Ngoenyang Kingdom ᩉᩥᩁᩢᨬ᩠ᨬᨶᨣᩬᩁᨦᩮᩥ᩠ᨶᨿᩣ᩠ᨦ (Northern Thai) หิรัญญนครเงินยางเชียงเเสน (Thai)
638–1292
Northern Thailand and Laos in 960 CE
Ngoenyang (labeled as "Lanna"), along withMuang Fang andMuang Sua, formed part of the greatermandala of theDali Kingdom following the defeat ofChueang ofChiang Hung by the northern neighbor in 1192
Capital	Hiran (c. 638–850) Ngoenyang (c. 850–1262) Chiang Rai (1262–1275) Fang (1275–1286) Wiang Kum Kam (1286–1292)
Common languages	Northern Thai
Religion	Theravada Buddhism
Government	Mandala kingdom
Monarch
• 638–759 (first)	Lao Chakkaraj
• 1156–1180	Chueang
• 1262–1292 (last)	Mangrai the Great
Historical era	Post-classical era
• Foundation	638
• Integration ofWiang Prueksa	648
• Secession ofHaripunjaya	662
• Secession ofChiang Khong andMong Yawng	759
• UnderNanzhao	Late 8th–late 9th century
• Secession ofPhayao	1094
• Annexation ofMuang Phuan,Candrapuri,Muang Sua, andNan [th]	1172
• Annexation ofHaripunjaya	1281
• Foundation ofLanna	1292
Preceded by Succeeded by Wiang Prueksa Haripunjaya Lan Na Phayao
Today part of	Thailand Laos

Hiran Nakhon Ngoenyang (Thai:หิรัญนครเงินยาง) was an earlymueang or polity of theTai Yuan people that flourished between the 7th and 13th centuries CE in the upperMekong basin. Known by several names in historical sources, including Jayavaranagara (ชยวรนคร), Mueang Chiang Lao (เมืองเชียงลาว),^[1] Hiraṇyanagara Ngoenyang Chiang Saen (หิรัญญนครเงินยางเชียงแสน),^[2] Nagarayāṅgapura (นครยางคปุระ),^[3] and Thasai Ngoenyang (เมืองท่าทรายเงินยาง).^[4] It emerged in the aftermath of the fall of theYonok Kingdom and developed into a significant regional center in what is nownorthern Thailand.^[5]

The political and urban center of Hiran Nakhon Ngoenyang was located at the site of present-dayWiang Phang Kham inMae Sai District,Chiang Rai Province, Thailand.^[5] The settlement was originally founded under the name Hiran and later expanded into a larger fortified city, after which it became known as Ngoenyang. Archaeological evidence indicates that this transformation involved the northward expansion of the original settlement.^[5][6]

Throughout its history, Ngoenyang functioned within amandala-style political system characteristic ofmainland Southeast Asia, exercising influence over a network of allied and subordinatemueang through dynastic ties, military power, and ritual authority. The polity reached its historical culmination under KingMangrai, the 25th ruler of Ngoenyang, who foundedChiang Rai and later established theLan Na Kingdom in the late 13th century, marking the transition from the Ngoenyang polity to a new regional kingdom.

Following the collapse of theYonok Kingdom as a result of a severe earthquake in the 6th century, the remaining settlements consolidated into an alliance and relocated the principal political center toWiang Prueksa, which was subsequently governed by a succession of sixteen rulers.^[7]: 105 Thereafter,Tai Yuan people ofWiang Prueksa invitedLao Chakkaraj, a head of theLawa people fromDoi Tung, to became their new ruler.^{[8]: 53–4} After ascending the throne,Lao Chakkaraj reconstructed the city, and established it as his new chief center under the name "Hiran Nakhon" in 638.^[5] He also rebuiltMueang Fang and later founded new cities that becameChiang Rai andChiang Khong.^{[9]: 244–5}

