848 | 4.12% | 65,419 | 4.29% | 66,384 | 4.35% | 88,667 | 5.81% |
| Paraíba | 457,129 | 35.16% | 313,895 | 24.14% | 186,076 | 14.31% | 94,774 | 7.29% | 33,777 | 2.60% | 25,659 | 1.97% | 97,634 | 7.51% | 91,247 | 7.02% |
| Paraná | 1,738,216 | 40.64% | 353,907 | 8.27% | 616,170 | 14.41% | 325,652 | 7.61% | 319,932 | 7.48% | 494,608 | 11.56% | 144,687 | 3.38% | 284,052 | 6.64% |
| Pernambuco | 1,066,986 | 37.74% | 950,189 | 33.61% | 265,548 | 9.39% | 101,093 | 3.58% | 43,518 | 1.54% | 70,093 | 2.48% | 89,991 | 3.18% | 239,410 | 8.47% |
| Piauí | 383,632 | 39.75% | 219,406 | 22.73% | 93,507 | 9.69% | 48,763 | 5.05% | 38,236 | 3.96% | 36,829 | 3.82% | 61,037 | 6.32% | 83,662 | 8.67% |
| Rio de Janeiro | 1,189,385 | 16.07% | 904,223 | 12.22% | 3,855,561 | 52.09% | 643,786 | 8.70% | 115,656 | 1.56% | 191,751 | 2.59% | 124,752 | 1.69% | 376,389 | 5.09% |
| Rio Grande do Norte | 326,878 | 33.37% | 239,010 | 24.40% | 78,259 | 7.99% | 56,768 | 5.80% | 52,546 | 5.36% | 20,846 | 2.13% | 139,093 | 14.20% | 66,084 | 6.75% |
| Rio Grande do Sul | 480,842 | 9.23% | 350,062 | 6.72% | 3,262,925 | 62.66% | 249,384 | 4.79% | 309,406 | 5.94% | 178,311 | 3.42% | 185,433 | 3.56% | 190,826 | 3.66% |
| Rondônia | 165,607 | 42.82% | 75,532 | 19.53% | 39,650 | 10.25% | 13,718 | 3.55% | 24,934 | 6.45% | 26,123 | 6.75% | 19,370 | 5.01% | 21,800 | 5.64% |
| Roraima | 32,130 | 59.72% | 5,417 | 10.07% | 5,092 | 9.47% | 2,944 | 5.47% | 1,377 | 2.56% | 2,252 | 4.19% | 1,589 | 2.95% | 2,996 | 5.57% |
| Santa Catarina | 566,990 | 23.52% | 255,015 | 10.58% | 632,170 | 26.22% | 177,980 | 7.38% | 236,151 | 9.79% | 206,957 | 8.58% | 242,757 | 10.07% | 93,042 | 3.86% |
| São Paulo | 4,085,223 | 24.40% | 2,921,970 | 17.45% | 252,651 | 1.51% | 3,802,330 | 22.71% | 3,934,334 | 23.50% | 807,944 | 4.83% | 331,576 | 1.98% | 605,316 | 3.62% |
| Sergipe | 301,730 | 50.81% | 108,002 | 18.19% | 55,751 | 9.39% | 39,499 | 6.65% | 23,550 | 3.97% | 9,744 | 1.64% | 12,161 | 2.05% | 43,442 | 7.31% |
| Tocantins | 164,964 | 57.08% | 27,888 | 9.65% | 11,605 | 4.02% | 9,739 | 3.37% | 13,258 | 4.59% | 9,822 | 3.40% | 32,701 | 11.32% | 19,023 | 6.58% |
| Abroad | 3,094 | 24.66% | 2,505 | 19.96% | 1,649 | 13.14% | 3,442 | 27.43% | 573 | 4.57% | 534 | 4.26% | 143 | 1.14% | 609 | 4.85% |
| Source:Superior Electoral Court | ||||||||||||||||
| Federative unit | Collor | Lula | ||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||||||||||||
| Acre | 89,103 | 69.18% | 39,695 | 30.82% | ||||||||||||
| Alagoas | 683,920 | 76.07% | 215,177 | 23.93% | ||||||||||||
| Amapá | 53,780 | 64.25% | 29,926 | 35.75% | ||||||||||||
| Amazonas | 397,103 | 66.79% | 197,431 | 33.21% | ||||||||||||
| Bahia | 2,118,307 | 51.68% | 1,980,907 | 48.32% | ||||||||||||
| Ceará | 1,478,288 | 56.91% | 1,119,367 | 43.09% | ||||||||||||
| Espírito Santo | 689,981 | 59.30% | 473,597 | 40.70% | ||||||||||||
| Federal District | 268,963 | 37.32% | 451,780 | 62.68% | ||||||||||||
| Goiás | 1,160,446 | 68.44% | 535,142 | 31.56% | ||||||||||||
| Maranhão | 867,188 | 62.44% | 521,753 | 37.56% | ||||||||||||
| Mato Grosso | 475,046 | 66.39% | 240,486 | 33.61% | ||||||||||||
| Mato Grosso do Sul | 579,064 | 72.85% | 215,859 | 27.15% | ||||||||||||
| Minas Gerais | 4,186,658 | 55.51% | 3,355,125 | 44.49% | ||||||||||||
| Pará | 1,105,646 | 72.49% | 419,643 | 27.51% | ||||||||||||
| Paraíba | 740,208 | 54.97% | 606,446 | 45.03% | ||||||||||||
| Paraná | 2,793,218 | 67.29% | 1,357,754 | 32.71% | ||||||||||||
| Pernambuco | 1,455,747 | 49.10% | 1,509,102 | 50.90% | ||||||||||||
| Piauí | 590,594 | 58.92% | 411,814 | 41.08% | ||||||||||||
| Rio de Janeiro | 1,941,499 | 27.08% | 5,227,886 | 72.92% | ||||||||||||
| Rio Grande do Norte | 535,195 | 52.59% | 482,463 | 47.41% | ||||||||||||
| Rio Grande do Sul | 1,532,824 | 31.28% | 3,366,795 | 68.72% | ||||||||||||
| Rondônia | 234,272 | 63.25% | 136,123 | 36.75% | ||||||||||||
| Roraima | 39,916 | 76.35% | 12,364 | 23.65% | ||||||||||||
| Santa Catarina | 1,167,689 | 50.32% | 1,152,730 | 49.68% | ||||||||||||
| São Paulo | 9,270,501 | 57.90% | 6,739,403 | 42.10% | ||||||||||||
| Sergipe | 403,480 | 65.89% | 208,829 | 34.11% | ||||||||||||
| Tocantins | 227,029 | 78.39% | 62,576 | 21.61% | ||||||||||||
| Abroad | 4,541 | 44.65% | 5,630 | 55.35% | ||||||||||||
| Source:Superior Electoral Court | ||||||||||||||||
No seu papel de caçador de marajás, o alagoano Fernando Collor de Mello torna-se um dos governadores mais populares do país