Mustafa İsmet İnönü[a] (24 September 1884 – 25 December 1973) was a Turkish politician and military officer who served as thepresident of Turkey from 1938 to 1950, and as itsprime minister three times: from 1923 to 1924, 1925 to 1937, and 1961 to 1965.
İnönü is acknowledged by many asMustafa Kemal Atatürk's right-hand man, with their friendship going back to theCaucasus campaign. In theGreco-Turkish War of 1919–1922, he served as the firstchief of the General Staff from 1922 to 1924 for theregular Turkish army, during which he commanded forces during theFirst andSecond Battles ofİnönü. Atatürk bestowed İsmet with the surname İnönü, the site of the battles, when the 1934Surname Law was adopted. He served as the chief negotiator for the Ankara government, first as an army general following the defeat of invading forces during theArmistice of Mudanya talks, later as Minister of Foreign Affairs at theLausanne Conferences (1922–1923). He secured recognition of the Turkish victory by the Allies and replacing the imposedTreaty of Sèvres with theTreaty of Lausanne. As his prime minister for most of his presidency, İnönü executed many of Atatürk's modernizing and nationalistreforms. Some claim that, İnönü gave the orders to carry out theZilan massacre.
İnönü succeeded Atatürk as president of Turkey after his death in 1938 and was granted the official title ofMillî Şef ("National Chief") by the parliament. As president and chairman of theRepublican People's Party (CHP), İnönü initially continuedTurkey's one party state.Kemalist style programs continued to make great strides in education by supporting projects such asVillage Institutes. His governments implemented notably heavystatist economic policies. TheHatay State was annexed in 1939, and Turkey was able to maintain anarmed neutrality duringWorld War II, joining the Allied powers only three months before the end of hostilities in theEuropean Theater. TheTurkish Straits crisis prompted İnönü to build closer ties with the Western powers, with the country eventually joiningNATO in 1952, though by then he was no longer president.
Factionalism between statists and liberals in the CHP led to the creation of theDemocrat Party in 1946. İnönü held thefirst multiparty elections in the Republic's history that year, beginningTurkey's multiparty period.1950 saw a peaceful transfer of power to the Democrats when the CHP suffered defeat in the elections. For ten years, İnönü served as theleader of the opposition before returning to power as prime minister following the1961 election, held after the1960 coup-d'état. The 1960s saw İnönü reinvent the CHP as a political party, which was "Left of Center" as a new party cadre led byBülent Ecevit became more influential. İnönü remained leader of the CHP until 1972, when he was defeated by Ecevit in a leadership contest. He died on 25 December 1973, of aheart attack, at the age of 89. He is interred opposite to Atatürk's mausoleum atAnıtkabir inAnkara.
İsmet İnönü (born Mustafa İsmet) was born in 1884 in Smyrna (İzmir) in theAidin Vilayet to Hacı Reşit and Cevriye (later Cevriye Temelli). Hacı Reşit was retired after serving as director of the First Examinant Department of the Legal Affairs Bureau of theWar Ministry (Harbiye Nezareti Muhakemat Dairesi Birinci Mümeyyizliği).[1] A member of the Kürümoğlu family ofBitlis, İnönü's father was born in Malatya. According to its members studying the ancestral background of the family, Kürümoğlus were of Turkish[2] origin, while secondary sources refer to the family as ofKurdish descent.[3][4][5][6] His mother was the daughter ofMüderris Hasan Efendi, who belonged to theulema[1] and was a member of theTurkish family ofRazgrad (present-dayBulgaria).[7] In 1933 he visited Razgrad since the city's Turkish cemeterywas attacked.[8] İsmet was the family's second child; he had three brothers, including the family's first child, Ahmet Midhat, two younger brothers, Hasan Rıza and Hayri (Temelli), as well as a sister Seniha (Otakan).[9] Due to his father's assignments, the family moved from one city to another.[citation needed]
