Gustav Landauer | |
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.jpg) Landauer in the 1910s | |
| Born | (1870-04-07)7 April 1870 |
| Died | 2 May 1919(1919-05-02) (aged 49) |
| Cause of death | Murdered byFreikorps |
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Gustav Landauer (German:[ˈlandaʊɐ]; 7 April 1870 – 2 May 1919) was a Germananarchist writer and revolutionary. As one of the leading theorists ofanarchism in Germany at the turn of the 20th century, he advocated a form oflibertarian socialism that rejected both capitalism andMarxisthistorical materialism. Landauer's philosophy synthesized anarchism withromanticism,mysticism, and a non-racist,communitarian interpretation ofvölkisch thought, emphasizing spiritual renewal and the creation of decentralized, autonomous communities. He briefly served as Commissioner for Enlightenment and Public Instruction in theBavarian Soviet Republic in 1919 before he was assassinated byFreikorps soldiers.
Born into a middle-class Jewish family inKarlsruhe, Landauer's early thought was shaped byGerman Romanticism and the philosophies ofBaruch Spinoza,Arthur Schopenhauer, andFriedrich Nietzsche. InBerlin during the 1890s, he became a prominent anarchist voice, breaking with theSocial Democratic Party over its rigid Marxism. He argued that socialism was not an inevitable outcome of economic laws but an act of human will and ethical choice. His major works, includingSkepsis und Mystik (Skepticism and Mysticism, 1903) andAufruf zum Sozialismus (Call to Socialism, 1911), articulated his view that the state is not an institution to be violently overthrown but a social relationship that can be replaced by creating new, voluntary forms of community.
From the 1890s until theFirst World War, Landauer was the central figure behind the newspaperDer Sozialist. In 1908, he founded theSocialist Bund (Socialist League), an association of autonomous groups intended to prefigure a future libertarian society through cooperative settlements. A committedpacifist, Landauer opposed World War I and advocated for ageneral strike to prevent it. During this time, he developed a cosmopolitan cultural nationalism that defined nations as peaceful communities of spirit, distinct from the violent structures of states.
During theGerman Revolution of 1918–1919, Landauer was invited toMunich byKurt Eisner. He participated in the proclamation of theBavarian Soviet Republic in April 1919 and served in its first, short-lived council of people's deputies. When the republic was crushed by government troops, Landauer was arrested and brutally murdered inStadelheim Prison. His ideas influenced figures such asMartin Buber,Ernst Toller, and the German youth movement, and his work represents a significant communitarian and anti-authoritarian alternative to both capitalism and state socialism.
Gustav Landauer was born inKarlsruhe, the capital ofBaden, on 7 April 1870, into a well-to-do middle-classJewish family.[1][2] His parents, Hermann and Rosa (née Neuberger) Landauer,[3] were assimilated Jews who were not religious, and Landauer's contact with the synagogue was slight.[1]
His father, a shoe store owner, intended for him to have a commercial career and sent him to a Realgymnasium.[1][4] However, Landauer showed an unusual sensitivity to music and literature from an early age and eventually switched to the classically oriented Bismarck Gymnasium.[1][5] He found the formal classical instruction "boring and stultifying", gaining his "real education" from the theatre, books, and music.[1] At fifteen, he was deeply attached to Germanromantic music and literature, particularly the works ofRichard Wagner.[6] He later explored the philosophies ofBaruch Spinoza andArthur Schopenhauer, whoseThe World as Will and Representation appealed to his romantic and mystical inclinations.[6] At seventeen, during a school patriotic festival, Landauer delivered a "mildly revolutionary speech" that drew heavily on the then-academically unacceptable poetHeinrich Heine, for which he was publicly reprimanded by the school's director.[1]
Between 1888 and 1891, Landauer studied Germanics, philosophy, and history at theUniversity of Heidelberg, theUniversity of Berlin, and theUniversity of Strasbourg.[6] He became proficient in French and English and developed a deep interest in the writers of the German Romantic period.[6] His studies were also shaped by the works ofHenrik Ibsen andFriedrich Nietzsche.[6] Ibsen's dramas, particularlyAn Enemy of the People andGhosts, appealed to Landauer for their depiction of the creative individual struggling against a philistine bourgeois society.[7] Nietzsche's philosophy, which Landauer studied intensively, provided a crucial bridge from his earlier passive aestheticism to later activism.[6] Nietzsche's emphasis onlife affirmation, the "will to power" (interpreted by Landauer asvoluntarism and self-transformation), and the critique of Schopenhauer's pessimism deeply resonated with him.[8]
