Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (Indonesian:[bahaˌrudinˌjusufhaˈbibi]ⓘ; 25 June 1936 – 11 September 2019) was an Indonesian statesman, engineer, scientist and inventor who served as the thirdpresident of Indonesia from 1998 to 1999. A little over two months after his inauguration as the seventhvice president in March 1998, he succeededSuharto, whoresigned after 32 years in office, thereby being the country's first vice president to assume the presidency intra-term. Originating fromSulawesi withBugis-Gorontalese andJavanese ancestry,[2][3][4] his presidency was seen as a landmark and transition to theReform era.
Upon becoming president, he liberalized Indonesia'spress andpolitical party laws;ended Indonesian occupation of East Timor, which led to that country'sindependence; and held anearly democratic election three years sooner than scheduled, which resulted in the end of his presidency. His 517-day presidency and 71-day vice-presidency were each the shortest in Indonesian history. Before entering government, Habibie contributed to the making of Indonesia's first domesticairplane, theIPTN N-250. As a result, he was granted the title "Father of Technology".[5]
Habibie's paternal family comes from Kabila, just to the east of the town ofGorontalo in northern Sulawesi. He was the fourth of eight children.[14] Habibie's father died when he was 14 years old.[14]
In 1962, Habibie returned to Indonesia for three months onsick leave. During this time, he was reacquainted withHasri Ainun, the daughter of R. Mohamad Besari. Habibie had known Hasri Ainun in childhood, junior high school and in senior high school at SMA Kristen Dago (Dago Christian Senior High School),Bandung. The two married on 12 May 1962, returning to Germany shortly afterwards.[21]Habibie and his wife settled inAachen for a short period before moving to Oberforstbach. In May 1963 they had a son, Ilham Akbar Habibie.[22]
Habibie later found employment with the railway stock firmWaggonfabrik Talbot, where he became an advisor in designing train wagons.[23] Due to his work with Makosh, the head of train construction offered his position to Habibie upon retirement three years later, but Habibie refused the position.[24][23]
In 1965, Habibie delivered his dissertation in aerospace engineering and received the grade of "very good", giving him the titleDoktoringenieur (Dr.-Ing.). The same year, he accepted Hans Ebner's offer to continue his research onThermoelastisitas and work toward hishabilitation, but he declined the offer to join RWTH as a professor. His thesis about light construction for supersonic or hypersonic states also attracted offers of employment from companies such asBoeing andAirbus, which Habibie again declined.[25]
Habibie did accept a position withMesserschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm inHamburg. There, he developed theories onthermodynamics, construction, and aerodynamics known as the Habibie Factor (thermodynamics), Habibie Theorem (construction), and Habibie Method (aerodynamics), respectively. He worked for Messerschmitt on the development of theAirbus A-300B aircraft. In 1974, he was promoted to amiddle management position (Leitender Angestellter) of the company.[26]
In 1974, Suharto recruited Habibie to return to Indonesia as part of his drive to industrialize and develop the country. Habibie initially served as a special assistant toIbnu Sutowo, chief executive officer of the state oil companyPertamina and Chair of Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology (Indonesian:Badan Pengkajian dan Penerapan Teknologi, BPPT). Two years later, Habibie was made CEO of the new state-owned enterpriseIndustri Pesawat TerbangNurtanio (IPTN; Nurtanio Aircraft Industry),[26] which in 1985 changed its name toIndustri Pesawat TerbangNusantara (Nusantara Aircraft Industry; also abbreviated as IPTN) and is known asIndonesian Aerospace (PT. Dirgantara Indonesia) since 2000.
Habibie's official portrait as state minister of research and technology
In 1978, he was appointed as state minister of research and technology (Indonesian:Menteri Negara Riset dan Teknologi, Menristek). He continued to play an important role in IPTN other "strategic" industries in this post.[26] By the 1980s, IPTN had grown considerably, specializing in the manufacture of helicopters and small passenger planes. Under Habibie's leadership, IPTN became a manufacturer of aircraft includingPuma helicopters andCASA planes. It pioneered a small passenger airplane, theN-250 Gatotkaca, in 1995, but the project was a commercial failure.[27] In developing Indonesia's aviation industry, he adopted an approach called "Begin at the End and End at the Beginning".[28] In this method, elements such as basic research became the last things upon which to focus, whilst actual manufacturing of the planes was placed as the first objective.