İnönü completed his primary education inSivas and graduated from Sivas Military Junior High School (Sivas Askerî Rüştiyesi) in 1894. He then studied at the Sivas School for Civil Servants (Sivas Mülkiye İdadisi) for a year. He graduated from theImperial School of Military Engineering in 1904 as a lieutenant gunnery officer and entered theMilitary Academy to graduate as a first-rank staff captain on 26 September 1906. İnönü started his duty in theSecond Army based in Adrianople (Edirne) on 2 October 1906, in the 3rd Battery Command of the 8th Field Artillery Regiment. As part of his platoon officer staff internship, he gave lessons in military strategy and artillery. Captain İsmet was also part of the Ottoman–Bulgarian commissions.[10]
ThroughAli Fethi (Okyar), he briefly joined theCommittee of Union and Progress in 1907,[11] which wished to overthrow SultanAbdul Hamid II. During the31 March Incident, he was on the staff of the Second Cavalry Division, which was mobilized to join theAction Army and marched on Constantinople (İstanbul) to depose Abdul Hamid II. Returning to Adrianople following the suppression of the mutiny, İnönü left the committee in the summer of 1909.[10]
He won his first military victory by suppressingImam Yahya Muhammad Hamiddin's revolt inYemen. İsmet eventually became chief of staff of the force sent to suppress the rebellion and personally negotiated with Imam Yahya in Kaffet-ül-Uzer to bring Yemen back into the empire. For this, he was promoted to the rank of major. He returned to Constantinople in March 1913 to defend the capital from Bulgarian attack during theFirst Balkan War. İnönü was part of the Turkish delegation that negotiated theTreaty of Constantinople with the Bulgarians as a military adviser. He held a close relationship withEnver Pasha and played an active role in the reformation of the army.[10]
The Ottoman general staff of theSinai and Palestine Campaign, 1914. İsmet İnönü can be seen on the top row second from the right side.
İnönü began climbing the ranks duringWorld War I, becoming lieutenant colonel on 29 November 1914, and then being appointed as the First Branch Manager of the General Headquarters on 2 December. He was appointed chief of staff of theSecond Army on 9 October 1915, and was promoted to the rank of colonel on 14 December 1915.[10]
He marriedEmine Mevhibe Hanim on 13 April 1917, three weeks before he left for the front to return home only after the conclusion of theArmistice of Mudros on 30 October 1918.[12] Of which she later bore his three sons and one daughter. He began working withMustafa Kemal (Atatürk) Pasha as a corps commander on theCaucasian Front. İnönü was appointed to theIV Corps Command on 12 January 1917, upon the recommendation of Atatürk. He was recalled to Constantinople after a while and returned to take part as a corps commander of theSeventh Army. On 1 May, he was appointed to commandXX Corps on thePalestine Front, and thenIII Corps on 20 June. He once again came into contact with Atatürk when he assumed command of the Seventh Army. İnönü's forces received the brunt ofEdmond Allenby'sattack on Beersheba that ended the stalemate on the Sinai front. He was wounded in theBattle of Megiddo and was sent back to Constantinople, where he held various administrative positions in theWar Ministry during thearmistice period.
Turkish delegation after having signed theTreaty of Lausanne. The delegation was led by İsmet İsmet (in the middle) andRıza Nur (on the left wearing the top hat).
İnönü was replaced byMustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), who was also the prime minister and minister of defense at the time, as the chief of staff after the Turkish forceslost major battles against the advancing Greek Army in July 1921, as a result of which the cities ofAfyonkarahisar,Kütahya andEskişehir were temporarily lost. During the war, İnönü's infant son İzzet died before his victory inSakarya and this news was only delivered to him in the spring of 1922. His wife,Emine Mevhibe hid the news and the severity of his son's sickness due to the intensity of the war.[12] He participated as a staff officer (with the rank Brigadier General) in the later battles, includingDumlupınar.
After the War of Independence was won, İnönü was appointed as the chief negotiator of the Turkish delegation, both for theArmistice of Mudanya and for theTreaty of Lausanne.