During the early reign ofLao Chakkaraj, the polity of Ngoenyang comprised 57 cities,^{[9]: 241–3} with four additional regional centers besidesHiran–Ngoenyang:Mueang Fang, north of modernChiang Mai province;Mong Hsat in present-dayShan State, Myanmar; Mueang Hang Rung Rung (เมืองหางรังรุ้ง) in modernHot district of Chiang Mai province; and Mueang Jawad Noi (เมืองจวาดน้อย/สาดน้อย) in present-dayMueang Chiang Mai district.^[9]: 245 The northernmost extent of his polity wasMong Yawng, where he appointed one of his sons as ruler,^[9]: 247 while the eastern boundary adjoinedVieng Phouka, ruled by his uncle, whose daughter later marriedLao Kao Kaeo Ma Mueang, youngest son ofLao Chakkaraj.^[9]: 257

In 662, the southern part in thePing River Basin was split off and became theHaripuñjaya Kingdom, ruled by QueenCamadevi ofLavo. After the end ofLao Chakkaraj's reign in 759, his three sons ruled separate polities independently, without interference in each other’s affairs.^[1]: 7 This division fragmented the polity into three parts: the eastern part, with its seat atChiang Khong, ruled by the eldest son Lao Khob (ลาวคอบ); the northern part, centered atMong Yawng, ruled by the middle son Lao Chang (ลาวช้าง); and the youngest son,Lao Kao Kaeo Ma Mueang, succeeded his father atHiran–Ngoenyang.^[9]: 247

Because the text preserved in theChronicle of Chiang Saen directly identifies the city of Ngoenyang with modernChiang Saen, this interpretation has previously been emphasized.^[2] However, the location indicated in this legend contrasts with several other textual traditions. TheNan Chronicle places Ngoenyang at Ta Sai (ท่าทราย) inMae Sai District; theThe Chiang Mai Chronicle situates it near theSai River;^[1] and thePhayao Chronicle records that during the reign ofLao Khiang, the city of Yang Sai (ยางสาย)—his royal seat—was expanded and it was located at the foothills ofDoi Tung inMae Sai District.^[10] Taken together, these accounts suggest that Ngoenyang was most likely located in the vicinity ofDoi Tung, while Hiran can be more confidently identified with modernMae Sai. This conclusion is consistent with archaeological research conducted by Worasit Ophap atWiang Phang Kham, an ancient city inMae Sai district. His survey found that the site is enclosed by an earthen embankment that divides the settlement into two sections, indicating a later expansion of the city.^[11] The site is located in the Doi Wao–Doi Kha–Doi Pa Lao (ดอยเวา–ดอยคา–ดอยป่าเลา) area, which lies along the same mountain rage asDoi Tung.Wiang Phang Kham should therefore be identified as the same city as the city of Ngoenyang.^[5][6] Nevertheless, this identification remains disputed.^[5]

Approximately a century after the conventionally accepted founding of theTai Yuan polity of Ngoenyang, a parallel process of political consolidation unfolded to the north in the region corresponding to present-dayYunnan. During this period, a confederation known as the sixzhao (六詔;Luh zhao), comprising six regional lordships, gradually coalesced. Contemporary and retrospective sources indicate that five of these lordships were constituted, at least in part, byTai-speakingLao or Lao-affiliated populations.^{[12]: 222–3} This confederative arrangement culminated in 738 with the establishment of themandala-style kingdom ofNanzhao, which subsequently emerged as a dominant regional power insouthwestern China andmainland Southeast Asia and maintained its political primacy until its dissolution in 902.^[13]: 103

Although no extant historical records explicitly document direct political or diplomatic engagement betweenNanzhao and either theTai Yuan kingdom of Ngoenyang or the Laomuang ofMuang Sua, a constellation of indirect indicators suggests that some degree of contact, interaction, or structural influence was likely. By the 9th century, Nanzhao had developed into a territorially expansive polity, extending approximately 600–700 miles from north to south.^[12]: 237 Its expansionary strategies were not limited to military coercion but also relied upon the systematic cultivation of political alliances, including marriage alliances.^{[12]: 238, 245–6} In this context, the 9th-century Chinese ethnographic and geographic textMan Shu (蛮书) records that Nanzhao’s sphere of influence expanded southward and southwestward along major river systems, through which political and military power was projected into the territories of numerous groups collectively designated as theSouthern Barbarians (南方诸蛮).