By 1991, Habibie oversaw ten state-owned industries including ship- and train building, steel, arms, communications, and energy.[26] A 1993 estimate determined that the estimates used nearly $2 billion a year in state funding, although the government's opaque accounting practices meant that the size of the industries was not completely known.[29]
As minister, Habibie created the OFP (Overseas Fellowship Program), STMDP (Science Technology and Manpower Development Program) and STAID (Science and Technology for Industrial Development). These three programs provided scholarships to thousands of high school graduates to earn their bachelor's degrees in the STEM fields and for other technical professionals to continue their study for master's and doctorate programs in the United States, Europe, Japan, and other countries.[30]
InSuharto's regime, as was expected of senior government executives, Habibie became a member of theGolkar organisation. Suharto appointed him as deputy daily coordinator for the chairman of the executive board in 1992, and the following year he became the daily coordinator.[31]
While serving in cabinet, Habibie was also elected as the first Chair of theIndonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) in 1990. This modernist Muslim organization provided him with a political base, linked to but independent of the Suharto administration.[32]
Habibie's official portrait as vice president,BRI 2nd Class featured
In January 1998, after accepting nomination for a seventh term as president, Suharto announced the selection criteria for the nomination of a vice president. Suharto did not mention Habibie by name, but his suggestion that the next vice president should have a mastery of science and technology made it obvious he had Habibie in mind.[33]
In that year, in the midst of theAsian Financial Crisis, this suggestion was received badly, causing therupiah to fall. Despite this, Habibie was elected as vice president in March 1998.[34]
President Habibie taking his presidential oath, 21 May 1998
On 21 May 1998, just two months into Habibie's vice presidency, Suharto announced his resignation. Habibie, as theConstitution says, succeeded him as president. The following day, Habibie announced theDevelopment Reform Cabinet, which removed some of the most controversial ministers in Suharto's last cabinet while maintaining others, with no major figures from the opposition. Within days of his appointment, he asked his relatives to resign from government positions, promised an early election, repealed some legislation, and ordered the release of political prisoners.[35]
Timorese independence forces led by theNational Council of Timorese Resistance had been calling for a referendum in the territory for some time. Its chief diplomat,José Ramos-Horta, proposed a transitional period of autonomy leading up to a referendum.[37] In late 1998,John Howard, the Prime Minister of Australia, sent a letter to Habibie suggesting that Indonesia defuse the East Timorese issue by providing autonomy to be followed by the promise of a referendum in the long run, following the method used by France to settleNew Caledonian demands for independence. Wishing to avoid the impression that Indonesia ruled East Timor as a colony, Habibie surprised some by announcing that areferendum, offering a choice between special autonomy and independence, would be held immediately in East Timor. Leaders of the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) were not consulted on this decision.[38]
On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held and the East Timorese people overwhelmingly chose independence. Subsequently, pro-Indonesian militias killed and displaced large numbers of people during the1999 East Timorese crisis.[39] On 10 September, GeneralWiranto allegedly threatened to stage a military coup if Habibie allowed in peacekeeping forces, causing Habibie to back down.[40] On 12 September, however, Habibie accepted aUN-mandated peacekeeping force to halt violence.[38] A period ofUN administration followed and East Timor became independent in May 2002.