TheLausanne conference convened in late 1922 to settle the terms of a new treaty that would take the place of theTreaty of Sèvres. İnönü became famous for his stubborn resolve in determining the position of Ankara as the legitimate, sovereign government of Turkey. After delivering his position, İsmet turned off his hearing aid during the speeches of British foreign secretaryLord Curzon. When Curzon had finished, İnönü reiterated his position as if Curzon had never said a word.[13] Bulgarian diplomatNadejda Stancioff served as anintermediary between İnönü and Curzon.[14]
İsmet İnönü served as theprime minister of Turkey throughout Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's presidency, stepping down as prime minister for three months duringFethi Okyar's premiership and in the last year of Atatürk's presidency when he was replaced by Celâl Bayar. He therefore helped to execute most ofAtatürk's reformist programs. It was his suggestion to make Ankara the capital of Turkey, which was approved by the parliament.[15] İnönü was also an important factor in theproclamation of the Republic and theabolition of the Caliphate andEvkaf Ministry. He resigned from the premiership for health reasons on 22 November 1924 for Fethi Okyar, but since Okyar lost a vote of confidence from parliament due to theSheikh Said rebellion, İnönü returned to the position of prime minister.[16]
İnönü immediately banned all opposition parties (including theProgressive Republican Party) and the press.Independence Tribunals were reestablished to prosecute the Kurdish rebels. In 1926, it allegedly came out that former members of the CUP attempted to assassinate Atatürk in theİzmir plot, which resulted in the remaining CUP leaders being executed. İnönü retired his military command in 1927.[citation needed]
While dealing with the Sheikh Said revolt, İnönü proclaimed a Turkish nationalist policy and encouraged theTurkification of the non-Turkish population.[17] Following the suppression of the Sheikh Said rebellion, he presided over the Reform Council for the East, which prepared theReport for Reform in the East, which recommended impede the establishment of a Kurdish elite, forbid non-Turkish languages, and create regional administrative units calledInspectorates-General, which were to be governed bymartial law.[18] He stated the following in regards to theKurds; "We're frankly nationalists, and nationalism is our only factor of cohesion. Before the Turkish majority, other elements had no kind of influence. At any price, we must Turkify the inhabitants of our land, and we will annihilate those who oppose."[19][20][21] Following this report, three Inspectorate-Generals were established in the Kurdish areas, which comprise several provinces.[22] Under İnönü's regime, theZilan massacre[23][24][25][26][27] of thousands ofKurdish civilians was perpetrated by theTurkish Land Forces in the Zilan Valley ofVan Province on 12 and 13 July 1930, during theArarat rebellion.[28] Nation building was codified into law when anew settlement regime was enacted in 1934, resettlingAlbanians,Abkhazians,Circassians, andKurds in new areas in order to create a homogeneous Turkish state.
İnönü was responsible for most of the reformist legislation promulgated duringTurkey's one party period. The Hat Law and theclosure of Dervish lodges were enacted in 1925; in 1928, the Turkish alphabet switched to being writtenwith Latin characters, and in 1934, titles such asEfendi,Bey, andPasha were abolished; and certain articles of religious clothing were banned, though İnönü was and still is popularly known as İsmet Pasha. 1934 was also the year that theSurname Law was adopted, with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk bestowing İsmet with the surnameİnönü, the location where İsmet won the battles against the Greek army in 1921. He was also a proponent ofreplacing foreign loan words with "Pure Turkish" words.
İnönü managed theeconomy with heavy-handedgovernment intervention, especially during theGreat Depression, by implementing an economic plan inspired by theFive Year Plan of theSoviet Union. In doing so, he took much private property under government control. Due to his efforts, to this day, more than 70% of land in Turkey is still owned by the state.[citation needed]
Desiring a more liberal economic system, Atatürk dissolved thegovernment of İnönü in 1937[29] and appointedCelâl Bayar, the founder of the first Turkish commercial bank,Türkiye İş Bankası, as prime minister, thus beginning a decades long rivalry between Bayar and İnönü.
Celâl Bayar and İnönü visiting the Bakırköy Cloth Factory
After thedeath of Atatürk on 10 November 1938,[30] İnönü was viewed as the most appropriate candidate to succeed him and was unanimously elected[31] the secondpresident of theRepublic of Turkey and leader of theRepublican People's Party (CHP). He attempted to build himself a cult of personality by receiving the official title ofMillî Şef, i.e., "National Chief".[32]
One of his first actions was to annex in 1939 theHatay State, which declared independence fromFrench Syria. İnönü also wished to move on from one-party rule by taking incremental steps to multiparty politics. He hoped to accomplish this by establishing theIndependent Group as a force of opposition in the parliament, but they fell short of expectations under wartime conditions. İnönü dismissed Bayar's government because of differences between the two on economic policy in 1939. İnönü was an avowed statist, while Bayar wished for a more liberal economy. Turkey's early industrialization accelerated under İnönü but the onset of World War II disrupted economic growth.
