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June 1989 Greek parliamentary election

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

June 1989 Greek parliamentary election

← 1985
18 June 1989

All 300 seats in theHellenic Parliament
151 seats needed for a majority
Registered8,302,412
Turnout80.33% (Increase 0.14pp)
 First partySecond partyThird party
 
LeaderKonstantinos MitsotakisAndreas PapandreouCharilaos Florakis
PartyNDPASOKSynaspismos
Last election40.84%, 126 seats45.82%, 161 seats
Seats won14512528
Seat changeIncrease 19Decrease 36New
Popular vote2,887,4882,551,518855,944
Percentage44.28%39.13%13.13%
SwingIncrease3.44ppDecrease6.69ppNew

 Fourth partyFifth party
 
LeaderKonstantinos StephanopoulosSadik Achmet
PartyDIANATrust
Last election
Seats won11
Seat changeNewNew
Popular vote65,61425,099
Percentage1.01%0.38%
SwingNewNew

Prime Minister before election

Andreas Papandreou
PASOK

Prime Minister after election

Tzannis Tzannetakis
ND

Parliamentary elections were held inGreece on 18 June 1989.[1] The liberal-conservativeNew Democracy party ofKonstantinos Mitsotakis, supported by leftist parties underSynaspismos headed byCharilaos Florakis, defeated the rulingPASOK party ofAndreas Papandreou.

The elections took place in a tense andpolarized atmosphere, amplified by both sides. New Democracy and Leftist parties underSynaspismos campaigned on accusations of corruption against PASOK amid a series of growing scandals, most notably theKoskotas andYugoslav corn affairs. In response, Papandreou introduced laws aimed at stalling the investigations and used thestate monopoly overmass media to contain the scandals. Moreover, he changed theelectoral law shortly before the elections, a move designed to prevent New Democracy from securing an absolute majority. On election day, multiple election irregularities by the state were reported.

New Democracy secured a 5% lead in the popular vote, but the newly revised electoral law prevented it from forming a government. The second party, PASOK also failed to form a government because the other Leftist parties refused to provide support. The stalemate was broken with the unexpected agreement between New Democracy and Synaspismos to form a short-term government with a limitedmandate of "katharsis," a thorough investigation of PASOK's corruption.Tzannis Tzannetakis was chosen as a compromise to lead thecoalition government and it was dissolved after the indictment of Papandreou of four of his ministers in connection to the Koskotas scandal on 7 October. This marked the first and, as of 2025, the only occasion when theCommunist Party of Greece (as part of Synaspismos) joined a governing coalition.

Background

[edit]
Main article:Koskotas scandal

George Koskotas began working at the Bank of Crete in 1979 and quickly accumulated wealth by falsifying bank records. By 1985, he had purchased the bank and used it to build a growing media empire. His rise drew scrutiny, as investigations into rapid media ownership changes in the mid-1980s raised suspicions among publishers and the judiciary. To evade prosecution, he fled to theUnited States, where he was arrested on unrelated fraud charges. From prison, Koskotas claimed that more than US$200 million[i] missing from his bank had beenembezzled with the help of several government ministers and even Papandreou. In exchange, he had used his media outlets to support Papandreou'ssocialist party (PASOK), even acquiring conservative newspapers once critical of Papandreou.[2][3] The allegations sparked international attention and political turmoil.[4]

Several months after the arrest of Koskotas, six ministers (includingCostas Simitis[5]) resigned in protest of the corruption among the most senior members of PASOK.[4] There were demands for avote of no confidence against the government, which Papandreou defeated in December 1988 and another one in March 1989.[6] Still, three members of PASOK voted against the party line, however, Papandreou responded by removing them from PASOK, includingAntonis Tritsis, who was a founding member of PASOK.[7]

Despite the rising public frustration with the state of affairs, Papandreou abused his position to stay in power since he had successfullyremoved constitutional restraints in 1985. Notable actions include but are not limited to the following:

  • Papandreou changed theelectoral law shortly before the elections, a move designed to prevent New Democracy from securing an absolute majority.[ii][8][9][10]
  • Bestowing public appointments to about 90,000 people to gain additional votes six months before the 1989 elections;[11]Synaspismos political party decried this as a "recruitment orgy."[12] Papandreou's blatant patronage reached the point of giving in one of his rallies a public command to the Minister of FinanceDimitris Tsovolas to "give it all [to them]" (Greek:Τσοβόλα δώσ'τα όλα) and the crowd chanted these back.[13][14]
  • Judicial independence was damaged when Papandreou passed a law via emergency procedures—despite massive backlash from lawyers, judges, and clerks—to prevent the judicial investigation of the Koskotas scandal from advancing to Athens Appeals Court.[15]

