Brazilian Social Democracy Party Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | PSDB |
| President | Aécio Neves |
| General Secretary | Adolfo Viana |
| Vice President | Paulo Serra Beto Richa Maria Estela Kubitschek |
| Treasurer | Paulo Abi-Ackel |
| Honorary President | Fernando Henrique Cardoso |
| Founded | 25 June 1988; 37 years ago (1988-06-25) |
| Legalized | 24 August 1989; 36 years ago (1989-08-24) |
| Split from | Brazilian Democratic Movement |
| Headquarters | SGAS Q.607, Ed. Metrópolis, Mód. B Cobertura 2 - Asa Sul Brasília,Brazil |
| Think tank | Instituto Teotônio Vilela |
| Youth wing | Juventude PSDB |
| Women's wing | PSDB Mulher |
| Black wing | TucanAFRO |
| LGBT wing | Diversidade Tucana |
| Membership |  1,305,253[1] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position |
|
| National affiliation | PSDB Cidadania Federation |
| International affiliation | Centrist Democrat International |
| Regional affiliation | Christian Democrat Organization of America (observer) |
| Colours | Blue Yellow |
| TSE Identification Number | 45 |
| Chamber of Deputies | 14 / 513 |
| Federal Senate | 1 / 81 |
| Governorships | 0 / 27 [15] |
| State Assemblies | 48 / 1,024 |
| Mayors | 276 / 5,569 |
| Website | |
| www | |
^ A: Has also been described ascentrist[18] andright-wing[24] by some sources. | |
TheBrazilian Social Democracy Party (Portuguese:Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira,PSDB), also known as theBrazilian Social Democratic Party or theParty of Brazilian Social Democracy,[25] is acentre-rightpolitical party in Brazil.
Born together as part of thesocial democratic opposition to themilitary dictatorship from the late 1970s through the 1980s, and later shifting towardneoliberalism andliberal conservatism in the 1990s. PSDB governed Brazil from 1995 to 2003 with thePresidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and was the runner-up for all presidential elections from 2003 to 2014. The PSDB and theWorkers' Party (PT) have since the mid-1990s been the bitterest of rivals in currentBrazilian politics—both parties prohibit any kind ofcoalition or official cooperation with each other at any government levels. As the formerly third largest party in theNational Congress, was the main opposition party against the PT administrations ofLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva andDilma Rousseff from 2003 to 2016. While still the fifth in number of members, with 1,291,811 registered,[26] PSDB has lost a lot of space in the political scenario after several losses at the2018 and2022 elections, several internal splits, while at the same time the main opposition to PT became theBolsonarist movement, resulting in the loss of several members and electorate.[27]
The PSDB's mascot is a blue and yellow coloredtoucan, with party members being calledtucanos for this reason. Famoustucanos includeMário Covas,Geraldo Alckmin (now a member of thePSB),Tasso Jereissati,Aécio Neves, former PresidentFernando Henrique Cardoso,Franco Montoro,Aloysio Nunes,Yeda Crusius,João Doria, andJosé Serra.
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With the imminent collapse of the military dictatorship in the early 1980s, a group ofleft-wingintellectuals were mobilized to create a leftist party. Some of them attempted to work with thelabour movement led byLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva, but the group split over ideological grounds. A group of democratic socialists andTrotskyists joined the labour movement and founded theWorkers' Party (PT) while the social democrats remained in theBrazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) and would later create the Brazilian Social Democracy Party. Founded on 25 June 1988 by members of theBrazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) linked to the European social democratic movement as an attempt to clarify their ideals, its manifesto preached "democracy as a fundamental value" and "social justice as an aim to be reached". In its foundation, the party attempted to unite political groups as diverse associal democrats,social liberals,Christian democrats anddemocratic socialists. The period when the PSDB was created was a very significant moment in the history of Brazilian politics.
