In the 3rd century AD, theGothsmigrated into the lands of modernUkraine around 250–375 AD, which they calledOium, corresponding to the archaeologicalChernyakhov culture.[27] TheOstrogoths stayed in the area but came under the sway of theHuns from the 370s. North of the Ostrogothic kingdom was theKyiv culture, flourishing from the 2nd–5th centuries, when it was also overrun by the Huns. After they helped defeat the Huns at thebattle of Nedao in 454, the Ostrogoths were allowed by the Romans to settle inPannonia.[citation needed] Along with otherancient Greek colonies founded in the 6th century BC on the northeastern shore of theBlack Sea, the colonies ofTyras,Olbia, andHermonassa continued asRoman andByzantine (Eastern Roman) cities until the 6th century AD.[citation needed] Gothic influence waned by the end of the 5th century AD, when theEastern Roman Empire reaffirmed its control and influence over the region.[28] TheHunnic kingGordas ruled the Bosporan kingdom in the early 6th century AD and maintained good relations with Eastern Roman emperorJustinian I, but the latter invaded and occupied the country once Gordas was killed in a revolt in 527 AD.[29] As late as the 12th century AD theEastern Roman emperors claimed dominion over the territory ofCimmerian Bosporos.[30]
With the power vacuum created with the end of Hunnic and Gothic rule,Early Slavs, in the aftermath of the Kyiv culture, began to expand over much of the territory that is nowUkraine during the 5th century, and beyond to theBalkans from the 6th century.[citation needed] Although the origins of theEarly Slavs are not known for certain, many theories suggest they may have originated nearPolesia.[31]
In the 5th and 6th centuries, theAntes Union (a tribal federation) is generally regarded to have been located in the territory of what is now Ukraine. The Antes were the ancestors ofUkrainians:White Croats,Severians,Polans,Drevlyans,Dulebes,Ulichians, andTiverians. Migrations from Ukraine throughout theBalkans established manySouth Slavic nations. Northern migrations, reaching almost toLake Ilmen, led to the emergence of theIlmen Slavs,Krivichs, andRadimichs, the groups ancestral to theRussians. After aPannonian Avar raid in 602 and the collapse of the Antes Union, most of these peoples survived as separate tribes until the beginning of the second millennium.[32]
Middle Ages
Early Middle Ages
In the 7th century, the territory of modern Ukraine was the core of the state of theBulgars (often referred to asOld Great Bulgaria) with its capital city ofPhanagoria. At the end of the 7th century, most Bulgar tribes migrated in several directions and the remains of their state were absorbed by theKhazars, a semi-nomadic people fromCentral Asia.[27]
It is uncertain how the state ofKievan Rus' came to be, but theVarangian noblemanOleh the Wise is generally credited with having established a principality at the city of Kyiv somewhere around the year 880.[a]Kyiv had already been established, but its origins are nebulous as well. According to archaeologists and historians such asPetro Tolochko (2007), Slavic settlement existed from the end of the 5th century in the area that later developed into the city.[34] Kyiv may have paid tribute to theKhazars before Oleh conquered it.[35][36] Tolochko and other scholars also theorise that 'Kyiv was not the center of any particular tribe but the intertribal center of a vast realm'; critical analysis of thePrimary Chronicle,De Administrando Imperio and other sources suggests it may have been a cosmopolitan urban home to Slavic and non-Slavic groups, such as Scandinavian Varangians and Finno-Ugric peoples.[37] Slavic peoples that were reportedly native to Ukraine includedPolans (or Polianians),Drevlyans,Severians,Ulichs,Tiverians,White Croats andDulebes, but their precise identity and interrelationships are difficult to establish and verify, as the sources are vague, contradictory and at times inaccurate.[38]
Kievan Rus' at its height
In the 10th and 11th century, Kyiv became one of the richest commercial centres ofEurope, and the Kievan Rus' empire around it steadily expanded.[39] Initially a benefactor of theworship of Slavic deities such asPerun,Volodimer I converted toOrthodox Christianity in the 980s, tying the realm into a political and ecclesiastical alliance with theByzantine Empire.[39] The reign ofYaroslav the Wise (r. 1019–1054) is generally regarded its zenith; Kievan Rus' was the most prosperous and powerful empire within Christendom.[39] Kievan Rus' was never a fully centralized state, but rather a loose aggregation of principalities ruled by members of theRurik dynasty.[40] In theLate Middle Ages, it became known in the rest of Europe asRuthenia (the Latin name for Rus'), especially for western principalities of Rus' after theMongol invasion.[citation needed]
In 1322,Pope John XXII established adiocese inCaffa (modern day Feodosia), which broke apart the Diocese ofKhanbaliq (modern day Beijing), the only Catholic presence in the Mongol lands. For a few centuries it was the main see over an area from the Balkans toSarai.[41]
Disintegration of Kievan Rus' and Mongol invasion
Conflict among the various principalities of Rus', in spite of the efforts of Grand PrinceVladimir Monomakh, led to decline, beginning in the 12th century. In Rus' propria, the Kyiv region, the nascent Rus' principalities ofHalych and Volhynia extended their rule. In the north, the name ofMoscow appeared in the historical record in thePrincipality of Suzdal, which gave rise to the nation of Russia. In the north-west, thePrincipality of Polotsk increasingly asserted the autonomy ofBelarus. Kyiv was sacked by thePrincipality of Vladimir (1169) in the power struggle between princes and later byCuman andMongol raiders in the 12th and 13th centuries, respectively. Subsequently, all principalities of present-day Ukraine acknowledged dependence upon the Mongols (1239–1240). In 1240, theMongols sacked Kyiv.