Campaign

[edit]
Further information:Terrorism in Greece

The election campaigns were conducted under a polarized atmosphere with inflammatory allegations and vitriolic personal attacks, even between the two leaders of the dominant political parties.[16] PASOK's programme avoided mentioning the Koskota scandal and instead emphasized economic modernization with slogans, "For Victory and New Progress," and "PASOK is here: certainty for the present, hope for the future."[17] New Democracy's campaign strategy was based onliberalization of the market, i.e., "free the competitive forces of the market" from the overreaching state, but also criticized PASOK about the scandals with the slogan, "We deserve a better Greece."[18]

On 2 June,Avriani, a tabloid newspaper supporting PASOK, published a transcript of a conversation between Mitsotakis and an unidentified mistress that was supposedly being taped and also claimed to possess 'pornographic' photographs of Mitsotakis but never published.[16] This was in response to the publication of nude photos of sunbathingDimitra Liani, Papandreou's then-mistress.[16] The rhetorical confrontation between the two leaders in the campaigns was personal. Papandreou implied that Mitsotakis was aNazi collaborator duringWorld War II and talked about Mitsotakis' "treachery" against his father's government inIouliana of 1965.[19] On the other side, Mitsotakis, invoking the Koskotas scandal, talked of Papandreou's "little corrupt team that has looted Greece" and that PASOK was led by "a bunch of thieves."[19] Papandreou's defense was that the scandal was created and used against him: "The Americans and the Right together with the crook Koskotas are conspiring to otherthrow socialism in Greece."[19]

Despite the friction between the two sides in the newspapers, PASOK had the advantage of being the governing party, having control of the state apparatus that provided radio and television services, which became an unconcealed component of PASOK'spropaganda.[20][12] For example, state television programs, including from two foreigncable networks, were interrupted to display Papandreou's final speech at his mass rally in Athens, but no such opportunity was presented for other political leaders.[12]

Weeks before the elections, various terrorist groups advocated to the public to spoil their ballots and used bombs against public buildings, including those ofMinistry of Health and theMinistry of Justice.[21]

Irregularities

[edit]

Irregularities and poor vote handling and counting were reported on election day.[22]Antonis Tritsis, a PASOK defector and leader ofGreek Radical Movement, accused the state officials of not sending his party ballots to many polling stations.[22] Mitsotakis also accused the government of failing to send the election officials to their appointed polling stations or of delaying the opening.[22] Both New Democracy and Synaspismos were irritated by the refusal of theMinistry of Interior to release the official vote count, which was released a week later.[22]

Results

[edit]
This article is part ofa series on
Politics of Greece
This article is part of
a series about
Andreas Papandreou

Prime Minister

Opposition Leader


PartyVotes%Seats+/–
New Democracy2,887,48844.2814519
Panhellenic Socialist Movement2,551,51839.13125–36
Coalition of the Left and Progress855,94413.1328New
Democratic Renewal65,6141.011New
Trust25,0990.381New
National Party–National Political Union21,1490.3200
KKE Interior – Renewing Left18,1590.280New
Greek Socialist Party13,8630.210New
Christian Democracy11,4500.180New
Fate9,0640.140New
Liberal Party9,0010.1400
Ecologist Movement – Political Renewal8,1820.130New
Union of the Democratic Centre7,7700.120New
Alternative Anti-Capitalist Cohesion6,1850.090New
Direct Democracy5,9390.090New
Greek Radical Movement4,1620.060New
Greek Orthodox Movement for Salvation3,7560.060New
Communist Party of Greece (Marxist–Leninist)3,3500.050New
Revolutionary Communist Movement of Greece2,7090.0400
Fighting Socialist Party of Greece2,3170.0400
Self-Governed Movement of Labour Politics1,9120.030New
Marxist–Leninist Communist Party of Greece1,6360.030New
Labour Anti-Imperialistic Movement1,4320.020New
Olympic Party1,2290.020New
Organization for the Reconstruction of the KKE8730.010New
Panhellenic Ecological Movement4030.010New
Independent Personalities1130.000New
Integrated Social Union650.000New
Independent Movement of Democratic Refresh540.000New
Collaboration Alliance of Independent Candidate MPs280.000New
Panhellenic Uncommitted Party of Equality260.000New
Federal Democratic Party of Greece250.000New
Party of Humanism and Peace150.000New
Independent Radical Spring Renewal100.000New
Independent Social Democratic Revival100.000New
Olympic Democracy20.0000
Independents6590.0100
Total6,521,211100.003000
Valid votes6,521,21197.78
Invalid/blank votes148,0172.22
Total votes6,669,228100.00
Registered voters/turnout8,302,41280.33
Source: Nohlen & Stöver[1]