Much reform in education was accomplished during İnönü's presidency through the efforts ofHasan Âli Yücel, who wasminister of education throughout İnönü's governments. 1940 saw the establishment of theVillage Institutes, in which well-performing students from the country were selected to train as teachers and return to their hometown to run community development programs.
MG08 machine gun on the minaret of theHagia Sophia 1941
World War II broke out in the first year of his presidency, and both theAllies and theAxis pressured İnönü to bring Turkey into the war on their side.[33] The Germans sentFranz von Papen to Ankara in April 1939, while the British sentHughe Knatchbull-Hugessen and the FrenchRené Massigli. On 23 April 1939, Turkish Foreign MinisterŞükrü Saracoğlu told Knatchbull-Hugessen of his nation's fears of Italian claims to the Mediterranean asMare Nostrum and German control of the Balkans and suggested an Anglo-Soviet-Turkish alliance as the best way of countering the Axis.[34] In May 1939, during the visit ofMaxime Weygand to Turkey, İnönü told the French Ambassador René Massigli that he believed that the best way of stopping Germany was an alliance of Turkey, the Soviet Union, France and Britain; that if such an alliance came into being, the Turks would allow Soviet ground and air forces onto their soil; and that he wanted a major programme of French military aid to modernize the Turkish armed forces.[35]
31 March 1941 Egyptian political cartoon showing Hitler being rebuffed by Turkish President İsmet İnönü.
The signing of theMolotov–Ribbentrop Pact on 23 August 1939, drew Turkey away from the Allies; the Turks always believed that it was essential to have theSoviet Union as an ally to counter Germany, and thus the signing of the German–Soviet pact undercut completely the assumptions behind Turkish security policy.[36] With the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop pact, İnönü chose to be neutral in World War II as taking on Germany and the Soviet Union at the same time would be too much for Turkey, though he signed a tripartite treaty of alliance with Britain and France on 19 October 1939, obligating Turkey's entry into the war if fighting spread to the Mediterranean.[37] However, withFrance's defeat in June 1940 İnönü abandoned the pro-Allied neutrality that he had followed since the beginning of the war.[37] A major embarrassment for the Turks occurred in July 1940 when the Germans captured and published documents from theQuai d'Orsay in Paris showing the Turks were aware ofOperation Pike—as the Anglo–French plan in the winter of 1939–40 to bomb the oil fields in the Soviet Union from Turkey was codenamed—which was intended by Berlin to worsen relations between Ankara and Moscow.[38] In turn, worsening relations between the Soviet Union and Turkey were intended to drive Turkey into the arms of theReich.[37] After the publication of the French documents relating to Operation Pike, İnönü pulled out of the tripartite pact signed with Britain and France and signed theGerman–Turkish Treaty of Friendship and theClodius Agreement, which placed Turkey within the German economic sphere of influence, but İnönü went no further towards the Axis.[37]
In the first half of 1941, Germany, which was intent on invading the Soviet Union, went out of its way to improve relations with Turkey as theReich hoped for benevolent Turkish neutrality when theGerman-Soviet war began.[39] At the same time, the British had great hopes in the spring of 1941 when they dispatched an expeditionary force to Greece that İnönü could be persuaded to enter the war on the Allied side as the British leadership had high hopes of creating a Balkan front that would tie down German forces, which thus led to a major British diplomatic offensive withForeign Secretary SirAnthony Eden visiting Ankara several times to meet with İnönü.[40] İnönü always told Eden that the Turks would not join the British forces in Greece, and the Turks would only enter the war if Germany attacked Turkey.[41] For his part, Papen offered İnönü parts of Greece if Turkey were to enter the war on the Axis side, an offer İnönü declined.[41] In May 1941 when the Germans dispatched an expeditionary force toIraq to fight against the British, İnönü refused Papen's request that the German forces be allowed transit rights to Iraq.[42] Another attempt by Hitler to woo Turkey came in February 1943, whenTalaat Pasha's remains were returned to Turkey for a state burial.[43]
Internal opposition to Turkish neutrality came from ultra-nationalist circles and factions of the military that wished to incorporate the Turkic-populated areas of the Soviet Union by allying with Germany. This almost erupted into a coup d'état against the government. Leadingpan-Turkists includingAlparslan Türkeş,Nihal Atsız, andŞaik Gökyay were arrested and sentenced to time in prison in theRacism-Turanism trials.