TheMPR Special Session in November 1998 decried the presence of corruption in Indonesia, focusing particularly on Suharto.[41] In response to this, Habibie then appointedAndi Muhammad Ghalib asAttorney General.[34] A tape of a telephone conversation between Habibie and Ghalib was made public. It raised concerns about the veracity of the investigation by suggesting that the interrogation of Suharto was intended only for public appearances.[42]
Under Habibie, the Indonesian government also began investigating and prosecuting Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo Mandala Putra (commonly known asTommy Suharto). Ghalib charged Tommy in December 1998 in conjunction with the Goro scandal, where the government, under pressure from Tommy, allegedly gave him a desirable parcel and below-market loan for the construction of a Goro supermarket. However, Tommy was found innocent in the case after several key witnesses, including Habibie aide Rahardi Ramelan, changed their testimony and declared that the deal did not cause losses to the state.[43]
Habibie's government stabilized the economy in the face of the Asian financial crisis and the chaos of the last few months of Suharto's presidency.[44] Habibie's government began to make conciliatory gestures towardsChinese-Indonesians who, because of their elite status, were targeted in theriots of 1998. In September 1998, Habibie issued a 'Presidential Instruction' forbidding use of the termspribumi andnon-pribumi to differentiate indigenous and non-indigenous Indonesians.[45]
Under Habibie, Indonesia made significant changes to its political system that expanded competition andfreedom of speech. Shortly after taking office, in June 1998, Habibie's government lifted the Suharto-era restriction on political parties and ended censorship by dissolving the Information Ministry. He also quickly committed to holding democratic elections, albeit on an initially vague timetable. In December, he proposed political reform laws that were passed by the legislature and MPR. These laws set elections for December 1999, reduced the number of seats in parliament held by the military, and barred political activity by civil servants.[47]
However, political opponents criticized Habibie for allowing the military to retain some seats in parliament, and taking little action on other military and judicial reforms.[48]
Habibie's government also passed laws which granted significant autonomy to regional governments, namely at theregency and city level. The laws resulted in indirect elections for mayors and regents, and allowed local legislatures to hold said executives accountable, though it was not implemented until after his presidency.[49]
Although he had been viewed as leading a transitional government, Habibie seemed determined to continue as president. He was initially unclear about whether he would seek a full term as president when he announced parliamentary elections in June 1998.[47] Habibie faced opposition from many within the government party, Golkar; in July 1998, he struggled to win control of Golkar by appointingAkbar Tandjung as chair of the party, but was ultimately able to defeat a rival camp includingformer vice presidentTry Sutrisno,defense minister Edi Sudradjat,Siswono Yudo Husodo, and Sarwono Kusumaatmadja.[50] Habibie began to lose support from Akbar Tandjung and a faction in Golkar, composed of both reformers and hardliners, that wanted to oust him. In March 1999, Golkar put forth five presidential nominees: Habibie, Tandjung, Wiranto,Hamengkubuwono X, andGinandjar Kartasasmita.[51] In May 1999, after extensive lobbying, Golkar announced that Habibie would be their presidential candidate, but a large faction in the party remained loyal to Tandjung and opposed to Habibie.[52] His political credibility was tarnished by the exposure of the 1999Bank Bali scandal, in which banking funds were funneled to members of Habibie's re-election team.[53]
At the 1999 MPR General Session in October, Habibie delivered an accountability speech. This was a tradition carried on from Suharto, in which he outlined the achievements of his tenure and showed how he had adhered to the Broad Lines of State Policy drafted by the MPR. Under the Constitution at the time, the MPR was responsible for developing the Broad Lines of State Policy. The president, in turn, was responsible for implementing them as the "mandatory" of the MPR. Afterward, MPR members then began voting to either accept or reject his speech. Habibie attempted to win the support of the military by offering the vice presidency to General Wiranto, but his offer was declined.[54] After Tandjung's Golkar faction broke ranks and voted against him, Habibie's accountability speech was rejected by 355 votes to 322. Realizing that his position was untenable, Habibie withdrew his nomination as president.[55] He was succeeded byAbdurrahman Wahid.