His death was followed by a period of turmoil that lasted until his sonDaniel regained the throne in 1238. Daniel managed to rebuild his father's state, including Kyiv. Daniel paid tribute to the Mongol khan, who appointed him baskak, responsible for collecting tribute from the Rus princes. In 1253 he was crowned by a papal delegation "King of Rus'" (Latin:rex Russiae); previously, the rulers of Rus' were termed "Grand Dukes" or "Princes."[citation needed]
From the 13th century, the many parts of the coast of present-day Ukraine were dominated by theRepublic of Genoa, which created numerouscolonies around the Black Sea, most of them situated in today'sOdesa Oblast. The Genoese colonies were well fortified, and there were garrisons in the fortresses and were used by the Genoese republic mainly for the purpose of dominating trade in the Black Sea. Genoa's dominance in the region would last until the 15th century.[43][44][45]
During the 14th century,Poland andLithuania fought wars against theMongol invaders, and eventually most of Ukraine passed to the rule of Poland and Lithuania. More particularly,Red Ruthenia, and part ofVolhynia andPodolia became part of Poland. King of Poland adopted the tile of "lord and heir of Ruthenia" (Latin:Russiae dominus et Heres[46]). Lithuania took control ofPolotsk,Volhynia,Chernihiv, and Kyiv followingBattle of Blue Waters (1362/63), and the rulers of Lithuania then adopted the title of ruler of Rus'.[citation needed]
Eventually, Poland took control of the southwestern region. Followingthe union between Poland and Lithuania,Poles,Germans,Lithuanians andJews migrated to the region, forcing Ukrainians out of positions of power they shared with Lithuanians, with more Ukrainians being forced into Central Ukraine as a result of Polish migration,polonization, and other forms of oppression against Ukraine and Ukrainians, all of which started to fully take form.[citation needed]
In 1490, due to increased oppression of Ukrainians at the hands of the Polish, a series of successful rebellions was led by UkrainianPetro Mukha, joined by other Ukrainians, such as earlyCossacks andHutsuls, in addition to Moldavians (Romanians). Known asMukha's Rebellion, this series of battles was supported by the Moldavian princeStephen the Great, and it is one of the earliest known uprisings of Ukrainians against Polish oppression. These rebellions saw the capture of several cities ofPokuttya, and reached as far west asLviv, but without capturing the latter.[49]
The 15th-century decline of theGolden Horde enabled the foundation of theCrimean Khanate, which occupied present-day Black Sea shores and southernsteppes of Ukraine. Until the late 18th century, the Crimean Khanate maintained a massiveslave trade with theOttoman Empire and theMiddle East,[50] exporting about 2 million slaves from Russia and Ukraine over the period 1500–1700.[51] It remained a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire until 1774, when it was finally dissolved by theRussian Empire in 1783.[citation needed]
After theUnion of Lublin in 1569 and the formation of thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth Ukraine fell under the Polish administration, becoming part of theCrown of the Kingdom of Poland. The period immediately following the creation of the Commonwealth saw a huge revitalisation in colonisation efforts. Many new cities and villages were founded & links between different Ukrainian regions, such asHalych Land andVolhynia were greatly extended.[52]
New schools spread the ideas of theRenaissance; Polish peasants arrived in great numbers and quickly became mixed with the local population; during this time, most Ukrainian nobles becamepolonised and converted toCatholicism, and while mostRuthenian-speaking peasants remained within theEastern Orthodox Church, social tension rose. Some of the polonized mobility would heavily shape Polish culture, for eample,Stanisław Orzechowski.[citation needed]
The 1648 UkrainianCossack (Kozak) rebellion orKhmelnytsky Uprising, which started an era known as theRuin (inPolish history as theDeluge), undermined the foundations and stability of the Commonwealth. The nascent Cossack state, theCossack Hetmanate,[54] usually viewed as precursor of Ukraine,[54] found itself in a three-sided military and diplomatic rivalry with theOttoman Turks, who controlled the Tatars to the south, the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania, and theTsardom of Russia to the East.[citation needed]