British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill traveled to Ankara in January 1943 for a conference with President İnönu to urge Turkey's entry into the war on the allied side.[44] Churchill met secretly with İnönüinside a railroad car at the Yenice Station nearAdana. By 4–6 December 1943, İnönü felt confident enough about the outcome of the war that he met openly withFranklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill at theSecond Cairo Conference. Until 1941, both Roosevelt and Churchill thought that Turkey's continued neutrality would serve the interests of the Allies by blocking the Axis from reaching the strategic oil reserves of theMiddle East. But the early victories of the Axis up to the end of 1942 caused Roosevelt and Churchill to re-evaluate possible Turkish participation in the war on the side of the Allies. Turkey had maintained a decently-sized army and air force throughout the war, and Churchill wanted the Turks to open a new front in theBalkans. Roosevelt, on the other hand, still believed that a Turkish attack would be too risky and an eventual Turkish failure would have disastrous effects for the Allies.
İnönü knew very well the hardships that his country had suffered during decades of incessant war between 1908 and 1922 and was determined to keep Turkey out of another war as long as he could. The young Turkish Republic was still re-building, recovering from the losses due to earlier wars, and lacked any modern weapons and the infrastructure to enter a war to be fought along and possibly within its borders. İnönü based his neutrality policy during the Second World War on the premise thatWestern Allies and the Soviet Union would sooner or later have a falling out after the war.[45] Thus, İnönu wanted assurances on financial and military aid for Turkey, as well as a guarantee that theUnited States and theUnited Kingdom would stand beside Turkey in the event of aSoviet invasion of theTurkish Straits after the war. In August 1944, İnönü broke off diplomatic relations with Germany, and on 5 January 1945, İnönü severed diplomatic relations with Japan.[46] Shortly afterwards, İnönü allowed Allied shipping to use the Turkish Straits to send supplies to the Soviet Union, and on 25 February 1945, he declared war on Germany and Japan.[42] For this Turkey became a founding member of theUnited Nations.
The post-war tensions and arguments surrounding the Turkish Straits would come to be known as theTurkish Straits crisis. The fear of Soviet invasion andJoseph Stalin's unconcealed desire for Soviet military bases in the Turkish Straits[45] eventually caused Turkey to give up its principle of neutrality in foreign relations and joinNATO in February 1952.[47]
Maintaining anarmed neutrality proved to be disruptive for the young republic. The country existed in a practical state of war throughout the Second World War: military production was prioritized at the expense of peacetime goods, rationing and curfews were implemented, and high taxes were put in place, causing severe economic hardship for many. One such tax was the Wealth Tax (Varlık Vergisi), a discriminatory tax that demanded very high one-time payments from Turkey's non-Muslim minorities. This tax is seen by many to be a continuation of theJizya tax paid bydhimmis duringOttoman times, orMillî İktisat (National Economy) economic policy implemented by theCommittee of Union and Progress regime three decades ago. It was only repealed in 1944 under American and British pressure.[48]
A famous story of İnönü happened in a meeting inBursa for the1969 general elections. A young man yelled at him, "You let us go without food!" İnönü replied to him by saying, "Yes, I let you go without food, but I did not let you become fatherless," implying the death of millions of people from both sides of World War II.[49]
For theKemalists there was always a desire for Turkey to develop into a democracy. Before theIndependent Group, Atatürk experimented with opposition through theLiberal Republican Party, which lasted three months before it had to be shut down when reactionaries threatened to hijack the party. In an opening speech to the Grand National Assembly on 1 November 1945, İnönü openly expressed the country's need for an opposition party. He welcomedCelâl Bayar establishing theDemocrat Party (DP), which separated from the CHP. However, due to theanti-Communist hysteria brought on by the new Soviet threat, new leftist parties were swiftly banned, and rural development initiatives such as theVillage Institutes andPeople's Rooms were closed. Even with such pressure on the left, İnönü established theMinistry of Labour in 1945 and signed into law important protections for workers. Universities were given autonomy,[50] and İnönü's title of "unchangeable chairman" of CHP was abolished.[51]
İnönü allowed for Turkey's first multiparty elections to be held in 1946; however, theelections were infamously not free and fair; voting was carried out under the gaze of onlookers who could determine which voters had voted for which parties, and secrecy prevailed as to the subsequent counting of votes. Instead of inviting Şükrü Saraçoğlu to form another government, he assigned CHP hardlinerRecep Peker to the task, who contributed to a polarizing atmosphere in the parliament. İnönü had to act as a mediator several times between Peker and Bayar, who threatened to have the DP walk from parliament if they didn't have some of their demands met, such as ensuring judicial review,secret ballots, and public counting for elections.[51] On12 July 1947 İsmet İnönü gave a speech broadcast on radio and in newspapers that he would stand equal distance from the government and opposition, prompting Peker's resignation.
