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Horpa language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rgyalrongic language of China
Horpa
Stau
Native toChina
RegionGarzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province
Native speakers
50,000 (2002–2004)[1]
Early form
Language codes
ISO 639-3Either:
ero – Horpa
jih – sTodsde (Shangzhai)
Glottologhorp1240
ELP
Regions where Horpa languages are spoken today within Southern China.

Horpa (also known in some publications asStau – Chinese: 道孚语Daofu, 爾龔語Ergong) are a cluster of closely relatedGyalrongic languages ofChina. Horpa is better understood as a cluster of closely related yet unintelligible dialect groups/languages closely related to Horpa Shangzhai orStodsde skad. The termStodsde skad is aTibetan name meaning "language of the upper village".

Names

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Ethnologue lists alternate names and dialect names for Horpa as Stau/Daofuhua, Bawang, Bopa, Danba, Dawu, Geshitsa/Geshiza/Geshizahua, Hor, Huo’er, Hórsók, Nyagrong-Minyag, Pawang, Rgu, Western Gyarong/Western Jiarong, Xinlong-Muya, and rTa’u.[2]

Classification

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Horpa is a type ofGyalrongic language, a branch of theQiangic languages ofthe Sino-Tibetan family. Gyalrong (proper), Khroskyabs, and Horpa are in the Gyalrongic subgroup.[3] From a genetic perspective, Horpa is a branch within West Gyalrongic, the other being Khroskyabs. Shangzhai is a sub-type of Horpa. To date, the Horpa languages are the closest attested ones to the medieval languageTangut.[4]

Geographic distribution

[edit]

Horpa is spoken primarily in westernSichuan province, China, including in Dasang District,Danba County ofGarzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture,Sichuan.[5] There are about 50,000 Horpa speakers in the northwestern Sichuan. It is also spoken in nearbyDawu County, where it is called 'Stau', pronounced [stawuske].[6]

The cluster of languages variously referred to as Stau, Ergong or Horpa in the literature are spoken over a large area fromNdzamthang county (in Chinese Rangtang 壤塘县) inRngaba prefecture (Aba 阿坝州) toRtau county (Dawu 道孚) inDkarmdzes prefecture (Ganzi 甘孜州), inSichuan province, China. At the moment of writing, it is still unclear how many unintelligible varieties belong to this group, but at least three must be distinguished: the language of Rtau county (referred to as ‘Stau’ in this paper), the Dgebshes language (Geshizha 格什扎话) spoken inRongbrag county (Danba 丹巴), and the Stodsde language (Shangzhai 上寨;སྟོད་སྡེ།) in Ndzamthang.[7]

Ergong is a non-tonal language (Sun 2013).[8]

Varieties

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Varieties of Horpa include Shangzhai Horpa and Gexi Horpa (Sun 2013).[9]

Jackson Sun (2018)[10] lists the following five varieties of Horpa.