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In 1891, Landauer returned to Berlin, intending to continue his studies.[6] The German capital was a center of political and intellectual ferment following the 1890 resignation of ChancellorOtto von Bismarck and the lapse of theAnti-Socialist Laws.[6] TheSocial Democratic Party (SPD) had adopted a new, more strictly Marxist program at its 1891 Erfurt conference, an act which drove many intellectuals, including Landauer, away from the party. Some, influenced by Nietzsche andMax Stirner, turned towards anarchism.[9] Through the drama critic and novelistFritz Mauthner, Landauer was introduced to the progressive literary figures of the city and became involved with the Neue Freie Volksbühne, a theatre organization for the working class that had split from the more Marxist Freie Volksbühne.[10]
Landauer's intellectual background and his association with a radical anti-Marxist socialist group led byBenedikt Friedländer made him receptive to revolutionary currents.[11] He began writing articles on social questions, some of which were published in the SPD organDie Neue Zeit.[11] Soon after February 1892, he joined the staff ofDer Sozialist, a newspaper founded by dissident socialists who had been expelled from the SPD.[12] The paper eventually adopted the subtitle "Organ of Anarchism-Socialism" and became the leading voice for anarchism in Germany.[11] In late 1891 or early 1892, Landauer married a seamstress, Grete Leuschner.[13]
During this period, Landauer wrote his first book,Der Todesprediger (The Preacher of Death), published in 1893.[14] The work, which Landauer later described as the product of a twenty-year-old, is a philosophical novel dedicated to the cause of anarchism.[14] It follows a hero who, through a process of overcoming despair rooted in pure rationalism, finds a path back to socialist activism through sensual love and an appreciation for life. The book contains the essential elements of Landauer's mature vision of a better life for mankind.[15] In August 1893, Landauer was selected as an anarchist delegate to theInternational Workers' Congress in Zurich.[16] After much angry debate, a motion by SPD leaderAugust Bebel excluded all anarchists. Landauer and other German delegates were ejected from the congress by force. At a separate meeting of anarchists, he delivered a fiery speech calling for thegeneral strike to be the "introduction of the revolution".[16]
In the mid-1890s, Landauer began to frame hisanarcho-socialism in terms of romantic and idealist philosophy, shifting away from purely urban, proletarian concerns towardsvölkisch ideology, handicrafts, and peasant life.[17] This reorientation developed as an alternative to Marxist materialism and industrial urbanism.[17]
Anarchism in Germany was a relatively weak tradition, butDer Sozialist under Landauer became the country's only anarchist newspaper. Its appeal was mainly to intellectuals and artists rebelling against regimentation.[14] Landauer's initial phase of anarchism (1893–1894) focused onanarcho-syndicalism, advocating for workers to build trade unions as models for a future socialist society.[18] In October 1893, he was arrested for an article inDer Sozialist advocating "disobedience of the law" and sentenced to two months in prison. In December, an additional nine months were added for "incitement".[19] While imprisoned, he wrote the novella "Arnold Himmelheber".[19]
After his release, withDer Sozialist temporarily suppressed, Landauer faced financial hardship. The University of Freiburg rejected his application to study medicine due to his prison record.[19] In 1895, he re-establishedDer Sozialist and published the pamphletEin Weg zur Befreiung der Arbeiterklasse (A Way to the Liberation of the Working Class), which outlined his new tactic: establishing producer-consumer cooperatives to build socialism outside the capitalist system.[20] He increasingly clashed with authorities, leading to a notable incident in October 1896 where he and his colleagues exposed a police spy, Commissar Bösel. Landauer was arrested but ultimately acquitted.[21] At the 1896London International Socialist Congress, from which anarchists were again excluded, Landauer argued for peasant cooperatives to prevent proletarianization, marking a turn toward an anti-industrial,völkisch romanticism.[22]