During subsequent decades, Tsarist rule over central Ukraine gradually replaced 'protection'. Sporadic Cossack uprisings were now aimed at the Russian authorities, but eventually petered out by the late 18th century, following the destruction of entireCossack hosts. After thePartitions of Poland in 1772, 1793 and 1795,the extreme west of Ukraine fellunder the control of theAustrians, withthe rest becoming a part of the Russian Empire. As a result of theRusso-Turkish Wars, theOttoman Empire's control receded from south-central Ukraine, while the rule ofHungary over the Transcarpathian region continued. Ukrainian writers and intellectualswere inspired by the nationalistic spirit stirring other European peoples existing under other imperial governments and became determined to revive theUkrainian linguistic and cultural traditions and re-establish a Ukrainian nation-state, a movement that became known asUkrainophilism.[citation needed]
Russia, fearing separatism, imposed strict limits on attempts to elevate theUkrainian language and culture, even banning its use and study: in 1863, theValuev Circular banned the use of Ukrainian in religious and educational literature, in 1876, theEms Ukaz outlawed Ukrainian-language publications outright, as well as the import of texts published abroad in Ukrainian, the use of Ukrainian in theatrical productions and public readings, the use of Ukrainian in schools.[55] TheRussophile policies ofRussification andPanslavism led to an exodus of a number of Ukrainian intellectuals into Western Ukraine. However, many Ukrainians accepted their fate in theRussian Empire and some were able to achieve great success there.[citation needed]
The fate of the Ukrainians was far different under theAustrian Empire where they found themselves in the pawn position of the Russian–Austrian power struggle for Central and Southern Europe. Unlike in Russia, most of the elite that ruled Galicia were of Austrian or Polish descent, with the Ruthenians being almost exclusively kept in peasantry. During the 19th century,Russophilia was a common occurrence among the Slavic population, but the mass exodus of Ukrainian intellectuals escaping from Russian repression in Eastern Ukraine, as well as the intervention of Austrian authorities, caused the movement to be replaced byUkrainophilia, which would then cross over into the Russian Empire. With the start ofWorld War I, all thosesupporting Russia were rounded up by Austrian forces and held in a concentration camp atTalerhof where many died.[citation needed]
Ukrainian writers and intellectualswere inspired by the nationalistic spirit stirring other European peoples existing under other imperial governments. Russia, fearing separatism, imposed strict limits on attempts to elevate theUkrainian language and culture, even banning its use and study. TheRussophile policies ofRussification andPanslavism led to an exodus of a number some Ukrainian intellectuals into Western Ukraine, while others embraced a Pan-Slavic or Russian identity.[citation needed]
19th century
Ukraine under the reign ofAlexander I (1801–1825) saw Russian presence only involving the imperial army and its bureaucracy, but by the reign ofNicholas I (1825–1855), Russia had by then established a centralized administration in Ukraine. After suppressing theNovember Uprising of 1830, the tsarist regime instituted Russification policies on theRight Bank.[57]
The 2.4 million Ukrainians under the Habsburg Empire lived in eastern Galicia and consisted mainly of the peasantry (95%) with the remainder being priestly families. The Galician nobility were majoritively Poles or Polonized Ukrainians. Development here lagged behind Russian-ruled Ukraine and was one of the poorest regions in Europe.[57]
The rise in national consciousness arose in the 19th century, with representation of the intelligentsia declining among the nobles and increasing towards commoners and peasants, they saw a process of nation-building to improve national rights and social justice but was uncovered soon after by the tsarist authorities. After the1848 revolutions, Ukrainians established theSupreme Ruthenian Council, demanding autonomy, they also opened the first Ukrainian-language newspaper (Zoria halytska). The 1861emancipation greatly impacted Ukrainians as 42% of them were serfs. During the late 19th century, heavy taxes, rapid population growth and lack of land impoverished the peasantry. However thesteppe regions managed to produce 20% of world production of wheat and 80% of the empire's sugar. Later, industrialization arrived with the first railway track constructed in 1866. Ukraine's economy by now was integrated into the imperial system and it saw much urban development.[57]
Between 1917 and 1920, several entities that aspired to be independent Ukrainian states came into existence. This period, however, was extremely chaotic, characterized by revolution, international and civil war, and lack of strong central authority. Many factions competed for power in the area that is today's Ukraine, and not all groups desired a separate Ukrainian state. Ultimately, Ukrainian independence was short-lived, as most Ukrainian lands were incorporated into the Soviet Union and the remainder, in western Ukraine, was divided among Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Romania.[58]