Further evidence forNanzhao’s engagement withTai-speaking elites is provided by the historical prominence of theNùng clan, aTai-speaking aristocratic lineage based primarily inGuangxi, to the east of theNanzhao heartland. Scholarly reconstructions suggest that the Nung maintained sustained political and military relations with Nanzhao for at least a century prior to the mid-11th century, when their leaderNong Zhigao, who rebelled against theSong dynasty, rose to prominence during the transitional period betweenNanzhao and its successor polity, theDali Kingdom.^[12]: 246

Chinese historical sources provide divergent accounts ofNong Zhigao’s ultimate fate. TheZizhi Tongjian records that he was executed by the ruler of Dali and that his severed head was presented to theSong court, whereas theSong Shi acknowledges uncertainty regarding the circumstances of his death.^[14]: 261 In parallel, a substantial corpus of oral tradition and popular historiography asserts thatNong Zhigao escaped southward into what is nownorthern Thailand, where he is venerated as an ancestral figure by variousTai-speaking communities,^{[15]: 7–9} who, among other Tais, identify themselves as descendants or cultural inheritors of his movement.^[14]: 268

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Several local historiographical traditions describe a series of conflicts among Taimueang polities in the middleMekong basin during the 12th century.^[16] According to these accounts, Ngoenyang was subjected to invasions by neighboring powers, notably Mueang Kaew Prakan (เมืองแกวประกัน) andCandrapuri. Mueang Kaew Prakan is commonly identified withXiangkhouang (Muang Phuan)^{[17][18]: 126} and is thought to have been associated with theTai Kao [th]^[16]: 263 or to have been significantly influenced by theViet.^[16]: 262Candrapuri, meanwhile, is generally identified with the site of modernVientiane.^[8]: 78

The sources further relate that the invading forces were ultimately repelled by the troops of Ngoenyang under the leadership ofChueang. Following the successful defense, Chueang initiated a series of counteroffensives that resulted in the subjugation and annexation of several surroundingmueang.^{[1]: 9–11 [8]: 78–9} In order to consolidate control over these newly conquered territories, Chueang appointed his sons and close relatives as rulers, thereby extending Ngoenyang’s political influence through dynastic governance.^{[8]: 82–3} The appointments are recorded as follows: Chueang III was installed as ruler ofMuang Phuan;^[8]: 82 Lao Pao (ลาวพาว) was appointed to governCandrapuri;^[8]: 85 Khun Kham Roi (ขุนคำร้อย) was placed in authority overChiang Rai;^[8]: 82 Lao Bao (ลาวบาว; also known as Kham Haoคำห้าว) was assigned to ruleMuang Sua;^[19] Khun Phaeng (ขุนแพง) was installed as ruler ofPhayao;^[19] and Sam Chum Saeng (สามชุมแสง) became ruler of theNan Kingdom [th].^[19] Chueang’s eldest son,Lao Ngoen Rueang, succeeded him as ruler of Ngoenyang,^[8]: 85 while Chueang himself reportedly relocated to governChiang Hung in 1180,^[20] From this base,Chueang is further said to have launched a military campaign againstChiang Tung, the principal center of theTai Khün [th] (Khoen) kingdom.^[21]

Following the conclusion of Chueang’s reign, the polities under his lineage developed into autonomousmueang, each exercising independent authority while maintaining dynastic and ritual ties to one another.^{[18]: 122, 130} This configuration closely resembles themandala model of political organization characteristic ofmainland Southeast Asia, in which power was diffused through overlapping spheres of influence rather than centralized territorial sovereignty.