Free and fair national elections had to wait until 1950, and on that occasion, İnönü's government was defeated. In the1950 election campaign, the leading figures of the Democrat Party used the slogan"Geldi İsmet, kesildi kısmet" ("İsmet arrived, [our] fortune left"). CHP lost the election with 41% of the vote against DP's 55%, but due to thewinner-takes-all electoral system, DP received 85% of the seats in parliament. İnönü presided over thepeaceful transfer of power to the DP leaders, Bayar andAdnan Menderes. Bayar would serve as Turkey's third president, and Menderes would be its first prime minister not from the CHP.[51]
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For ten years, İnönü served as theleader of the opposition. In opposition, the CHP established itsyouth and women's branches. On 22 June 1953, the establishment oftrade unions and vocational chambers was proposed, and theright to strike for workers was added to the party program. The CHP formed an electoral alliance with theRepublican Nation Party andLiberty party for the1957 election, which was blocked by the DP government.
In the lead-up to the elections prepared for 1960, İnönü and CHP members faced regular harassment from the authorities and DP supporters, to the point where he was almost lynched several times. In 1958, the DP mayor ofZile declared martial law and mobilized the gendarmerie to prevent İnönü from conducting a rally in the city; a similar event happened in the city ofÇankırı. In 1959, İnönü began a campaign tour that followed the same path he took thirty years ago as a Pasha fromUşak to İzmir and ended in victory for the Turkish nationalists. The DP minister of interior refused to promise protection to him. In Uşak, a crowd blocked İnönü from going to his podium, and he was hit in the head with a stone. Following his "Great Offensive," he flew to Istanbul, where he was almost lynched by a DP-organized mob on the way toTopkapı Palace. He was also banned from speaking in rallies inKayseri andYeşilhisar.[52]
İnönü was banned from 12 sessions of parliament. This coincided with an authoritarian turn of the Democrat Party, which culminated in a military coup.
TheTurkish Armed Forces overthrew the government as a result of themilitary coup on 27 May 1960. After one year of junta rule in which the Democrat Party was banned and its top leaders executed in theYassıada Trials, elections were held once the military returned to their barracks. İnönü returned to power as Prime Minister after the1961 election, in which the CHP won the election. Right-wing parties have since continuously attacked İnönü and the CHP for their perceived involvement in the hanging of Prime minister Menderes,[53] even though İnönü advocated for Menderes' pardoning.[citation needed]
İnönü's governments were defined by an effort to deescalate tensions betweenradical forces in the Turkish army wishing for extended junta rule and former Democrats that wished for amnesty. İnönü's CHP did not gain enough seats in the legislature to win a majority in the elections, so in an effort to create reconciliation, he formed coalition governments with the neo-DemocratJustice Party theNew Turkey Party and theRepublican Villagers Nation Party until 1965. Forming coalitions with DP successor parties, however, provoked radical officers into action. ColonelTalât Aydemir twice attempted to overthrow the government in1962 and1963 Turkish coup attempts. Aydemir was later executed for conducting both coups. Aydemir's 1962 coup had the most potential to succeed when İnönü, PresidentCemal Gürsel and Chief of StaffCevdet Sunay were held up inÇankaya Mansion by the putschists. Aydemir decided to let the group go, which foiled the coup.[54]
Whilein coalition with the far-right Republican Villagers Nation Party, İnönü renounced the Greco-Turkish Treaty of Friendship of 1930 and took actions against theGreek minority.[55][56] The Turkish government also strictly enforced a long-overlooked law barring Greek nationals from 30 professions and occupations; for example, Greeks could not be doctors, nurses, architects, shoemakers, tailors, plumbers, cabaret singers, ironsmiths, cooks, tourist guides, etc.,[55] and 50,000 more Greeks weredeported. These actions were taken because of the growing anti-Greek sentiment in Turkey after the ethnic conflict inCyprus flared up again.[57] With an invasion of the island imminent, American PresidentLyndon Johnson senta memorandum to İnönü, effectively vetoing Turkish intervention. A subsequent meeting at theWhite House between İnönü and Johnson on 22 June 1964,[58] meant Cyprus' status quo continued for another ten years. An event a couple years earlier also strained the otherwise amicable relationship İnönü held with Washington D.C., namely the withdrawal of the nuclear-armedPGM-19 Jupiter MRBMs briefly stationed in Turkey, which was undertaken in the aftermath of theCuban Missile Crisis. While Washington withdrew the MRBMs, someB61 nuclear bombs are still stored inİncirlik Air Base.