Aftermath

[edit]

PASOK's electoral percentage dropped to 38%, down from 48% in 1981, primarily due to the fallout from the Koskotas scandal.[23] Although Mitsotakis' New Democracy party secured 43%, it was insufficient to form a government, as Papandreou's last-minute change of the electoral law required a party to win 50% of the vote to govern alone. Mitsotakis made an offer toCharilaos Florakis, head of Synaspismos, but it was rejected. Papandreou had designed the electoral law so that PASOK, even if it came in second, could form a government with the backing of other leftist parties, but his offer to Florakis was rejected.[24]

The failure of the two major parties to secure enough support to form a government led to ahung parliament. The impasse was resolved when Florakis announced "a broadly based consensus government under a neutral prime minister" on 27 June 1989. Mitsotakis agreed to step down andTzannis Tzannetakis served as prime minister for the coalition government, marking a historic compromise.[25] Despite their opposing ideologies and their division during theGreek Civil War both sides sought a "katharsis," a thorough investigation into PASOK's corruption.[26][11][27] This decision carried significant weight, as failing to bring charges against Papandreou under this coalition would prevent any future government from doing so according to the Greek constitution.[28][29] The participation of Synaspismos in the government also marked the end of the militarized politics of the past, since there was no reaction from the military. Papandreou denounced the collaborative government as "unholy and unprincipled,"[30] and he ordered his ministers not to cooperate in the handover of power, and official documents and state treaties went missing.[31]

The coalition government indicted Papandreou and four of his ministers on 28 September 1989, after which it was dissolved and new elections took place inNovember 1989.[26]Moreover, to avoid political exploitation from any future omnipotent prime minister, it dismantled some of the state's surveillance infrastructure and granted the first private televisionbroadcast license to publishers critical to PASOK as a counterbalance to state media.[32][33]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ab
    The total amount of money was substantial, approximately1280 of the Greek economy, based on Greece's GDP in 1986 of US$56 billion.[34]
  2. ^
    While it is frequent in Greek history for the governing party to change the electoral law for its purposes, Papandreou's electoral law change in 1989 was unique as it personally benefited him to avoid an indictment for the Koskotas scandal and be sentenced to life in prison if convicted.[35]

References

[edit]
  1. ^abNohlen & Stöver 2010, p. 830.
  2. ^Afentouli 2003, p. 178.
  3. ^Koutsoukis 2006, p. 132.
  4. ^abClose 2014, p. 158.
  5. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 97.
  6. ^New York Times Mar. 1989.
  7. ^Dobratz & Whitfield 1992, p. 170.
  8. ^Magone 2003, p. 172.
  9. ^Gallant 2016, p. 293.
  10. ^Clogg 2013, p. 196.
  11. ^abClose 2014, p. 159.
  12. ^abcFeatherstone 1990, p. 112.
  13. ^Pappas 2019, p. 247.
  14. ^Siani-Davies 2017, p. 35.
  15. ^Magalhaes, Guarnieri & Kaminis 2006, p. 185.
  16. ^abcFeatherstone 1990, p. 109.
  17. ^Featherstone 1990, p. 106.
  18. ^Featherstone 1990, p. 107.
  19. ^abcFeatherstone 1990, p. 110.
  20. ^Clive 1990, p. 116.
  21. ^Featherstone & Verney 1990, pp. 99–100.
  22. ^abcdFeatherstone 1990, p. 113.
  23. ^Dobratz & Whitfield 1992, pp. 167–180.
  24. ^Clive 1990, pp. 115–116.
  25. ^Clive 1990, p. 116–117.
  26. ^abKoliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 170.
  27. ^Clogg 2013, p. 197.
  28. ^Pirounakis 1997, p. 256.
  29. ^Fouskas 1997, p. 72.
  30. ^Clive 1990, p. 117.
  31. ^Kaplan 1994, p. 277.
  32. ^Papathanassopoulos 1990, p. 394.
  33. ^Samatas 1993, p. 47.
  34. ^World Bank, Greece's GDP.
  35. ^New York Times Jan. 1992.

Sources

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