After relinquishing the presidency, Habibie spent more time in Germany than in Indonesia, though he was active duringSusilo Bambang Yudhoyono's presidency as a presidential adviser. During this time, he established the Habibie Centre, an independent think tank.[56]
In September 2006, he released a book calledDetik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi (Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy). The book recalled the events of May 1998, which led to his rise to the presidency. In the book, he controversially accusedLieutenant GeneralPrabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law (at that time) and theKostrad Commander, of planning a coup d'état against him in May 1998.[57]
In response to his death, theGovernment of Indonesia announced a three-day national mourning period starting on 12 September, and announced that the Indonesian flag is to be flown at half-staff during the period.[67]
On 12 September 2019, a video was released showingEast Timor's formerpresident,Xanana Gusmão, visiting Habibie in hospital on 22 July 2019. Gusmão is shown talking briefly to Habibie while crying, then kissing Habibie on the forehead and lowering his face to Habibie's chest, with the other holding his head. A wreath in Gusmão's name was at the funeral, with a sign reading: "Profound Condolences - With heartfelt sympathy for the loss of Big Brother President B.J. Habibie - Timorese people will remember you forever - Rest in Peace - Xanana Gusmão."[70]
Habibie was married toHasri Ainun Besari, amedical doctor, from 12 May 1962 until her death on 22 May 2010. Their wedding was held according toJavanese andGorontalese culture.[71] The couple had two sons, Ilham Akbar Habibie and Thareq Kemal Habibie.
B. J. Habibie's brother,Junus Effendi Habibie, was Indonesian ambassador to the United Kingdom and the Netherlands.[72][73] After his wife's death, Habibie published a book titledHabibie & Ainun which recounts his relationship with Hasri Ainun from their courtship until her death. The book was adapted intoa film of the same name which was released on 20 December 2012.[74]
Habibie's official state portrait with his presidential decorations
As vice president, and later president of Indonesia, he was automatically bestowed the highest class of all civilian and militaryStar Decorations from Indonesia, namely:[79][80]
There is several places, especially in Sulawesi where he came from, that bear his name. In Parepare, a monument calledMonumen Cinta Sejati Habibie Ainun (Habibie Ainun True Love Monument) featuring statue of him and Ainun was dedicated by himself at his 53rd wedding anniversary in 2015.[88] Gelora Mandiri Stadium in the city was renamed into Gelora B.J. Habibie Stadium in 2019, shortly after his death.[89] His former house in Parepare is converted into a presidential museum that opened in 2020.[90] In 2022, the new B.J. Habibie Floating Mosque in Parepare was opened to the public.[91]
^Miller, M. (2004). 'From reform to repression: the post-New Order's shifting security policies in Aceh', Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 38(4), 129–162.
^Ramos-Horta, Jose (1997).Towards a peaceful solution in East Timor (2nd ed.). Sydney, N.S.W.: East Timor Relief Association.ISBN0-9586860-0-9.OCLC39079811.
^Robinson, Geoffrey (2010)."If you leave us here, we will die" : how genocide was stopped in East Timor. Princeton University Press.ISBN978-0-691-13536-6.OCLC316736600.
^Ziegenhain, Patrick (2008).The Indonesian parliament and democratization. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 101.ISBN9789812304858.OCLC648340002.
^Suprapto, Eddy; Setiadi, Budi Arie; Febrian, Ahmad; Yunapritta, Hendrika; Nurdiana, Titis; MacDougall, John (18 October 1999)."Bung Rudy, In Rapormu! Mengintip Pertanggungjawaban BJ Habibie". Kontanonline.com as found on hamline.edu. Archived fromthe original on 15 September 2006. Retrieved28 October 2006.
^Purdey, Jemma (2006).Anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia, 1996-1999. Asian Studies Association of Australia. Singapore University Press. p. 179.ISBN9971-69-332-1.OCLC76888693.
^Movanita, Ambaranie Nadia Kemala; Purnamasari, Deti Mega (11 September 2019). Rastika, Icha (ed.)."BJ Habibie Meninggal Dunia di RSPAD".KOMPAS.com (in Indonesian). Retrieved11 September 2019.
Anwar, Dewi Fortuna (2010). "The Habibie presidency: Catapulting towards reform". In Edward Aspinall and Greg Fealy (eds.).Soeharto's New Order and Its Legacy: Essays in Honour of Harold Crouch. pp. 99–117.online
Davidson, Jamie S. (2018).Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy. Cambridge University Press.
Ford, Michele (2000). "Continuity and change in Indonesian labour relations in the Habibie interregnum".Asian Journal of Social Science. 28(2): 59–88.
Juwono, Vishnu (2020). "One step forward, two steps back: The retrogression of governance reform and anti-corruption measure in Indonesia 1999 - 2001".Jurnal Politik. 6(1): 123–148.[1]
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