In 1919 total chaos engulfed Ukraine. Indeed, in the modern history of Europe no country experienced such complete anarchy, bitter civil strife, and total collapse of authority as did Ukraine at this time. Six different armies-– those of the Ukrainians, the Bolsheviks, the Whites, the Entente [French], the Poles and the anarchists – operated on its territory. Kyiv changed hands five times in less than a year. Cities and regions were cut off from each other by the numerous fronts. Communications with the outside world broke down almost completely. The starving cities emptied as people moved into the countryside in their search for food.[59]
TheSoviet famine of 1930–33, now known as theHolodomor, left millions dead in the Soviet Union, the majority of them Ukrainians not only in Ukraine but also in Kuban and former Don Cossack lands.[62][63]
After World War II, some amendments to the Constitution of theUkrainian SSR were accepted, which allowed it to act as a separate subject ofinternational law in some cases and to a certain extent, remaining a part of the Soviet Union at the same time. In particular, these amendments allowed the Ukrainian SSR to become one of the founding members of theUnited Nations (UN) together with the Soviet Union and theByelorussian SSR. This was part of a deal with theUnited States to ensure a degree of balance in theGeneral Assembly, which, the USSR opined, was unbalanced in favor of the Western Bloc. In its capacity as a member of the UN, the Ukrainian SSR wasan elected member of theUnited Nations Security Council in 1948–1949 and 1984–1985.[citation needed]TheCrimean Oblastwas transferred from theRSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954.[69]
With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine became an independent state, formalised with areferendum in December 1991. On 21 January 1990, over 300,000 Ukrainians[70] organized ahuman chain for Ukrainian independence betweenKyiv andLviv. Ukraine officiallydeclared itself an independent country on 24 August 1991, when the communist Supreme Soviet (parliament) of Ukraine proclaimed that Ukraine would no longer follow the laws of USSR and only the laws of the Ukrainian SSR, de facto declaring Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union. On 1 December, voters approved areferendum formalizing independence from the Soviet Union. Over 90% of Ukrainian citizens voted for independence, with majorities in every region, including 56% inCrimea. The Soviet Union formally ceased to exist on 26 December, when the presidents of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia (the founding members of the USSR) met inBiałowieża Forest toformally dissolve the Union in accordance with the Soviet Constitution. With this, Ukraine's independence was formalized de jure and recognized by the international community.[citation needed]
In 2004, Kuchma announced that he would not run for re-election. Two major candidates emerged in the2004 presidential election.Viktor Yanukovych,[73] the incumbent Prime Minister, supported by both Kuchma and by the Russian Federation, wanted closer ties with Russia. The main opposition candidate,Viktor Yushchenko, called for Ukraine to turn its attention westward and aim to eventually join the EU.In the runoff election, Yanukovych officially won by a narrow margin, but Yushchenko and his supporters alleged that vote rigging and intimidation cost him many votes, especially in eastern Ukraine. A political crisis erupted after the opposition started massive streetprotests in Kyiv and other cities ("Orange Revolution"), and theSupreme Court of Ukraine ordered the election results null and void. A second runoff foundViktor Yushchenko the winner. Five days later, Yanukovych resigned from office and his cabinet was dismissed on 5 January 2005.[citation needed]
By the time of thepresidential election of 2010, Yushchenko andYulia Tymoshenko — allies during the Orange Revolution[76] — had become bitter enemies.[71] Tymoshenko ran for president against both Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych, creating a three-way race. Yushchenko, whose popularity had plummeted,[74] persisted in running, and many pro-Orange voters stayed home.[77] In the second round of the election, Yanukovych won the run-off ballot with 48% to Tymoshenko's 45%.[78]
During his presidency (2010–2014), Yanukovych and hisParty of Regions were accused of trying to create a "controlled democracy" in Ukraine and of trying to destroy the main opposition partyBloc Yulia Tymoshenko, but both have denied these charges.[79] One frequently cited example of Yanukovych's attempts to centralise power wasthe 2011 sentencing of Yulia Tymoshenko, which has been condemned by Western governments as potentially being politically motivated.[80]