In 1897, Landauer separated from his wife Grete and moved toFriedrichshagen, a literary colony.[23] Political isolation followed asDer Sozialist lost readers and ceased publication in 1899.[24] He was imprisoned again for six months in March 1899 for libeling a police commissioner in connection with the Ziethen affair, a case he had taken up with the social reformer Moritz von Egidy.[25] Shortly before his imprisonment, in March 1899, he met the poetHedwig Lachmann at a meeting of the Neue Gemeinschaft, a literary circle led byHeinrich and Julius Hart.[26] Their relationship deepened through correspondence while he was in prison, and she became his second wife in 1903.[27]
This period of isolation led Landauer to mysticism. While in prison (1899–1900), he translated the sermons of the medieval German mysticMeister Eckhart and edited the manuscripts for his friendFritz Mauthner's seminal work on language critique,Beiträge zu einer Kritik der Sprache.[24] These two influences formed the basis for his own major philosophical work,Skepsis und Mystik: Versuche im Anschluss an Mauthners Sprachkritik (Skepticism and Mysticism: Essays in Connection with Mauthner's Language Criticism, 1903).[28]
InSkepsis und Mystik, Landauer utilized Mauthner's critique of language—which argues that language is incapable of perceiving reality—but moved beyond Mauthner's skepticism.[29] Landauer contended that once skepticism has cleared away old illusions, new, self-created "illusions" (mysticism) are necessary for life. He posited that true reality is a "World-I" or universal psyche, a community with the world that is experienced internally.[30] This mystical consciousness of the indwelling universe (Weltall) is an awareness of the individual's rootedness in inherited, developing communities (Volk, humanity).[31]
After his release, Landauer and Lachmann lived in England from September 1901 to June 1902, where they associated withPeter Kropotkin. Financial difficulties and Lachmann's pregnancy led them to return to Germany, settling in Hermsdorf, near Berlin.[27] In 1903, he secured a divorce from his first wife and formally married Lachmann.[27] That same year, a second edition ofDer Todesprediger was published, along with a volume containing his two novellas, "Arnold Himmelheber" and "Lebendig tot" (written in prison in 1900), under the titleMacht und Mächte (Might and Destinies).[32]
In the decade before the Bavarian Revolution, Landauer articulated his mature synthesis of romantic and socialist thought, producing his most substantial works.
Landauer's major historical work,Die Revolution (1907), presented a romantic medievalist view, portraying theMiddle Ages as an age ofGeist (spirit) and organic community, a "society of societies" destroyed by the modern emphasis on the state beginning around 1500.[33] The spirit of community (Geist), however, survived as a subterranean countercurrent.[34]
In January 1907, Landauer published "Volk und Land: Thirty Socialist Theses", which laid the groundwork for theSocialist Bund (Sozialistischer Bund).[35] The Bund was launched in June 1908 with "Twelve Articles" aiming to begin immediate socialist construction in enclaves outside the capitalist state through a federation of autonomous communities.[36]Der Sozialist was revived in January 1909 as the Bund's organ.[37] The Bund attracted mainly middle-class intellectuals, includingMartin Buber andErich Mühsam, but struggled to gain broader appeal.[38]
Landauer's major theoretical work of this period,Aufruf zum Sozialismus (Call to Socialism, 1911), further elaborated his critique of Marxism.[39] He rejectedhistorical materialism and "scientific socialism", arguing that socialism arises from human will and ethical necessity, not from objective economic laws.[40] True socialism required a withdrawal from the capitalist system into decentralized, rural, mutual-aid settlements integrating agriculture and craft industries.[41] The state, he reiterated, is not an external force to be overthrown, but a "condition, a certain relationship between human beings"; it is destroyed by "contracting other relationships, by behaving differently".[42]
The period from 1911 to 1918 saw Landauer's preoccupations shift towards the national question and the threat of war.[43] He developed a humanitarian and pacifist conception of the nation (Volk), drawing on the cosmopolitan cultural nationalism of early German romantics likeJohann Gottfried Herder andJohann Gottlieb Fichte.[44] EachVolk, he insisted, is a unique reflection of and contributor to universal humanity, a community of peace distinct from the state, which is a structure of force and violence.[45]