On 21 April 1985, President-electTancredo Neves died, having been the last President not elected directly by the people since the beginning of the military dictatorship. With the formation of new parties, including the PSDB, aNational Constitutional Assembly was created and drafted the current democratic constitution in 1988. A high proportion of the first members of the PSDB came from the so-called "historic PMDB", which was and still is a very large party with many internal conflicts. The founders of the PSDB were dissatisfied with the results of the National Constitutional Assembly and decided to create a party to reflect the need for a national political renewal. As their manifesto states, the new party was created "away from the official benefits, but close to the pulsing of the streets" (taken from a speech by party leaderFranco Montoro). Some of the founding members wereJosé Serra,Mário Covas,Ciro Gomes,André Franco Montoro,Fernando Henrique Cardoso,Aécio Neves andGeraldo Alckmin.[citation needed]
In a country where two constitutional referendums, held in1963 and in1993, have shown a very strong preference for apresidential system of government as in most countries of the Americas, the PSDB stands almost alone in the preference given in its manifesto to aparliamentarian system of government. However, after the electors rejected parliamentarism in 1993 and even though the PSDB leader Cardoso was elected president the next year, the party did nothing in subsequent years to further the cause of a parliamentarian system.[citation needed]
The PSDB is one of the largest and most significant political parties in Brazil. Its official program says its policies are social democratic and often associated with theThird Way movement, although the party is also seen as influenced byneoliberalism. The party's program states that it "reject[s]populism andauthoritarianism, as well as both fundamentalist neoliberalism and obsolete national-statism".[28]
Despite its name, the PSDB is not a member of theSocialist International[29] which draws together social democratic parties worldwide (the Brazilian member of the Socialist International is theDemocratic Labour Party, PDT). The party has never had the links totrade union movements that usually characterize social democratic parties; it used to sponsor a central union, the Social-Democracia Sindical (SDS), which has now merged with the Central Autônoma dos Trabalhadores (CAT) and the much more important Central Geral dos Trabalhadores (CGT) into the União Geral dos Trabalhadores (UGT),[30] but its impact among the unions has always been quite unimpressive compared to even much smaller parties as the PDT or theCommunist Party of Brazil, or to thetucanos's own influence in society at large.[citation needed] After supporting the candidacy of Geraldo Alckmin in the 2018 presidential election (which was eliminated in the first round with 4.8 per cent of the vote), in the second round, some of the party's leaders supported the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro, to whom most of the party's traditional electorate had already turned,[31] while former São Paulo GovernorAlberto Goldman endorsedWorkers’ Party candidateFernando Haddad instead.[32]
After suffering defeats in the 2016 and 2018 elections, PSDB went through a rebranding. The font of their logo was changed, the toucan was removed in favor of aflag of Brazil and the party received the new mottoPelo Brasil ("For Brazil").[33] However, after heavy losses in the2022 Brazilian general election, especially with the loss of their longtime hegemony inSão Paulo, the party's principles were revised[34] and the toucan logo was reinstated under Eduardo Leite's leadership, alongside a new motto,Um só Brasil ("Only one Brazil").[35]
Based on data released by theSuperior Electoral Court, the Movement to Combat Electoral Corruption released a ranking on 4 October 2007 regarding the parties that included the largest number of elected officials exposed for corruption since 2000. The PSDB appeared in third place on the list with 58 cases, behind only theDemocrats and the PMDB.[36]
The PSDB was considered Brazil's "dirtiest" party by the country's electoral authority. Yet, according to a 2016 academic study, the party has clearly benefited from the complacency of the Brazilian media, which has barely mentioned these cases.[37]
According to an analysis released on 8 September 2012, of 317 Brazilian politicians who were barred from running in elections by theClean Record Act, the PSDB is the party that has the largest number of barred candidates with 56 party members.[38]
The 2011 bookA Privataria Tucana, written byjournalistAmaury Ribeiro Jr., a former special reporter of weekly magazineISTO É and daily newspaperO Globo, highlighted documents that show alleged irregularities inprivatizations that occurred during the administration of the former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. It contains about 140 pages of photocopied documents in support of the claim that President Cardoso'sMinister of Planning and laterMinister of HealthJosé Serra receivedkickbacks from businessmen who participated in the Brazilian privatization process, held companies in tax shelters, and moved millions of dollars between 1993 and 2003.[39]