  • Central Horpa (Stau-Dgebshes) is widely spoken in Rta’u County (Daofu County 道孚县) and Rongbrag County (Danba County 丹巴县), Dkarmdzes Prefecture, as well as a few villages in western Chuchen County (Jinchuan County 金川县), Rngaba Prefecture. It consists of 3 dialects.
    • Rta’u (Daofu 道孚) (non-tonal). Also documented in Genxia Wengmu (2019).[11]
    • Dgebshesrtsa (Geshezha 革什扎) (non-tonal)
    • Upper Stongdgu (Shang Donggu 上东谷) (has constrative phonation)
  • Northern Horpa (Stodsde) is spoken in southern Dzamthang County (Rangtang County 壤塘县), Rngaba Prefecture. It is the most conservative Horpa variety, and preserves many archaic morphological features. There are 3 mutually intelligible dialects. For this lect,Ethnologue lists the namesTodsde (Shangzhai 上寨, Western Jiarong). According toEthnologue, sTodsde is spoken in Shangzhai district, southernRangtang County, where it is spoken in the townships of Puxi, Shili, and Zongke townships, and around the Duke and Zhongke rivers' confluence. There are 4,100 speakers as of 2004. Dialects are Dayili (Northern), Zongke (宗科乡; Western), and Puxi (蒲西乡; Eastern). Phonologically, the Northern and Western dialects are similar to each other, while the Eastern dialect is divergent. Additionally, Gates (2010)[12] considersErkai to be a "Western rGyalrongic" (Horpa-Shangzhai) language. Jackson Sun classifies Erkai as a variety of sTodsde (Shangzhai).[13]
    • Phosul (Puxi 蒲西)
    • Yunasche (Dayili 大依里)
    • Sili-Rtsangkhog (Shili-Zongke 石里-宗科)
  • Western Horpa is a tonal language scattered throughout several small areas of central and southern Nyagrong County (Xinlong County 新龙县), Dkarmdzes Prefecture. Although speakers refer to themselves asMinyag (mə̀ɲá, mə̀ ɲó, etc.), Western Horpa is not the same language as the Minyag orMuya language. There are 3 dialects that are significantly different from each other. The Nyagrong Minyag (Western Horpa) language has also been documented by Van Way (2018).[14]
    • rGyarwagshis (Jialaxi 甲拉西)
    • Yangslagshis (Youlaxi 尤拉西)
    • Bangsmad (Bomei 博美)
  • Northwestern Horpa, an endangered Horpa variety, is spoken in southern Brag’go County (Luhuo County 炉霍县) and adjacent areas of Rta’u County (Daofu County 道孚县). There is heavy Tibetan influence and minor internal diversity. It is non-tonal.
  • Eastern Horpa is a divergent Horpa variety spoken in Dpa’bo (Bawang 巴旺) and Nyindkar (Niega 聂嘎) townships, eastern Rongbrag County (Danba County 丹巴县). Beaudouin & Honkasalo (2023) suggest thatTangut is likely closely related to present-day Eastern Horpa varieties.[15]

Phonology

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Consonants

[edit]
LabialAlveolarRetroflexAlveolo-
palatal
PalatalVelarUvularGlottal
plainsibilant
Nasalmnɲŋ(ɴ)
Stop/
Affricate
voicelessptt͡st͡ʂt͡ɕckq(ʔ)
aspiratedt͡sʰt͡ʂʰt͡ɕʰ
voicedbdd͡zd͡ʐd͡ʑɟɡ(ɢ)
Fricativevoiceless(f)ɬs(ʂ)ɕxχ(h)
voicedvɮz(ʐ)ʑɣʁ
Laterall
Sonorantwrj
  • /q/ is heard as [ɢ] when following a nasal consonant.
  • A glottal stop [ʔ] is also heard, but only when occurring before word-initial onset-less vowel syllables.
  • /v/ can be heard as voiceless [f] when preceding or following voiceless consonants.
  • /x/ can also be heard as glottal [h] in free variation among speakers.
  • The uvular nasal [ɴ] is only heard when appearing together with uvular consonants /q/, /qʰ/ and [ɢ].

Rhotic consonant

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/r/ has four allophones as either retroflex voiceless [ʂ] or voiced [ʐ] fricatives, as a trill [r], or as a result of vowel rhotacization [V˞]. It is heard as [ʂ] when preceding or following voiceless consonants or also as a word-final coda. It is heard as [ʐ] when in free variation in initial position or when preceding or following voiced consonants. The occurrence of it as a trill [r] is heard word-medially when after a vowel and before a consonant, but is for the most part less predictable in that it overlaps in distribution with [ʂ] and especially [ʐ]. When words with /r/ are heard in isolation, the sound is heard as [ʐ], but then it becomes a trill [r] when in word context or within compounds. [r] also alternates with [ʂ] when it is in context word-final position. The rhotacization of vowels [V˞] occurs on the preceding vowel before /r/ in word-final position, however it can also be heard word-medially when before a lateral approximant /l/. The rhotacization is attested on the vowels /ɛ/, /ə/, /u/ and /ɑ/.[16]