İnönü returned to the opposition after losing both the1965 and1969 general elections to a much younger man, Justice Party leaderSüleyman Demirel. He remained leader of the CHP until 1972, when an interparty crisis over his endorsement of the1971 military memorandum led to his defeat by Ecevit in the 5th extraordinary CHP convention. This was the first overthrow of a party leader in a leadership contest in the Republic's history. İnönü left his party and resigned his parliamentarianship afterward. Being a former president he was a member of theSenate in the last year of his life.[60]
On 25 December 1973, İsmet İnönü died of aheart attack at the age of 89. The parliament declared national mourning until his burial. He was interred atAnıtkabir opposite Atatürk's mausoleum, on 28 December. Following the1980 coup,Kenan Evren transferred twelve graves from Anıtkabir, but kept İnönü's in place. İnönü's tomb took its present shape in January 1997.[61]
Ismet has been portrayed at least twice in film and television, both focusing on his service in World War I (as Colonel Ismet Bey) during theBattle of Beersheba.
^abT.C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları,Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademelerdeki Komutanların Biyografileri, Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, Ankara, 1972.(in Turkish)
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^Romano, David,The Kurdish nationalist movement: opportunity, mobilization, and identity, (Cambridge University Press, 2006), 118;Despite his own Kurdish ancestry, Inonu had apparently embraced Ziya Gokalp's notions of Turkism, which allowed him to advance to the highest post of the new republic.
^Rıza Nur,Hayat ve Hatıratım: Rıza Nur-İnönü kavgası, Lozan ve ötesi, İşaret Yayınları, 1992, p. 235; "Demek İsmet Kürttür. Hem de koyu Kürt! Biz bu heyetin başından Abaza diye Rauf'u attırdık. Türk diye bir halis Kürt getirmişiz, vah yazık!"
^Nader Entessar, "The Kurdish Mosaic of Discord", Third World Foundation, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 4, Ethnicity in World Politics (Oct. 1989), Carfax Publishing Co., 1989, p. 93; "Even Ismet Inonu, Ataturk's long time ally and successor, was discouraged from revealing his Kurdish heritage."
^Günvar Otmanbölük,İsmet Paşa Dosyası, Cilt 1, Yaylacık Matbaası, 1969,p. 6.Archived 4 October 2023 at theWayback Machine(in Turkish)
^Rachelle., Dunn (4 July 2014).Turkey : issues and relations with the U.S. and the Kurds of Iraq. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated.ISBN978-1-63321-274-9.OCLC1033682339.
^Yadirgi, Veli, ed. (2017),"Introduction",The Political Economy of the Kurds of Turkey: From the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 1–16,doi:10.1017/9781316848579.003,ISBN978-1-107-18123-6, retrieved9 October 2021
^Jongerden, Joost (28 May 2007).The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatial Policies, Modernity and War. BRILL. p. 53.ISBN978-90-474-2011-8.
^Osman Pamukoğlu,Unutulanlar dışında yeni bir şey yok: Hakkari ve Kuzey Irak dağlarındaki askerler, Harmoni Yayıncılık, 2003,ISBN978-975-6340-00-4, p. 16.(in Turkish)
^Lord Kinross,Atatürk: A biography of Mustafa Kemal, Father of Modern Turkey (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1965) p. 449.
^Nicole Pope and Hugh Pope,Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey (New York: The Overlook Press, 2004) p. 68.
^Türk Parlamento Tarihi Araştırma Grubu,Türk Parlamento Tarihi, Millî Mücadele ve T.B.M.B. I. Dönem 1919–1923 – III. Cilt: I. Dönem Milletvekillerin Özgeçmişleri, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1995,ISBN975-7291-06-4, pp. 1013–1014.
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