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Although the PSDB declares itself as acentrist party, some people on the left reject this definition, especially afterFernando Henrique Cardoso embracedThird Way politics as president.[40] The party has been seen asneoliberal by critics from its beginnings.[41]Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira, one of the founders of the PSDB, left the party in 2011 for ideological reasons, claiming "that the party had taken a hard turn to theright".[42]
Since abandoning its more leftist positions, the party has been described ascentrist,[16]centre-right[43][44][45][46][47] and right-wing.[19][20][21][22][23]
In an article titled "The left-right confusion in the post-Berlin Wall world", political analystAngelo Segrillo says that "most analysts defined PSDB as center-left as of its foundation, after all, it was the Brazilian Social Democratic Party". As he notes, "this story changed after 1994, with the election of PSDB to the presidency. [...] A rhetoric of overcoming classical ideological division [...] was one of the justifications of the grand parliamentary alliance with center and right-wing parties. [...] As such, after the 1994 presidential election, most analysts started defining PSDB as a center party along with PMDB".[48] In its 2009 report about Freedom in the World,Freedom House defined the opposition coalition (formed by PSDB,PPS and Democrats) as a "center-right coalition".[49] However, in the 2010 report by the same organization, PSDB was defined as a "center-left" party.[50]
Political scientist Glauco Peres notes that the party's move toward conservatism came "in stages," from "the liberal policies and major privatizations of the Cardoso era" to the gradual emergence of a "conservative and religious discourse" in the early 2010s to the failed campaign of the party's right-wing presidential candidate Aecio Neves in 2014.[51]
Workers' Party campaign leader Marco Aurélio Garcia criticized declarations made by PSDB president Sérgio Guerra that PSDB is "the real left". He said that "PSDB is not a right wing party, it is the partyof the right wing".[52]
The PSDB questions the use of what it considers "outdated political labels" such as "left" and "right". To quote a document drafted byFernando Henrique Cardoso's office in 1990: "If left means to be against the existing social order, and right in favor, then social-democracy is without doubt a left current. [...] A social democrat is before anything else someone who has critical sense — who realizes the injustices of society and has no fear to oppose them, even at the risk of being taken as a subversive or a dreamer".
The party did not preachnationalization orprivatization in general ("the consensus is that the state must not be too big or too small, but 'have the size and functions corresponding to the needs of the whole of society'"), yet President Cardoso privatized many large public companies, such asCompanhia Vale do Rio Doce and the national telecommunication system. Many political scientists in Brazil believed that the party in its antagonism with the PT made a move to the right in recent years to fill a void in the Brazilian political spectrum and to put a certain distance between itself and the PT's political views, which also moved more to the right (from thefar-left or left to thecentre-left) in the 1990s in order to be elected.
The main electoral base of the party is theState of São Paulo, where the party triumphed in all but three major elections to executive office. The party also has a stronghold in other regions which reject the PT, like Espirito Santo, and in some southern and mid-western states. Unlike the PT, the party has more success in more local elections in the same areas that often vote for the PT in national elections, like the North and Northeastern regions and Minas Gerais. Many leaders of the party come from these regions, like Tasso Jereisatti, Aécio Neves, Teotonio Vilela Filho,Cassio Cunha Lima, Sergio Guerra andSimão Jatene. However, the party has not succeeded in transforming this into results in presidential elections, partly because ofLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva's charisma and partly because of internal infighting.
Most rejection of the party comes from theState of Rio de Janeiro, where the positioning of the party in the Brazilian centre andcentre-right often loses toPMDB and another parties with less national representation, like theBrazilian Republican Party, theDemocrats,Progressistas and theSocial Christian Party. The only victory of the party in Rio occurred in 1994, when the majority of voters in the state supported FHC in the presidential election and the toucans Artur da Tavola andMarcello Alencar were elected to the senate and state governorship, respectively. PT is also strongly rejected in Rio, however less than PSDB.
Despite being considered a centre-left party by their own members, media and by the Brazilian right, the PSDB has little or no appeal to the majority of Brazilian left. The majority of support and bases oftucanos comes from right-wing sectors like conservative Christians, professionals, themiddle andupper middle class, farmers, landowners and business owners. Reasons for this support derive from the more moderate rhetoric and ideology of the party compared with the PT, the major economic reforms which the party led in the 1990s, and the major influence of the Democrats in the party.