Vowels

[edit]
FrontCentralBack
Closeiu
Close-mideəo
Open-midɛ
Openæɑ
  • /i/ is also heard as [ɪ], when in word-final position by a coda consonant.[16]

Vocabulary

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The following comparative table of Horpa diagnostic vocabulary items is from Sun (2018:4).[10] The Central Horpa (Rta’u) data is from Niwan Village, Dgebshes Township, Rta’u County (Daofu County), Sichuan. TheRgyalrongic languagesKhroskyabs andRgyalrong are also provided for comparison, since Horpa is one of theRgyalrongic languages.Cognates are highlighted inbold.

GlossCentral Horpa (Rta’u 道孚)Northern Horpa (Rtsangkhog 宗科)Western Horpa (Rgyarwagshis 甲拉西)Eastern Horpa (Dpa’bo 巴旺)Northwestern Horpa (Nyinmo)Khroskyabs (’brongrdzong)Rgyalrong (Tshobdun)
sunɣbəʁɟə̀ɣbə̀ʁʷbəɣbəɣnəʔ ~ʁbjətɐ́-ŋɐ
waterɣrəgrə̀ɣrə̀wrəɣrəɣdətə-ciʔ
personvdzivdzìvdzìvdzi-smevdzivɟoʔkə-rnbjoʔ
mouthɣmúɬóʁmojaqʰotə-ɣmor
heartzjarzɟwàʶjzò-rdázdzʌrzʒarsjartə-sni
liversʰisʰə̀sʰə̀sʰisifseʔtə-mtsʰi
meatbjoŋnoŋbdʒànóntʰúmdʒʌnopcenetʰəmʔʃe
horserɣirjírjirjibreʔⁿbri
chickenɣraχsó-vjá?wə-rjaɣə́-rapa-kuʔpɣe
yellowrȵə-rȵəʁrɲə̀ʶrȵə̀-rȵə́rɲərɲəʁrɲəɣkə-qɐ-rŋɛʔ
bittersȵa-sȵasɲáʶsɲàsɲæsɲatʃʰaχkə-qjev
eatⁿgədzə́dzə́dziⁿgə ~ tsədzeʔⁿdze
illŋoŋòŋúŋwaŋoⁿgenⁿgiʔ
sleeprgəⁿjáp ~rgə́rgə́rgərgəjəvrⁿgu
oneroréɣrawrəɣrʌɣcet
tenzʁazʁàʶzʁòzʁazʁasɣə(t)sqeʔ

Beaudouin (2023a: 95, 209) shows that most of these cognates can be found inTangut, and that there is a tonal correspondence between most of the tones of Rtsangkhog and Rgyarwagshis Horpa and those of Tangut.[17]

GlossTangutNorthern Horpa (Rtsangkhog 宗科)Western Horpa (Rgyarwagshis 甲拉西)Khroskyabs (Wobzi)
Tone 1
one𘈩 lew¹réɣrɑ̂ɣ
eat𗡅 dzʲi¹dzə́dzə́dzî
sleep𗫠 gʲwɨr¹rgə́rgə́jə̂
horse𘆝 rʲijr¹rjíbró
Tone 2
sun𗾔 be²ʁɟə̀ɣbə̀jnə́
water𗋽 zʲɨ̠r²ɡrə̀ɣrə̀jdə̂
person𘓐 dzʲwo²vdzìvdzìvɟú
liver𗮰 sʲi²sʰə̀sʰə̀fsé
yellow𗘩 nər²ʁrɲə̀ʶrᶇə̀-rᶇə́ʁrɲə̂ɣ
ten𗰗 ɣạ²zʁàʶzʁòsjə̂
ill𗥓 ŋo²ŋòŋúŋə̂m
heart𗤶 zʲɨr²“pulse”zɟwàʶ/sjɑ́r
chicken𗀝𗡗 wor¹ˑja̠r²χsó-vjá//
mouth𗢸 lʲa̠²/ɬó/
Tone match
100%78.57%71.42%40% | 50%

Jacques et al. (2017)[7] list the following words aslexical innovations shared by Stau and Khroskyabs (Lavrung), but not by the CorerGyalrong languages.