Following the violence, the Ukrainian parliament on 22 February voted to remove Yanukovych from power (on the grounds that his whereabouts were unknown and he thus could not fulfil his duties), and to free Yulia Tymoshenko from prison. On the same day, Yanukovych supporterVolodymyr Rybak resigned as speaker of the Parliament, and was replaced by Tymoshenko loyalistOleksandr Turchynov, who was subsequently installed as interim President.[87] Yanukovych had fled Kyiv, and subsequently gave a press conference in the Russian city ofRostov-on-Don.[88]
On 1 January 2016, Ukraine joined theDCFTA with the EU. Ukrainian citizens were grantedvisa-free travel to theSchengen Area for up to 90 days during any 180-day period on 11 June 2017, and the Association Agreement formally came into effect on 1 September 2017.[89] Significant achievements in the foreign policy arena include support for anti-Russian sanctions, obtaining a visa-free regime with the countries of theEuropean Union, and better recognition of the need to overcome extremely difficult tasks within the country. However, the old local authorities did not want any changes; they were cleansed of anti-Maidan activists (lustration), but only in part. The fight against corruption was launched, but was limited to sentences of petty officials and electronic declarations, and the newly establishedNABU andNACP were marked by scandals in their work. Judicial reform was combined with the appointment of old, compromised judges. The investigation of crimes against Maidan residents was delayed. In order to counteract the massive globalRussian anti-Ukrainian propaganda of the "information war", theMinistry of Information Policy was created, which for 5 years did not show effective work, except for the ban onKaspersky Lab,Dr.Web,1С,Mail.ru,Yandex and Russian social networksVKontakte orOdnoklassniki and propaganda media. In 2017, the president signed the law "On Education", which met with opposition from national minorities, and quarreled with theGovernment of Hungary.[citation needed] At the same time, the economic situation continued deterirating, mainly due to the widespread corruption. By 2018 Ukraine became the poorest country of Europe, with the GDP per capita below $3,000.[90]
On May 19, 2018, Poroshenko signed a Decree which put into effect the decision of the National Security and Defense Council on the final termination of Ukraine's participation in the statutory bodies of theCommonwealth of Independent States.[91][92] As of February 2019, Ukraine minimized its participation in the Commonwealth of Independent States to a critical minimum and effectively completed its withdrawal. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine did not ratify the accession, i.e. Ukraine has never been a member of the CIS.[93]
On February 21, 2019, theConstitution of Ukraine was amended, with the norms on the strategic course of Ukraine for membership in theEuropean Union andNATO being enshrined in the preamble of the Basic Law, three articles and transitional provisions.[95]
On 21 April 2019,Volodymyr Zelenskyy was elected president in the second round of the presidential election. Earlyparliamentary elections on July 21 allowed the newly formed pro-presidentialServant of the People party to win an absolute majority of seats for the first time in the history of independent Ukraine (248).Dmytro Razumkov, the party's chairman, was elected speaker of parliament. The majority was able to form a government on August 29 on its own, without forming coalitions, and approvedOleksii Honcharuk as prime minister.[96] On March 4, 2020, due to a 1.5% drop in GDP (instead of a 4.5% increase at the time of the election), the Verkhovna Rada firedHoncharuk's government andDenys Shmyhal[97] became the new Prime Minister.[98]
On May 17, 2021, theAssociation Trio was formed by signing a joint memorandum between theForeign Ministers of Georgia,Moldova andUkraine. Association Trio is tripartite format for the enhanced cooperation, coordination, and dialogue between the three countries (that have signed the Association Agreement with the EU) with theEuropean Union on issues of common interest related toEuropean integration, enhancing cooperation within the framework of theEastern Partnership, and committing to the prospect of joining the European Union.[100]
At the June2021 Brussels Summit, NATO leaders reiterated the decision taken at the2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine would become a member of the Alliance with the Membership Action Plan (MAP) as an integral part of the process and Ukraine's right to determine its own future and foreign policy without outside interference.[101]
Ukraine was originally preparing to formally apply forEU membership in 2024, but instead signed an application for membership in February 2022.[102]
In March 2014, theAnnexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation occurred. Though official results of areferendum on Crimean reunification with Russia were reported as showing a large majority in favor of the proposition, the vote was organized under Russian military occupation and was denounced by the European Union and theUnited States as illegal.[103]