This support is not viewed well inside the "old guard" of the party. Manytucanos often publicly express their discomfort with the party. Even Cardoso, the most successful figure in the party's history, constantly criticizes such PSDB politicians as Colonel Telhada, a former police officer who was elected a deputy in São Paulo with proposals such as reducing the age of defense of infancy, harsher penalties for criminals and appealing to the evangelical churches, of which Telhada is a member; and João Dória Junior, mayor of São Paulo between 2016 and 2018 and governor of the state of São Paulo since 2019. Dória is often accused ofpopulism,demagoguery,opportunism,personalism, self-promotion,market fundamentalism and aggressive exploitation of anti-Workers' Party sentiment within the populace. These antagonisms persist between the voter base together with the new members who joined the party based on right-wing sentiment of opposition to the Workers' Party versus the party elite and older members with more left-liberal, progressive, social democratic and pragmatic views, thus an important factor in the often internal rifts betweentucanos.
In 2017, a group of new, young federal representatives, nicknamed "blackheads", in reference to their youth (contrasting the gray or bald heads of older and progressive members), began to gain prominence in the party. This wing, made up of members in their 30s or younger, has shown strong opposition to support of the party for the government of PresidentMichel Temer and far more support foreconomic liberalism than the old party members like José Serra and Aloysio Nunes. Blackheads now occupy important positions inside the party and with support of the base and social movements like theFree Brazil Movement have the capacity to push the party more to the right-wing of the Brazilian political spectrum.
In the2018 general election, the party suffered the greatest defeat in its history asGeraldo Alckmin came in fourth in the presidential election with less than 5% of votes and the party fell to 10th position in number of representatives in theChamber of Deputies, with fewer representatives than the Democrats. The key reasons for this failure were the corruption scandals ofAécio Neves, the party's support for the government ofMichel Temer, the lack of charisma and wrong strategies of Alckmin in the presidential campaign, which chose to attack theright-wing populist candidateJair Bolsonaro from a progressive viewpoint instead of attacking the traditional rival PT, and a continuing domination of old leftist leaders instead of new and more liberal members with stronger connection with the voter base over the party. They support Bolsonaro and hisSocial Liberal Party smashed the voter base of the party. The PSDB faced a runoff in three of the four biggest states, namely São Paulo,Minas Gerais andRio Grande do Sul, all of them with more pro-free market and centre-right views than Alckmin. PSDB triumphed in São Paulo withJoão Doria Junior, Rio Grande do Sul withEduardo Leite and in the agrarian state ofMato Grosso do Sul withReinaldo Azambuja, also acentre-right candidate.
According to researcher Christophe Ventura, the party's candidates are often evangelicals, multimillionaires and entrepreneurs. They present themselves as "managers" rather than "politicians".[53]
| Picture | Name | Term | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Begin | End | ||
| Provisory Committee[a] | 1988 | 1989 |
 | Franco Montoro | 1989 | 1991 |
.jpg) | Tasso Jereissati | 1991 | 1994 |
 | Pimenta da Veiga | 1994 | 1995 |
 | Artur da Távola | 1995 | 1996 |
.jpg) | Teotônio Vilela Filho | 1996 | 2001 |
 | José Aníbal | 2001 | 2003 |
 | José Serra | 2003 | 2005 |
 | Eduardo Azeredo | January 2005 | October 2005 |