After theAgadir Crisis of 1911, he became a vocal opponent of militarism, prophesying a European war.[43] He advocated for a politicalgeneral strike to prevent war.[46] His 1911 pamphlet,Die Abschaffung des Kriegs durch die Selbstbestimmung des Volks (The Abolition of War through the Self-Determination of the Volk), which outlined this, was confiscated by Berlin police, leading to a protracted legal battle.[47]
DuringWorld War I, Landauer opposed the war on moral grounds.[48] He usedDer Sozialist (until its cessation in April 1915) to promote his ideas.[49] He felt increasingly isolated as friends like Fritz Mauthner supported the war effort.[48] Landauer was active in pacifist circles like the Aufbruchkreis (1915–1916) with figures fromExpressionism and the youth movement, such asKurt Hiller and Ernst Joël.[50] His literary lectures during the war (onJohann Wolfgang von Goethe,Friedrich Hölderlin,Georg Kaiser,William Shakespeare) often contained veiled political criticism.[51] In a letter dated Christmas 1916, he urged US PresidentWoodrow Wilson to work for a postwar international congress that would guarantee constitutional rights and disarmament.[52] His cultural nationalism remained cosmopolitan and antiauthoritarian, rejecting racism andanti-Semitism, and affirming his identity as a "German, a south German, and a Jew".[53]
Following the death of his wife Hedwig Lachmann from influenza on 21 February 1918, Landauer was in a state of deep personal crisis.[54] However, by October 1918, with German military collapse imminent, he was called toMunich byKurt Eisner, leader of theIndependent Socialists (USPD) in Bavaria, who proclaimed theBavarian Republic on 7 November.[55]
Landauer, a lifelong federalist, joined the radical Revolutionary Workers' Council (Revolutionäre Arbeiterrat, RAR) and the Central Workers' Council, advocating for a socialist democracy based onworkers' and soldiers' councils (Räte) and opposing parliamentary elections.[56] He grew increasingly despondent as parliamentary forces gained ground and theBavarian Landtag elections in January 1919 marginalized the radical left.[57]
The assassination of Eisner on 21 February 1919 plunged Munich into chaos.[58] This led to the proclamation of a first, short-livedBavarian Räterepublik (Council Republic) on 7 April 1919, by anarchists and Independent Socialists. Landauer, despite his reservations about the timing, served as Commissioner for Enlightenment and Public Instruction.[59] He attempted educational reforms, envisioning universities as libertarian cooperative societies.[60] This "Coffee House Anarchists" government lasted only a week before being replaced by a second,Communist-led Räterepublik on 13 April, following an attempted putsch.[60] Landauer refused to cooperate with the Communists, deploring their methods.[60]
On 1 May 1919, asFreikorps andReichswehr troops sent by the SPD government in Berlin began to crush the Munich Räterepublik, Landauer was arrested at Eisner's former home.[61] On 2 May, he was taken toStadelheim Prison and brutally beaten to death by soldiers.[61] His last reported words were, "Erschlagt mich doch! Das Ihr Menschen seid!" ("Yes, beat me to death! To think that you are human beings!").[62] A monument erected to him in Munich'sWaldfriedhof in 1925 was destroyed by theNazis in 1933; his remains were moved to the Munich Jewish Cemetery, where they lie in a double grave that also serves as the resting place of Eisner.[63]
Gustav Landauer's primary importance lies in his synthesis of a pacifist, humanitarian, and democratic version ofanarcho-socialism with the outlook ofvölkisch romanticism.[64] His work serves as an antidote to simplistic views that equatevölkisch thought solely with its later racist and imperialist interpretations, or socialism exclusively withMarxism. Landauer represented a radical democratic and communitarian strand within the broader romantic reaction against industrial modernity.[65]
His ideas resonated with various left-wing communitarian circles in Germany, including the socialist wing of the youth movement, Zionist socialists likeMartin Buber, andExpressionist writers such asErnst Toller andGeorg Kaiser.[66] Landauer's emphasis onGemeinschaft, spiritual renewal, and decentralized, cooperative living, while ultimately failing to gain mass political traction in his lifetime, prefigured later concerns about the crisis of metropolitan centers and the search for alternative models of community.[67] After his death, his legacy was preserved primarily through the efforts of Martin Buber, who collected and published his writings and letters, including the two-volumeGustav Landauer: sein Lebensgang in Briefen in 1929.[68]
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