President Zelenskyy with members of the Ukrainian army on 18 June 2022
On February 2, 2021, a presidential decree banned the television broadcasting of the pro-Russian TV channels112 Ukraine, NewsOne and ZIK.[118][119] The decision of the National Security and Defense Council and the Presidential Decree of February 19, 2021 imposed sanctions on 8 individuals and 19 legal entities, including Putin's pro-Russian politician andPutin's godfatherViktor Medvedchuk and his wife Oksana Marchenko.[120][121]
On the eve of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the country wasthe poorest in Europe,[129] a handicap whose cause was attributed to highcorruption levels[130] and the slow pace ofeconomic liberalization andinstitutional reform.[131][132][133][134] Russia's invasion of the country damaged Ukraine's economy and future prospects of improvement to such an extent, that the GDP of the country was projected to shrink by as much as 35% in its first year alone after the invasion.[135]
Knowledge about Ukraine in other parts of the world came chiefly from Russian secondary sources until relatively recently. After the second half of the seventeenth century, when Muscovy and later the Russian Empire came to control much of Ukrainian territory, Russian writers included Ukraine as part of Russian history. This included referring to medievalKyivan Rus as "Kievan Russia" and itsOld East Slavic culture and inhabitants as "Kievan Russian" or "Old Russian". Later Ukraine or its parts were called "Little Russia", "South Russia", "West Russia" (with Belarus), or "New Russia" (the Black Sea coast and southeasternsteppe). But parts of Ukraine beyond Russia's reach were calledRuthenia and its peopleRuthenians. The names chosen to refer to Ukraine and Ukrainians have often reflected a certain political position, and sometimes even to deny the existence of Ukrainian nationality.[27]: 10–11 The Russian point-of-view of Ukrainian history became the prevailing one in Western academia, and although the bias was identified as early as the 1950s, many scholars of Slavic studies and history believe significant changes are still necessary to correct the Moscow-centric view.[136]
The scholarly study of Ukraine's history emerged from romantic impulses in the late 19th century whenGerman Romanticism spread to Eastern Europe. The outstanding leaders wereVolodymyr Antonovych (1834–1908), based in Kyiv, and his studentMykhailo Hrushevsky (1866–1934).[137] The first serious challenge to the Russian view of Ukraine was Hrushevsky's 1904 article "The Traditional Scheme of 'Russian' History and the Problem of the Rational organization of the History of the Eastern Slavs".[138] For the first time full-scale scholarly studies based on archival sources, modern research techniques, and modern historical theories became possible. However, the demands of government officials—Tsarist, to a lesser degree Austro-Hungarian and Polish, and later Soviet—made it difficult to disseminate ideas that ran counter to the central government. Therefore, exile schools of historians emerged in central Europe and Canada after 1920.[citation needed]
Strikingly different interpretations of the medieval state of Kyivan Rus appear in the four schools of historiography within Ukraine:Russophile,Sovietophile, Eastern Slavic, andUkrainophile. In the Soviet Union, there was a radical break after 1921, led byMikhail Pokrovsky. Until 1934, history was generally not regarded as chauvinistic, but was rewritten in the style ofMarxist historiography. National "pasts" were rewritten as social and national liberation for non-Russians, and social liberation for Russians, in a process that ended in 1917. Under Stalin, the state and its official historiography were given a distinct Russian character and a certain Russocentrism. Imperial history was rewritten such that non-Russian love caused an emulation and deference to "join" the Russian people by becoming part of the (tsarist) Russian state, and in return, Russian state interests were driven by altruism and concern for neighboring people.[139] Russophile and Sovietophile schools have become marginalized in independent Ukraine, with the Ukrainophile school being dominant in the early 21st century. The Ukrainophile school promotes an identity that is mutually exclusive of Russia. It has come to dominate the nation's educational system, security forces, and national symbols and monuments, although it has been dismissed as nationalist by Western historians. The East Slavic school, an eclectic compromise between Ukrainophiles and Russophilism, has a weaker ideological and symbolic base, although it is preferred by Ukraine's centrist former elites.[140]