.jpg) | José Serra | October 2005 | November 2005 |
| Tasso Jereissati | November 2005 | 23 November 2007 |
 | Sérgio Guerra | 23 November 2007 | 18 May 2013 |
 | Aécio Neves | 18 May 2013 | 17 December 2017[54] |
.jpg) | Geraldo Alckmin | 17 December 2017 | 31 May 2019 |
 | Bruno Araújo | 31 May 2019 | 31 January 2023 |
 | Eduardo Leite | 31 January 2023[55] | 30 November 2023 |
 | Marconi Perillo | 30 November 2023 | 27 November 2025 |
.jpg) | Aécio Neves | 27 November 2025 | Incumbent |
| Picture | Name | Term | Convention | Notes | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Begin | End | ||||
 | Franco Montoro | 1994 | 1995 | Died in 1999[56] | |
| 1996 | 1998 | ||||
| 1999 | 2001 | ||||
.jpg) | Fernando Henrique Cardoso | 2001 | 2003 | ||
| 2003 | 2005 | ||||
| 2005 | 2007 | ||||
| 2007 | 2009 | ||||
| 2009 | 2011 | ||||
| 2011 | 2013 | ||||
| 2013 | 2015 | ||||
| 2015 | 2017 | ||||
| 2017 | Incumbent | ||||
| Year | Candidate | First round | Second round | Role | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | Vote % | Votes | Vote % | |||
| 1989 | Mário Covas | 7,786,939 | 11.5% (4th) | In opposition | ||
| 1994 | Fernando Henrique Cardoso | 34,362,726 | 54.3 (1st) | In government coalition | ||
| 1998 | Fernando Henrique Cardoso | 35,922,692 | 53.1 (1st) | In government coalition | ||
| 2002 | José Serra | 19,694,843 | 23.2 (2nd) | 33,356,860 | 38.7 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2006 | Geraldo Alckmin | 39,968,369 | 41.6 (2nd) | 37,543,178 | 39.2 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2010 | José Serra | 33,132,283 | 32.6 (2nd) | 43,711,388 | 44.0 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2014 | Aécio Neves | 34,897,211 | 33.6 (2nd) | 51,041,155 | 48.4 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2018 | Geraldo Alckmin | 5,096,277 | 4.8 (4th) | In government coalition | ||
| Election | Chamber of Deputies | Federal Senate | Role in government | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | ||
| 1990 | 3,515,809 | 8.68% | 38 / 513 | New | N/A | N/A | 1 / 32 | New | Independent |
| 1994 | 6,350,941 | 13.90% | 62 / 513 |  24 | 15,652,182 | 16.34% | 9 / 54 | 8 | Coalition |
| 1998 | 11,684,900 | 17.54% | 99 / 513 | 37 | 6,366,681 | 10.30% | 16 / 81 | 5 | Coalition |
| 2002 | 12,473,743 | 14.26% | 70 / 513 | 29 | 21,360,291 | 13.90% | 11 / 81 | 5 | Opposition |
| 2006 | 12,691,043 | 13.62% | 65 / 513 | 6 | 10,547,778 | 12.50% | 14 / 81 | 3 | Opposition |
| 2010 | 11,477,380 | 11.88% | 53 / 513 | 12 | 30,903,736 | 18.13% | 11 / 81 | 3 | Opposition |
| 2014 | 11,073,631 | 11.39% | 54 / 513 | 1 | 23,880,078 | 26.73% | 10 / 81 | 1 | Opposition(2014-2016) |
| Coalition(2016-2018) | |||||||||
| 2018 | 5,905,541 | 6.01% | 29 / 513 | 25 | 20,310,558 | 11.85% | 8 / 81 | 2 | Support |
| 2022 | 3,309,061 | 3.02% | 13 / 513 | 16 | 1,394,547 | 1.37% | 4 / 81 | 4 | Independent |
| Year | Votes | % votes | +/– | No. of overall seats won | +/– |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | 14,537,570 | N/A | New | 791 / 5,568 | New |
| 2012 | 13,950,000 | 13.57 (2nd) | N/A | 693 / 5,568 | 94 |
| 2016 | 17,633,653 | N/A | 803 / 5,568 | 110 | |
| 2020 | 10,332,139 | N/A | 520 / 5,568 | 283 |
The expansion of PB in Brazil begins from the experience of Porto Alegre—even though there were similar practices seen in other cities—and increases progressively in the following years with PB being implemented not only by the PT administration and other left-wing parties but by other parties such as Partido da Frente Liberal (Liberal Front Party, PFL, a conservative party), Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, PMDB, a centre party) and the Partido da Social Democracia Brastleira (Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy, PSDB, a centre-right party).