GlossStauKhroskyabsJaphug
heartzjarsjɑ̂rtɯ-sni
smokemkʰəmkʰə́tɤ-kʰɯ
be bigcʰecʰæ̂wxti
breadləkʰilækʰíqajɣi
writingtɕədədʑədə́tɤscoz
windχpərjuχpə̂rjuqale
skintɕədʑadʑədʑɑ̂tɯ-ndʐi
waterɣrəjdə̂tɯ-ci
experiencezdarzdɑ̂rrɲo
general classifierə-lɞə̂-lotɯ-rdoʁ
human classifiera-ʁiə̂-ʁæitɯ-rdoʁ
exist (animate)ci/ɟiɟêtu
exist (be put on)stʰəstîtu

Grammar

[edit]

Shangzhai Horpa (Puxi Shangzhai) is a dialect of the Horpa language noted by a single consistently non-syllabic causative prefix "s-", which exerts pressure on the already elaborate onset system and triggers multiple phonological adjustments (Sun 2007).[18] Gexi Horpa language not only has split verbal agreement system like rGyalrong but also has a hybrid system involving a more intricate interplay of functional and syntactic factors (Sun 2013).[9] The verbs in the rGyalrongic family are marked for person and agreement, and Horpa language also has subtype of hierarchical agreement.

Stau is often used as an alternative name for Horpa, but in fact Stau is one of several Horpa languages (Jacques et al. 2014).[19] The Stau language is primarily spoken in Daofu County of Ganzi Prefecture, but is also spoken in the southeastern corner of Luhuo County and in the village of Dangling of western Danba County. Currently Jesse P. Gates is writing a comprehensive grammar of the Stau language (Gates to appear). Other articles on aspects of Stau grammar include Gates (2017),[20] Gates & Kim (2018),[21] Gates et al. (2019),[22] and Gates et al. (2022).[23]

Stau (Horpa) language follows some traits of the Tibetan language (Bradley 2012).[24] As a Qiangic language, Horpa has unique verb inflection and morphology such as the strategy of inverting the aspiration feature in the formation of the past and progressive stem(s) (Sun 2000).[3]

Examples

[edit]

Verb agreementThe Horpa verb agrees with its subject. For example,zbəcʰa-i [zbəcʰe], means ‘you beat’, andzbəcʰa-u [zbəcʰo], means, 'I beat’.[25]