Many historians in recent years have sought alternatives to national histories, and Ukrainian history invited approaches that looked beyond a national paradigm. Multiethnic history recognises the numerous peoples in Ukraine;transnational history portrays Ukraine as a border zone for various empires; andarea studies categorises Ukraine as part of East-Central Europe or, less often, as part of Eurasia.Serhii Plokhy argues that looking beyond the country's national history has made possible a richer understanding of Ukraine, its people, and the surrounding regions.[141] since 2015, there has been renewed interest in integrating a "territorial-civic" and "linguistic-ethnic" history of Ukraine. For example, the history of theCrimean Tatars and the more distant history of theCrimea peninsula is now integrated into Ukrainian school history. This is part of the constitutionally mandated "people of Ukraine" rather than "Ukrainian people". Slowly, the histories of Poles and Jews are also being reintegrated. However, due to the current political climate caused by territorial sovereignty breaches by Russia, the role of Russians as "co-host" has been greatly minimized, and there are still unresolved difficult issues of the past, for example, the role of Ukrainians during the Holodomor.[142]
After 1991, historical memory was a powerful tool in the political mobilization and legitimation of the post-Soviet Ukrainian state, as well as the division of selectively used memory along the lines of the political division of Ukrainian society. Ukraine did not experience the restorationist paradigm typical of some other post-Soviet nations, for example thethree Baltic countries —Lithuania,Latvia, andEstonia, although the multifaceted history of independence, theOrthodox Church in Ukraine, Soviet-era repressions,mass famine, and World War II collaboration were used to provide a different constitutive frame for developing Ukrainian nationhood. Thepolitics of identity (which includes the production of history textbooks and the authorization of commemorative practices) has remained fragmented and tailored to reflect the ideological anxieties and concerns of individual regions of Ukraine.[143]
Canadian historiography on Ukraine
In Soviet Ukraine, twentieth-century historians were strictly limited in the range of models and topics they could cover, with Moscow insisting on an officialMarxist approach. However, émigréUkrainians in Canada developed an independent scholarship that ignored Marxism, and shared the Western tendencies in historiography.[144]George W. Simpson andOrest Subtelny were leaders promoting Ukrainian studies in Canadian academe.[145] The lack of independence in Ukraine meant that traditional historiographical emphases on diplomacy and politics were handicapped. The flourishing of social history after 1960 opened many new approaches for researchers in Canada; Subtelny used themodernization model. Later historiographical trends were quickly adapted to the Ukrainian evidence, with special focus on Ukrainian nationalism. The new cultural history,post-colonial studies, and the "linguistic turn" augmenting, if not replacingsocial history, allowed for multiple angles of approach. By 1991, historians in Canada had freely explored a wide range of approaches regarding the emergence of anational identity. After independence, a high priority in Canada was assisting in the freeing of Ukrainian scholarship from Soviet-Marxist orthodoxy—which downplayed Ukrainian nationalism and insisted that true Ukrainians were always trying to reunite with Russia. Independence from Moscow meant freedom from an orthodoxy that was never well suited to Ukrainian developments. Scholars in Ukraine welcomed the "national paradigm" that Canadian historians had helped develop. Since 1991, the study of Ukrainiannation-building became an increasingly global and collaborative enterprise, with scholars from Ukraine studying and working in Canada, and with conferences on related topics attracting scholars from around the world.[146]
^'Regardless of the uncertainties surrounding the origin of Rus', with Helgi/Oleh (reigned 878–912) we have a known historical figure credited with building the foundations of a Kievan state. (...) With Oleh's invasion of Kiev and the assassination ofAskol'd and Dir in 882, the consolidation of the East Slavic and Finnic tribes under the authority of the Varangian Rus' had begun.'[33]
^Joseph Roisman,Ian Worthington. "A companion to Ancient Macedonia" John Wiley & Sons, 2011. ISBN 978-1-4443-5163-7 pp 135–138, pp 343–345
^The Oxford Classical Dictionary by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth,ISBN 0-19-860641-9,"page 1515,"The Thracians were subdued by the Persians by 516"
^Gautier, Paul. "Le dossier d'un haut fonctionnaire byzantin d'Alexis Ier Comnène, Manuel Stra-boromanos".Revue des études byzantines, Paris, Vol.23, 1965. pp. 178, 190
^Barford, P. M. (2001).The early Slavs: culture and society in early medieval Eastern Europe. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 32.ISBN0-8014-3977-9.OCLC47054689.