The pre-eminent conservative party, the PFL, and the pre-eminent centre-right party, the PSDB, worked together during the late 1980s and the 1990s.
In the 2014 elections the opposition centre-right party PSDB won the expatriate vote across all continents (TSE 2014).
She will be joined in the run-off by Aecio Neves of the centre-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), who got 34% of the vote.
The late mayor belonged to Brazil's historic centre-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), of which former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso was also a member
The irony is that PT and PSDB are both recognisable centre-left parties whose leaders have far more in common with one another than with the other political parties that they have relied upon to form governing coalitions.
(vii) Ideology (party): Despite that some international political science approaches consider party ideology a 'démodé' variable, Brazilian political scientists still vastly use it. Considering the objectives of our study, we classified the parties according to the literature concepts (ZUCCO JR., 2009), under which codes range from left (1) to right (5). Left: PSOL, PSTU, PCO, PCB. Center-left: PT, PCdoB, PDT. Center: PMDB, PSDB, PSB, PPS, PV. Center-right: PSD, PP, PR, PRB, PROS,PSC, PTB, PHS, SD. Right: DEM, PMN, PRP, PRTB, PSDC, PSL, PTdoB, PTC, PTN.
4 One could expect that the framing of these events on TV Brasil (Repórter Brasil) and Tv Cultura (Jornal da Cultura), both public television networks, would be similar. But an important difference between them should be noted. Whereas federal-level institutions manage TV Brasil (thus, with no relation to the police of the State of Sáo Paulo), Tv Cultura is managed at the Sáo Paulo state level. Therefore, at TV Cultura, the image of the Sáo Paulo's police force is an issue. It is also important to note that the State of Sáo Paulo has historically been governed by the right wing PSDB party, as was the case in 2014, whereas the Partido dos Trabalhadores (the left wing Workers' Party) had been in power at the federal level since 2002. Given that 2014 was a presidential election year, this political shift between the two Tv networks should be considered.
She narrowly defeated Aécio Neves (of the right-wing PSDB) with 51.64 percent to 48.36 percent of the vote.
As Rousseff began her second term amid the anticipation that Lula would be back as the PT candidate in 2018, the right-wing PSDB became desperate. It was staring at irrelevance
A leading figure in the right-wing PSDB party, the vice president provides a liberal endorsement of a new Brazilian president keen to broaden his electoral base.
Table 4 shows that in presidential elections Sapopemba's voters gradually shifted away from the PT during the Party's 13 years in power, while support for the mainstream right-wing PSDB steadily grew between 2002 and 2014.
The expansion of PB in Brazil begins from the experience of Porto Alegre—even though there were similar practices seen in other citics—and increases progressively in the following ycars with PB being implemented not only by the PT administration and other left-wing parties but by other parties such as Partido da Frente Liberal (Liberal Front Party, PFL, a conservative party), Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, PMDB, a centre party) and the Partido da Social Democracia Brastleira (Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy, PSDB, a centre-right party).
The pre-eminent conservative party, the PFL, and the pre-eminent centre-right party, the PSDB, worked together during the late 1980s and the 1990s.
In the 2014 elections the opposition centre-right party PSDB won the expatriate vote across all continents (TSE 2014).
She will be joined in the run-off by Aecio Neves of the centre-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), who got 34% of the vote.
The late mayor belonged to Brazil's historic centre-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), of which former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso was also a member
A maioria dos analistas classificava o PSDB na centro-esquerda quando de sua criação. [...] A estória torna-se outra após 1994, com a chegada do PSDB à presidência. Uma retórica de superação das divisões ideológicas clássicas [...] foi um dos fundamentos justificativos da grande aliança parlamentar com partidos de centro e direita [...]. Tanto que, após a eleição presidencial de 1994, a maioria dos analistas passou a classificar o PSDB como partido de centro junto com o PMDB.
In early 1994, Fernando Henrique Cardoso [...] forged a three-party, centrist coalition around his Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB).
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)| Preceded by | Numbers of Brazilian Official Political Parties 45 – BSDP (PSDB) | Succeeded by |
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