A pivotal transformation occurred in 1262 whenMangrai ascended the throne as the 25th ruler of Ngoenyang Chiang Lao. Visionary and ambitious, he sought to unify the smaller principalities scattered across the northern region.^{[18]: 130 [22]: 208–9} Upon his enthronement, Mangrai founded the city ofChiang Rai, designating it as his new capital. This act marked the end of the Lao Dynasty of Ngoenyang Chiang Lao and the beginning of theMangrai dynasty, which later became the foundation of theLan Na Kingdom.^{[18]: 130 [23]}

Two distinct versions of the Hiran Ngoenyang dynastic lineage are preserved in the historical tradition. The first, recorded in theThe Chiang Mai Chronicle, identifiesMae Sai andWiang Phang Kham as the principal royal seats. The second, presented in theChronicle of Chiang Saen, asserts thatChiang Saen itself functioned as the dynastic center and offers a somewhat different sequence of rulers, with several reigns overlapping chronologically with those listed in theThe Chiang Mai Chronicle.^[5] To date, no comparative study has systematically examined these two accounts to determine whether they describe a single dynasty from differing perspectives or represent parallel, contemporaneous dynasties.

With regard to the issue under discussion, the first eight monarchs recorded in both sources correspond closely in nomenclature, regnal periods, and chronological sequence. A notable divergence, however, appears from the 9th ruler onward. TheChiang Mai Chronicle identifies the ninth ruler,Lao Khiang, as having relocated the political center and expanded earlier settlements, thereby establishingNgoenyang as a new administrative hub. By contrast, theChronicle of Chiang Saen identifies the 9th ruler as Lao Ton, assigns him a significantly shorter reign, and provides no further information on political, administrative, or urban developments. The royal lineages in both sources begin to converge again in the late Ngoenyang period, from the early 12th century onward.

The traditionally recorded account of the exceptionally long reign ofLao Chakkaraj, also known asPu Chao Lao Jok (ปู่เจ้าลาวจก), presents a significant chronological problem. Several sources attribute to this ruler a reign exceeding one hundred years,^{[1]: 7–8 [8]: 62} a duration that is inconsistent with established historical chronology. This discrepancy has been interpreted as possibly arising from the use ofPu Chao Lao Jok not as a personal name, but as a hereditary or honorific title borne successively by multiple rulers ofLawa polities across different periods.

Evidence supporting this interpretation appears in theLegend of Singhanavati, particularly in accounts concerning the reign ofSinghanavati [th], the first monarch of theYonok Kingdom. Dated to the 7th century BCE, the narrative mentions a figure bearing the titlePu Chao Lao Jok,^{[24]: 3–4} identified as Lao Kayu (ลาวกะยู), who is described as a ruler of theLawa people.^[7]: 29 A century later,^[7]: 40 during the reign of Achuttraraj (พญาอชุตราช),^{[7]: 41–2} the text again refers to a figure holding the titlePu Chao Lao Jok, identified as Kammalo Rishi (กัมมโลฤาษี),^{[7]: 37, 42} who ruled a polity centered atDoi Tung and whose adopted daughter was married to Achuttraraj.^{[7]: 36–37}

References to the same title in later periods further support the possibility of its continued use across generations. Notably, during the reign ofPangkharaj [th] ofYonok in the 4th century CE, the chronicles again mentionPu Chao Lao Jok as the ruler of a polity atDoi Tung.^[7]: 74 The recurrence of the title over several centuries suggests continuity in titulature rather than the reign of a single individual of exceptional longevity. This interpretation is consistent with the hypothesis proposed by Manit Vallipodom, who argues thatLao Chakkaraj, orPu Chao Lao Jok of Ngoenyang, was a descendant of an earlierPu Chao Lao Jok associated withYonok.^[7]: 52

Prior to the relocation ofLao Chakkaraj fromDoi Tung to fortifyWiang Phang Kham in 638 CE, an event traditionally regarded as marking the inception of the Ngoenyang Kingdom, historical records attest to the presence of several local rulers who governed theDoi Tung–Wiang Phang Kham region, as outlined below.

The following section enumerates the rulers of the Ngoenyang Kingdom and the durations of their reigns.

Color legend

As the later portions of the royal lineages presented in both sources exhibit certain inconsistencies, the following offers an alternative reconstruction of the monarchs of this late period, based on a comparative interpretation of both sources and their relationship to the narrative of KingChueang.

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