See also

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References

[edit]
  1. ^Horpa atEthnologue (18th ed., 2015)(subscription required)
    sTodsde (Shangzhai) atEthnologue (18th ed., 2015)(subscription required)
  2. ^"Horpa".Ethnologue. Retrieved2017-05-01.
  3. ^abSun, Jackson T. S. (2000)."Stem Alternations in Puxi Verb Inflection: Toward Validating the rGyalrongic Subgroup in Qiangic"(PDF).Language and Linguistics.1 (2):211–232. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2021-04-15. Retrieved2017-04-30.
  4. ^Beaudouin, Mathieu."Tangut and Horpa languages: Some shared morphosyntactic features".Language and Linguistics.24 (4).
  5. ^"Chinese:甘孜州丹巴县大桑区尔龚""Tibetan-Burman Phonology and Lexicon" Writing Group (1991).Zàng Miǎn yǔ yǔyīn hé cíhuì藏缅语语音和词汇 [Tibeto-Burman Phonology and Lexicon] (in Chinese). Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe. p. 211.
  6. ^Gates, Jesse P. (2017). "Verbal Triplication Morphology in Stau རྟའུ (Mazi Dialect)".Transactions of the Philological Society.115 (1):14–26.doi:10.1111/1467-968X.12083.
  7. ^abJacques, Guillaume; Antonov, Anton; Nima, Lobsang; Lai, Yunfan (2017)."Stau (Ergong, Horpa)". In Thurgood, G.; LaPolla, R. (eds.).The Sino-Tibetan Languages (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 597–613. Archived fromthe original on 2020-08-28.
  8. ^Sun, Hongkai 孙宏开 (2013).Bā Jiāng liúyù de Zàng Miǎn yǔ八江流域的藏缅语 [Tibeto-Burman Languages of Eight Watersheds] (in Chinese). Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe.
  9. ^abSun, Jackson T.-S.; Tian, Qianzi (2013)."Verb Agreement in Gexi Horpa".Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics.7 (2):203–223.doi:10.1163/2405478X-90000120.
  10. ^abSun, Jackson T.-S. (2018)."The Ancestry of Horpa: Further Morphological Evidence". Taipei: Academia Sinica.[dead link]
  11. ^Genxia, Wengmu 根呷翁姆 (2019).Sichuan Daofu Ergong yu 四川道孚尔龚语. Beijing:The Commercial Press.OCLC 1156349336.
  12. ^Gates, Jesse (2010).On the Edge with Erkai: A Preliminary Investigation of Erkai's Place in Western rGyalrongic. Presentation at the 43rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics (ICSTLL 43), 15 Oct 2010, Lund University, Lund, Sweden.
  13. ^Gates, Jesse P. (2012).Situ in Situ: Towards a Dialectology of Jiāróng (rGyalrong) (M.A. thesis). Trinity Western University.
  14. ^Van Way, John (2018).The Phonetics and Phonology of Nyagrong Minyag, an Endangered Language of Western China (PhD thesis). University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa.hdl:10125/62509.
  15. ^Beaudouin, Mathieu; Honkasalo, Sami (2023).Proto-Horpa and the Classification of Tangut. 56th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, 10–12 October 2023. Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok.
  16. ^abVanderveen, A. Chantel (2015).A phonology of Stau. Trinity Western University.
  17. ^Beaudouin, Mathieu (2023-09-12).Grammaire du tangoute. Phonologie et morphologie (phdthesis thesis) (in French). Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales- INALCO PARIS - LANGUES O'.
  18. ^Sun, Jackson T.-S. (2007). "Morphological Causative Formation in Shangzhai Horpa".Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics.2 (1):211–232.doi:10.1163/2405478X-90000031.
  19. ^Jacques, Guillaume; Antonov, Anton; Lai, Yunfan; Nima, Lobsang (2014)."Person Marking in Stau".Himalayan Linguistics.13 (1):82–92.doi:10.5070/H913224068.
  20. ^Gates, Jesse P. (2017). "Verbal Triplication Morphology in Stau (Mazi Dialect)".Transactions of the Philological Society.115 (1):14–26.doi:10.1111/1467-968X.12083.
  21. ^Gates, Jesse P.; Kim, Won Ho (2018). "Vowel Harmony in Stau".Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area.41 (2):263–293.doi:10.1075/ltba.17016.gat.
  22. ^Gates, Jesse P.; Tub.bstan Nyi.ma; Tshe.ring Rgyal.mtsan (2019)."Tibetan Dining Etiquette: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of a Normative Discourse Text in Stau".Himalayan Linguistics.18 (2):73–81.doi:10.5070/H918242739.
  23. ^Gates, Jesse P.; Honkasalo, Sami; Lai, Yunfan (2022)."From Transitive to Intransitive and Voiceless to Voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan: New Evidence from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs".Language and Linguistics.23 (2):212–239.doi:10.1075/lali.00104.gat.
  24. ^Bradley, David (2012)."Tibeto-Burman Languages of China" – via Academia.edu.
  25. ^Sun, Jackson T. (2013). "Horpa Language in Xichuan Province [川西霍爾語格西話動詞對協初探]".Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics.

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