^М. Грушевський – "Історія України". Том І, розділ IV, Велике слов'янське розселення: Історія Антів, їх походи, війна з Словянами, боротьба з Аварами, останні звістки, про Антів
^Tolochko P. P., Ivakin G. Y., Vermenych Y.V. Kyiv. inEncyclopedia of Ukrainian History (Енциклопедія історії України). — Kyiv: Naukova Dumka, 2007. — vol. 4. — P. 201-218.
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^"The famine of 1932–33"Archived 5 May 2015 at theWayback Machine,Encyclopædia Britannica. Quote: "The Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932–33 – a man-made demographic catastrophe unprecedented in peacetime. Of the estimated six to eight million people who died in the Soviet Union, about four to five million were Ukrainians... Its deliberate nature is underscored by the fact that no physical basis for famine existed in Ukraine... Soviet authorities set requisition quotas for Ukraine at an impossibly high level. Brigades of special agents were dispatched to Ukraine to assist in procurement, and homes were routinely searched and foodstuffs confiscated... The rural population was left with insufficient food to feed itself."
^Rosenfeld, Alvin H., ed. (2013).Resurgent Antisemitism. Indiana University Press.ISBN978-0-253-00890-9.
^Pietrzak, Michał (2018). "Wprowadzenie". In Borecki, Paweł (ed.).O ustroju, prawie i polityce II Rzeczypospolitej. Pisma wybrane (in Polish). Wolters Kluwer. p. 9.
^Bullough, Oliver (6 February 2015)."Welcome to Ukraine, the most corrupt nation in Europe".The Guardian. Retrieved3 March 2021.Since 1991, officials, members of parliament and businessmen have created complex and highly lucrative schemes to plunder the state budget. The theft has crippled Ukraine. The economy was as large as Poland's at independence, now it is a third of the size. Ordinary Ukrainians have seen their living standards stagnate, while a handful of oligarchs have become billionaires.
^Pikulicka-Wilczewska, Agnieszka (19 July 2017)."Why the reforms in Ukraine are so slow?".New Eastern Europe - A bimonthly news magazine dedicated to Central and Eastern European affairs. Retrieved17 March 2023.
^"The slow-reform trap".Bruegel | The Brussels-based economic think tank. Retrieved17 March 2023.
^Velychenko, Stephen (1993).Shaping Identity in Eastern Europe and Russia: Soviet-Russian and Polish Accounts of Ukrainian History, 1914?1991. New York. p. 23.ISBN978-1-137-05825-6.OCLC1004379833.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Taras Kuzio, "National Identity and History Writing in Ukraine,"Nationalities Papers 2006 34(4): 407–427, online inEBSCO
^Serhii Plokhy, "Beyond Nationality"Ab Imperio 2007 (4): 25–46,
^The politics of memory in Poland and Ukraine: from reconciliation to de-conciliation. Tomasz Stryjek, Joanna Konieczna-Sałamatin. London. 2022. p. 98.ISBN978-1-003-01734-9.OCLC1257314140.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
^See Andriy Portnov, "Exercises with history Ukrainian style (notes on public aspects of history's functioning in post-Soviet Ukraine),"Ab Imperio 2007 (3): 93–138, in Ukrainian
^Roman Senkus, "Ukrainian Studies in Canada Since the 1950s: An Introduction."East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5.1 (2018): 3–7.
^Bohdan Krawchenko, "Ukrainian studies in Canada."Nationalities Papers 6#1 (1978): 26–43.
^Serhy Yekelchyk, "Studying the Blueprint for a Nation: Canadian Historiography of Modern Ukraine,"East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies (2018) 5#1 pp 115–137.onlineArchived 28 February 2019 at theWayback Machine
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